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A Guide to the Colorful State 



Compiled by Workers of the Writers' Program 

of the Work Projects Administration 

in the State of New Mexico 





Sponsored by the University of New Mexico 







State-wide Sponsor of the 
New Mexico Writers' Project 

JOHN M. CARMODY, Administrator 


F. C. HARRINGTON, Commissioner 
FLORENCE KERR, Assistant Commissioner 
JAMES J. CONNELLY, State Administrator 




All rights are reserved, including the rights to reproduce 
this book or parts thereof in any form. 


New Mexico today represents a blend of three cultures: Indian, Spanish, 
and Anglo-American. The Indian, in his pueblo, still carries on the religious 
ceremonies of his ancestors, while in the village nearby the descendants of the 
Spanish and Mexican conquerors swirl rhythmically to the strains of folk 
songs long since brought from old Spain and Mexico. To the beat of the 
Indian tom-tom and the gay rhythms of the Spanish dance, there is added 
the roar of the air transport and the sweep of the transcontinental stream- 
lined train. 

This is New Mexico today: a people united under one sovereignty, but 
representing a background of four centuries under Indian, Spanish, Mexican, 
and American cultures. 

Four hundred years have produced the modern New Mexico. The 
growth of its civilization began in the memorable year of 1540 when Vasquez 
de Coronado entered the "northern borderlands" seeking fabled treasure. 
He brought with him the first cattle, sheep, and swine to enter what was to 
be the great cattle country of the United States. Now the gold sought by 
the conquistador ~es is being won from the earth in oil and coal and copper 
or comes from its surface directly through agricultural endeavor or indirectly 
through that romantic employment of the West, the cattle industry. 

Coronado founded no permanent European settlements, but his followers 
now visit a land of enchantment. The ancient cities of Santa Fe, Taos, and 
Acoma (fabled as a sky city before Coronado came), the historic shrines of 
Inscription Rock and Old Mesilla, the scenic wonders of Carlsbad Caverns 
and the White Sands these lie in a fairyland of high mountains, swift 
streams, broad mesas, and brilliant sky. In it there stretch long miles of 
perfect hard-topped highway, there grow great forests of pine, cool and in- 
viting to camper or fisherman. The Navaho tend their flocks by day and 
dance to the weird Mountain Chant by night. 

That you may find and follow these roads, that you may see how life 
was lived in this sun-baked land before the first Pilgrim braved the cold 
winters of New England, that you may compare for yourself the cultures of 
Indian, Spaniard, or Anglo-American or may see them fused into one pleasant 
pattern of living, this Guide to New Mexico is offered. 

Here in New Mexico, time becomes visible. Your own eyes bring you 
the story. 



This volume, sponsored jointly by the University of New Mexico and the 
Coronado Cuarto Centennial Commission, tells, and tempts you to look. 


Managing Director United States Coronado 
Exposition Commission 


New Mexico has enjoyed phenomenal growth, and has changed greatly 
in many of its phases since this volume was last revised in 1953. While 
many of the towns have remained practically as they were, the explosive de- 
velopment of the uranium, oil, and natural gas fields together with vast 
missile and allied 'programs, has brought about a shift in the population to 
these accelerated areas. The numerous reclamation projects already com- 
pleted and in operation, have advanced the State's agricultural position, and 
the huge Navajo Dam, now under construction near Farmington, when 
completed will bring additional economic benefits to New Mexico. 

The State might be called the center of the atomic phenomena with its 
Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory, conducted by the University of California, 
where the first atomic bomb was produced, and "Trinity Site," in the White 
Sands Proving Grounds area, where the first atomic bomb was exploded 
in 1945, 

The economic life of many of New Mexico's Indians has also been im- 
proved, with their participation in these scientific and industrial fields, and 
especially the Navaho, largest tribe in the United States, whose royalties of 
upwards of $75 million in oil leases in the Four Corners area of their reser- 
vation, has enabled them to improve in many ways their physical and cultural 
lot in life. 

Albuquerque, the State's largest city, has expanded rapidly in area as 
well as population growth, the latter having more than doubled in the last 
decade to over 201,000 in 1960, with an additional 40,000 on the city's fringe 
area. The population figures used in this revision are, for the most part, from 
the 1960 official U. S. Census. 

Gratitude for valuable aid is due the University of New Mexico, New 
Mexico State University, the Department of Development and the State 
Tourist Bureau, State Highway Department, government agencies, officers 
in charge of the various national and state parks and monuments, chambers 
of commerce, postmasters, and other individuals, through whose co-operation 
this revision has been made possible. Special thanks is extended to the New 
Mexico Tourist Division for the new photographs illustrating this volume. 



New Mexico is so rich in material of various kinds that it is well- 
nigh impossible to do more than point out, in a book of this size, what its 
treasures are and where they can be found. The problem, aside from 
that of doing justice to the subject which we haven't done is one of 
selection, and those who have attempted to sketch a portrait of this 
State have realized that several volumes would be required for an ade- 
quate likeness. If any reader breathes the silent wish that this or that 
might have been treated more fully or wonders whether there is more 
material than is here presented on the different subjects, he can rest 
assured that the lack is not in material, but in space to present it. And 
if it seems that a disproportionate wordage is given to history and 
Indians throughout, let it be remembered that the most vigorous and 
interesting Indian tribes in America are here and that no state is richer 
in historical incident. The story of the exploration, colonization, and 
slow development of this vast area, fourth largest of the states, is most 

Captains of industry are at best second lieutenants in New Mexico; 
the land's the thing! And what takes place on the land, whether it 
be the plains, the plateaus, the valleys, or the mountain ranges is still 
of paramount importance. We love this land, its sky, and its color, 
and we have tried to be as objective in our point of view as New 
Mexico will allow. There are three sources of material: Indian, Span- 
ish, and so-called "Anglo" American, with as many points of view as 
a mixture of these can supply. The term Anglo-American, as the 
English-speaking part of the population is erroneously called, is generally 
used to distinguish between those whose linguistic heritage is Spanish 
and those whose mother tongue is other than Spanish or Indian. Foi 
all its historic age, New Mexico is still in many respects a frontier, as 
it has been since Coronado's conquest four hundred years ago, and the 
three cultures are still separate entities, each guarding jealously its own 

Grateful acknowledgement is made for the aid of governmental 
agencies, Federal, State, and local; for those too numerous to be men- 
tioned separately who were glad to supply information because this book 



is about New Mexico. Among the many who have earned our grati- 
tude are Dr. J. F. Zimmerman, president of the University of New 
Mexico, Dean Hammond, and Professors Bloom, Castetter, Koster, 
and Reiter of the faculty, who have read and checked different parts of 
the manuscript ; Dr. Edgar L. Hewett, director of the Museum of New 
Mexico, and members of his staff; Mr. Paul A. F. Walter, president 
of The New Mexico Historical Society, and especially Miss Helen 
Dorman, librarian of the Museum, who, with her assistants, has given 
expert and gracious help to workers on this project; Dr. Harry Mera 
and Messrs. Kenneth M. Chapman and W. S. Stallings, Jr., of the 
Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe; Mr. Erik K. Reed, regional 
archeologist, and others of the National Park Service, Santa Fe; Dr. 
Deric Nusbaum, archeologist, of Gila Pueblo; and Mr. Clinton P. 
Anderson, who in the final stages of the book gave generously of his 
time and good counsel and whose vast knowledge of New Mexico has 
been of great value. 

We wish to express appreciation for the contributions by Alice 
Corbin Henderson and Mr. John Gaw Meem for the essays on Litera- 
ture and Architecture. We are indebted to Helen Chandler Ryan, 
State Supervisor of the New Mexico Music Project, for material for 
the essay on Music; to Mr. Vernon Hunter, State Supervisor of the 
New Mexico Art Project, and Miss Maria Chabot for parts of the 
essay on Art; to Mr. Paul Farron for the editing of the old Spanish 
archives; to Miss Laura Gilpin, Mr. Ernest Knee, and others for their 
generous contributions of exceptionally beautiful photographs; to the 
Thunder Bird Shop, Santa Fe, for two original Indian paintings used 
as tail-pieces ; to the Index of American Design and the New York City 
Art Project for the art work; and to the Texas Writers' Project, Mr. 
J. Frank Davis, State Supervisor, for all the maps. 

Most of the credit for the completion of the work belongs to Aileen 
Nusbaum, former director of the project, who wrote some of the essays 
and worked mightily under great handicaps to assemble the material. 

All of this would not have produced the book without the labors 
of the anonymous workers on this project who did the research and 
gathered the material, typed it, and prepared it for publication. For 
the loyalty and cooperation of the small staff that saw it through, an 
appreciative co-worker makes grateful acknowledgement and gives hearty 


State Supervisor 







Part I. Before and After Coronado 














Music 141 



Part II. A City, a Capital, and an Art Center 



TAGS 212 



Part III. The Most Accessible Places 

TOUR 1 (Trinidad, Colo.) Rat6n Santa Fe Socorro Anthony 

(El Paso, Tex.) [US 85 US 80] 227 

Section a. Colorado Line to Santa Fe 227 

Section b. Santa Fe to Socorro 242 

Section c. Socorro to Texas Line 253 

TOUR 1A Caballo Hillsboro Santa Rita Junction US 260 [NM 180] 261 

TOUR 2 (Kenton, Okla.) Valley Folsom Rat6n Cimarrdn 

Taos [NM 325 NM 72 US 64] 265 

Section a. Oklahoma Line to Raton 266 

Section b. Rat6n to Taos 270 

TOUR 2A Pojoaque 6towi Los Alamos Cuba [NM 4-126] - - 276 

TOUR 3 (San Luis, Colo.) Costilla Taos Santa Fe Galisteo 
Moriarty Willard Corona [NM 3 US 64 US 85 

NM 41 US 6c NM 42] 283 

Section a. Colorado Line to Santa Fe 284 

Section b. Santa Fe to Corona 292 

TOUR 3A Junction with US 64 Santa Cruz Chimay<5 Truchas 

[Truchas Road, NM 76] 2 94 

TOUR 4 (Texline, Tex.) Clayton Des Moines Rat6n- [US 87- 64] 3OO 

TOUR 5 (Antonito, Colo.) Palmilla Taos Junction Espanola 

[US 285] 305 

TOUR 6 (Amarillo, Tex.) Glenrio Tucumcari Santa Rosa-- 
Albuquerque Gallup (Holbrook, Ariz.) [US 66] 3O9 

Section a. Texas Line to Albuquerque 3OQ 

Section b. Albuquerque to Arizona Line - 3*6 

TOUR 6A Junction US 66 Acoma Pueblo [NM 23] .... 328 

TOUR 6B Junction US 66 Chaco Canyon National Monument 

[NM 5 6] 333 

TOUR 6C Gallup Shiprock [US 666] 337 

TOUR 7 (Alamosa, Colo.) Chama Espanola Santa Fe Vaughn 

Roswell Carlsbad (Pecos, Tex,) [NM 17 US 8 4 -US 285] 342 

Section a. Colorado Line to Espanola 342 

Section b. Santa Fe to Texas Line 346 

TOUR 7A Espanola Santa Clara Pueblo Puy Cliff Ruins [NM 30 351 
and NM 5] 



TOUR 8 (Amarillo, Tex.) Fort Sumner Bernardo Socorro 
Magdalena Quemado (Springerville, Ariz.) [US 60] 


Section a. Texas Line to Socorro 355 

Section b. Socorro to Arizona Line 35 

TOUR 9 (Cortez, Colo.) Shiprock Aztec Cuba Bernalillo 

[US 666-550 NM 44] 3&2 

TOUR 10 Clovis Roswell Hondo Alamogordo Las Cruces 

Lordsburg (Duncan, Ariz.) [US 70] .... 3^9 

Section a. Clovis to Alamogordo 3^9 

Section b. Alamogordo to Arizona Line .... 373 

TOUR 11 Ranches de Taos Mora Junction US 85 [NM 3] 3?6 

TOUR 12 (Brownfield, Tex.) -Tatum Roswell Hondo Carrizozo 

San Antonio [US 380] 3O 

Section a. Texas Line to Hondo 3O 

Section b. Hondo to San Antonio 3o2 

TOUR 13 (Dalhart, Tex.) Santa Rosa Carrizozo Alamogordo 

Newman [US 54] 386 

TOUR 14 (Seminole, Tex.) Lovington Artesia La Luz Junction 

US 54 [NM 83] 391 

ToUR 15 Junction US 85 Madrid Tijeras Mountainair Junction 

US 54 [NM 10] ........ 395 

TOUR 16 (Seminole, Tex.) Hobbs Carlsbad (Van Horn, Tex.) 

[NM 83- [US 62-180] 400 

TOUR 16 Carlsbad-Carlsbad Caverns National Park [US 62-i8o-NM r]4O5 

TOUR 17 Taos Junction Espanola Santa Fe 412 

TOUR 18 Deming Hurley Silver City Glenwood (Springerville, 

Ariz.) [US 260] 415 

Part IV. Appendices 



INDEX 44 1 


All photographs are by courtesy of the New Mexico Tourist Division. 


Shiprock, in the Navaho Indian 

Eagle Nest Lake in the Moreno 

The Rio Grande flowing past Black 

Gypsum dunes, White Sands Na- 
tional Monument 

Venus's Needle, northwest of Gal- 


Navaho girl with her pet lamb 

Scene in San Ildefonso Indian 

Ancient Pueblo of Taos 

Colorfully dressed Ildefonso In- 

Zuni olla bearers in ceremonial 


Acoma Pueblo on top of a rocky 

Between 30 and 31 

Camel Rock near Santa Fe 

In the Sangre de Cristo Mountains 

Enchanted Mesa, seen from nearby 


Dog Canyon near Alamogordo 
The Giant Dome, Carlsbad Cav- 
erns National Park 
Pecos country of northern New 

Between 60 and 61 

Planting in "waffle beds" to retain 
scarce water 

Navaho silversmith and his wife 

Mescalero Apaches, costumed for 
the Crown Dance 

Jemez Hoop Dancer 

Surveying the Navaho Indian Res- 


Between 90 and 91 

Sheep grazing near Cumbres Pass 
Threshing grain near the village 

of Tres Ritos 
Beef cattle in loading pens at the 

Bell Ranch 
Aerial view of the stockyards at 

Cotton fields in southern New 

Small farms near Albuquerque 

Gasoline plant near Eunice 
Elephant Butte Dam on the Rio 


Open-pit copper mine at Santa Rita 
Potash stored in warehouses near 


Adobe brick drying in the sun 
Building a wall at Cochiti Pueblo 
Aerial view of Los Alamos 



Santo Tomas, in the village of 

Old Acoma Mission at Acoma 

Mission church at the abandoned 
Quarai Pueblo 

Carved pulpit in three-hundred- 
year-old Santo Tomas 

Country chapel near Cimarron 

Between 152 and 153 

Reredos, Cristo Rey Church, Santa 


Chapel reredos, Chimayo 
Cristo Rey Church in Santa Fe 
Church of San Felipe de Neri in 

Church of San Antonio de Isleta at 

Pueblo Isleta 

Santuario de Chimayo at Chimayo 
Ranchos de Taos Church 


Aerial view of modern Albu- 

View of Old Town, original part 
of Albuquerque 

Canyon Road in Santa Fe 

The Sena Plaza in Santa Fe, circa 

State Capitol in Santa Fe, com- 
pleted 1953 

Governor's Residence in Santa Fe 

Carved entrance doors in old Santa 

Between 182 and 183 

Patio and garden in Santa Fe 

Corner fireplace in the Taos Inn 

Old Mesilla 

Taos Valley Art School 

Wilson Hall, New Mexico Mili- 
tary Institute, Roswell 

Gymnasium, New Mexico State 
University, Las Cruces 

Library, University of New Mex- 
ico, Albuquerque 

Pueblo-style home in the Hondo 


Inscription rock, El Morro Na- 
tional Monument 

San Miguel Mission in Santa Fe 

Oldest house in the United States, 
Santa Fe 

Mission ruins (1629-80), Gran 
Quivira. National Monument 

Ancient pueblo of Kuaua near 

Pre-historic Pueblo Bonito, Chaco 
National Monument 

Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe 

Between 244 and 245 

Old Santa Fe: La Fonda Hotel 

and St. Francis Cathedral 
Old Lincoln County Courthouse, 


Tombstone of Billy the Kid 
Old grist mill in Cimarron 
Parlor of Kit Carson's house in 

Repair area for prairie schooners 

in Old Fort Union 
End of the Santa Fe Trail in the 

plaza at Santa Fe 


The yucca, state flower of New 

A red-rock mesa in northwestern 

New Mexico 
Mesa country near Grants, off 

U.S. Highway 66 

Between 274 and 275 

Seminary near Las Vegas, formerly 
a resort hotel 

Horseback riding in Lincoln Na- 
tional Forest 

Water sports at Conchas Dam 

Skiing in the Sangre de Cristo 



Organ Mountains, northeast of 

Las Cruces 

Strings of chili ripening in the sun 
Cemetery at the old mining town 

of Kingston 


Shalako Dancer, by Awa Tairah 

Rug weaving in front of a Navaho 

Wood carver at work at his ancient 

Weaver working on a Chimayo 

Work of a student at the U.S. In- 
dian School 

Traditional Zuni scene painted by 
an Indian student 

Pecos River and the Sangre de 

Cristo Mountains 
Twin bridges over the Rio Grande, 

outside Albuquerque 

Between 400 and 401 

Navaho Fout Gods Sandpainting, 
N.M. State Museum 

Sandpainting by Navaho Indians 

Indian craftsmanship in jewelry- 

Maria Martinez, famous potter of 
San Ildefonso Pueblo 

Amphitheatre of the Santa Fe 
Opera Association 

Studio of late Eugene Manlove 



TOUR KEY MAP front end paper 


SANTA FE 19$ and 197 

SANTA FE ENVIRONS 206 and 207 

TAOS 221 

General Information 

Railroads: Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Ry. (AT&SF), Southern Pa- 
cific Lines (SP), Denver and Rio Grande Western R.R. (D&RGW), 
Chicago-Rock Island & Pacific. Santa Fe and Southern Pacific are 
transcontinental lines with branches covering important points in State. 

Airlines: Transcontinental and Western Airlines (New York to Los 
Angeles), stops at Santa Fe and Albuquerque; Continental Airlines 
(Denver, Colo, to El Paso, Texas), stops at Raton, Las Vegas, Santa Fe, 
Albuquerque, Roswell, Hobbs and Carlsbad. Pioneer Airlines (Dallas, 
Texas to Santa Fe) stops at Clovis, Tucumcari, Santa Fe and Albu- 
querque. Frontier Airlines (Albuquerque, Gallup, Farmington). 

Busses: The main interstate bus lines are: Greyhound Lines, New 
Mexico Transportation Co., Carlsbad Cavern Coaches, Continental Bus 
System, Indian Detours Trans. Co., Gannon Ball Stage Line, Parrish 
Stage Lines, Rio Grantie Motor Way, Rio Grande Stages, Santa Fe 
Trailways, T.-N.M. & O. Coaches, All-American Bus Lines. Local and 
freight lines in addition. 

Highways: Main traveled routes are patrolled by State Police. No 
inspection at ports of entry except for commercial vehicles. Never 
attempt to cross "dry" arroyos when water is running; watch out for 
livestock on unfenced highways. Do not disturb flowers or trees or 
shrubs bordering highways. Put out fires. 

Motor Vehicle Laws: Passenger automobiles must be operated at such 
speed as shall be consistent at all times with safety and the proper use 
of roads. Maximum speed for trucks and busses, 45 m. No licenses 
required of non-residents for three months. Maximum speed in resi- 
dence districts, 25 m. ; in business districts, 20 m. ; in school zones, road 
intersections, on blind curves, and blind grade crossings, on grades where 
driver's view is obstructed, 15 m. Minimum age for drivers, 16. Driv- 
ers are required to stop at scenes of accidents resulting in property dam- 
age or personal injury, and to report same to State Police or local 
authorities. Brakes and lights must be in good order. Rear lamps must 
exhibit a yellow or red light capable of being seen for 500 feet, with a 


white light to illuminate the number plate. A red reflector at least three 
inches in diameter required on the rear of every vehicle not having tail- 
light assembly. Keep to the right, especially on mountain roads. 

Prohibited: Parking on highways, passing on blind curves or on the 
crest of a grade, at grade crossings or intersections. Projecting luggage 
in front, or more than four feet in rear, or beyond fender line on left 
side. Driving without an unobstructed rear-view mirror. 

Accommodations: Hotels numerous in cities and towns; guest ranches 
and lodges in mountain areas and environs of larger towns offer facilities 
for riding, pack trips, swimming, hiking and golf. Motels and camps 
numerous in and near towns, but scarce between, as distances between 
settlements are great. A great many tourist camps are equipped for 
trailer accommodations, especially in larger towns and cities. 

Liquor Laws: No liquor sold on Sundays from 2 a.m. to 7 a.m. Mon- 

Climate and Equipment: Winters are cold in the plateau and moun- 
tain sections. Travelers in summer should be prepared for hot dry 
weather but should have warm clothing for sudden changes of tempera- 
ture due to abrupt changes in elevation. Nights are generally cool ; cold 
in high altitudes. Cars should be equipped with chains, shovel, and tow- 
rope if venturing off main roads. Country subject to sudden torrential 
rains in summer months. Skiing equipment useful in winter months in 
mountains in various sections. 

Recreational Areas: New Mexico is one of the most attractive recre- 
ation areas. Game can be found in abundance and in great variety, due 
to the presence in this State of six of the seven life zones of North 
America. There are thousands of square miles of unspoiled mountain 
forests, and near primitive, remote villages are recreational resources 
readily available to hunters and fishermen ; also there are numerous others 
easily accessible near less remote centers. For the latter, a motor car 
goes right to the spot; for the former, competent guides furnish pack 
equipment, horses, and dogs for hunting bear, bobcat, and mountain lion, 
as well as other game not predatory. Good roads lead directly to or very 
near many hunting and fishing places, many of them with adequate hotel 
accommodations, camp grounds or other facilities. (Consult NM Dept. 
of Game and Fish for seasons and bag limits.) 


National Forests: Regional headquarters, Albuquerque: Apache, west 
central section of State, US 60 and US 260 ; Carson, north central sec- 
tion, US 64 and US 285 ; Cibola, central and west central sections, US 
85 and US 60; Coronado, southwest section, US 70-80; Gila, south- 
western section, US 260 ; Lincoln, central and south central sections, US 
54 and US 70-380; Santa Fe, north central section, US 84-85, US 64, 
and US 285. 

Information about camping facilities available in national forest can 
be obtained from the forester in charge of each forest district. 

National Park: Carlsbad Caverns, southeast section, US 62, 180, 

National Monuments: Aztec Ruins, northeast section, US 550; Bande- 
lier, near Santa Fe, US 64, NM 4; Capulin Mountain, northeast, US 
64, 87 ; Chaco Canyon, northwest, US 66 and NM 44, 56 ; El Morro, 
west central, US 66; Gila Cliff Dwellings, southwestern US 260; Gran 
Quivira, central, US 60 and US 54 ; White Sands, south central, US 70. 

State Parks: Bluewater, west central, US 66; Bottomless Lakes, south- 
east, US 285 and US 380; Conchas Dam, east central, US 66-54; Hyde, 
in two sections, near Santa Fe, US 85 and US 64; in Santa Fe, US 85 
and US 64. 

State Monuments: Abo, central, US 60; Coronado, north central, US 
85; Gran Qiiivira, central, US 60 and US 54; Jemez, north central, 
NM 44, NM 4; Lincoln, south central, US 380; Paako, north central, 
US 66, NM 10 ; Pecos, north central, US 84-85; Quarai, central, US 
66, NM 10. Folsom, northeast, US 64, 87, NM 72, Palace of the 
Governor, Santa Fe, Kit Carson Memorial, Taos, US 64. 

Pack Trips: Pack trips are necessary to get to New Mexico's trails 
through the national forests and mountain regions. These trips should 
not be attempted without experienced guides, as few of the trails are 
marked and it is dangerous to attempt such trips alone. There are 
numerous pack trails, but the best known ones go to the various national 
forests, where 78 areas have been developed especially to take care of 
tourists. In these areas can be found facilities such as tables, benches, 
overnight shelter, running water, and fireplaces. These camping areas 
are distributed over the following national forests : Carson, Cibola, Gila, 
and Lincoln. Further information regarding pack trips and expert 
guides can be obtained from the Chambers of Commerce in the following 
cities: Las Vegas, Santa Fe, Espanola, Carrizozo, Lincoln, Tularosa, 
Corona, Alamogordo, Mountainair, Socorro, Albuquerque, Deming, 


Silver City, Taos, Reserve, Carlsbad, and Gallup. They also furnish 
information about trips not included in national forests. 

Fishing: Lakes in New Mexico's southern portion afford warm-water 
game fishing. Elephant Butte Lake (see Tour Ic), near Truth or Con- 
sequences, is noted principally for large-mouth bass, weighing three to 
nine pounds. There are also perch, crappie, bream, and several species 
of catfish. Every accommodation, including motorboat service, is avail- 

Southeastern New Mexico likewise has excellent bass, crappie, and 
catfish waters. Smaller lakes in the Pecos Valley near Roswell, Artesia, 
and Carlsbad, the Pecos River, and numerous smaller waters near Santa 
Rosa also offer good fishing. Conchas Lake near Tucumcari is out- 
standing for bass, wall-eyed pike and crappie fishing and boats and lodg- 
ing and public camp grounds are available. 

Trout Fishing: Streams in the southwest include the Gila's West and 
Middle forks, White Water, White, Big Dry and Willow Creeks, all in 
the Gila River drainage area, where pack trips are more satisfactory and 
facilities are available. 

The Sacramento and White Mountains have only limited fishing 

The Jemez Mountains, 50 miles west of Santa Fe, contain numerous 
fishing streams, the J&nez east fork; the Guadalupe, Cebolla, and Las 
Vacas Rivers are the largest and the best. Fenton Lake is a good newly 
developed trout lake. Blue Water Lake near Grants is an excellent fish- 
ing lake for trout, bass, and crappie. Boats and cabins available. 

The Pecos River, its tributaries and other streams heading in the 
Sangre de Cristo Range between Santa Fe and Las Vegas and north- 
ward, yield rainbow, native, and Loch Leven trout. Most of these 
streams are accessible by roads, but some of the best streams and high 
mountain lakes can be reached only by trail. 

Fishing is excellent in streams and lakes near Taos Mountain, espe- 
cially in regions where pack trips are necessary. Eagle Nest Lake, 30 
miles northeast of Taos, near highway 64, is unsurpassed for rainbow 
trout, as are the Cimarron and Red Rivers. 

One hundred miles northwest of Santa Fe, the Chama River and its 
tributaries, especially the Brazos, provide fishing and pleasant vacation 

The State's largest fish, rainbow and Loch Leven trout often 
weighing 15 pounds are caught in the Rio Grande, which provides IOO 
miles of fishing from Embudo to the Colorado State Line. 


Fish and Game Laws: Game fish are defined as trout, bass, crappie, 
perch, catfish, bream, sunfish, and bluegill. 

Open Season for Fishing (dates inclusive): General: Trout, May 
25-Oct. 31; bass, crappie, perch, catfish, bream, sunfish, and bluegill, 
year around. Open seasons for special waters differ; make local in- 
quiry. Seasons are subject to change on April i. 

Licenses: Fishing nonresident $3 for 10 days ($5 for season). General 
hunting, $60.25. Big game, $50.25. Bird, $15.25. Licenses must be 
carried on person and exhibited to authorized officer upon request. At 
least 6 months actual bona fide residence is required to qualify for a resi- 
dent license. Children under 14 years may fish without a license, but 
anyone hunting requires a license. 

Limits: Trout, 15 fish or 8 pounds and I fish, whichever limit is 
reached first, minimum size 6 inches. Pike, perch and bass, 15 fish or 
15 pounds and i fish, whichever limit is reached first, minimum size 
9 inches. Crappie, 20 fish, no minimum size. Catfish, 20 fish or 20 
pounds and i fish, minimum size 10 inches. Obtain a current Hunt- 
ing and Fishing Digest from your license vendor or the Dept. of Game 
& Fish, Santa Fe, N. M. 

Prohibited: To use any means of taking fish other than with hook and 
line, attached to rod or held in hand ; to use more than one line with or 
without rod, having more than two hooks, allowed to each person, except 
that more than two hooks may be used on artificial lures. 

Big Game Hunting: Big game hunting may include bear, wild turkey, 
Abert squirrel, elk, antelope, and deer, including mule deer, Arizona and 
Virginia whitetail. Elk and antelope hunted on special permit. Seasons 
and bag limits are dictated by standard game management practices. 

Deer inhabit practically every mountainous section of the State from 
the desert hills in the extreme south to the northern timber-line regions. 
Turkey and bear, not so widely distributed, inhabit most mountain areas. 

The Gila Forest in Grant, Catron, and Sierra Counties is the largest 
big game country. Pack trips are recommended. 

Big game and turkey abound in the Magdalena and San Mateo 
Mountains, and Gila and Apache Forests in the S,W. part of the State, 
in the White, Sacramento, and Guadalupe Mountains, the Capitan 
Mountains, the Jemez Mountains, the Pecos Mountains, the Rio Pueblo 
country between Mora and Taos, and the Canjilon-El Rito-Vallecitos 
country between the Rio Grande and the Chama River. There is plenty 


of game in all the mountain areas along the northern border of the state 
near Folsom, Raton, Cimarron, Red River, Tres Piedras, Chama and 

The large ranches of the State have abundant game, and hunting is 
usually permitted by consent of landowners. However, the ranching 
regions contain some open areas. 

Hunters are urged to kill at least one predatory animal. Mountain 
lions, although not classed as game animals, provide good sport when 
hunted with dogs. 

Open Season for Hunting: Big game season is usually set to include the 
second and third week of November. Antelope season is usually in Octo- 
ber and elk season is in November. Consult the current Hunting and 
Fishing Digest obtained from the N. M. Dept. of Game and Fish, Santa 
Fe, New Mexico. 

Birds: Pheasants and quail season usually in December; grouse in 
September ; dove in September and October ; and waterfowl have a split 
season. Consult the Federal Regulations on migratory bird season, and 
the Hunting and Fishing Digest for the upland birds. Or contact the 
Dept. of Game and Fish, Santa Fe, New Mexico. 

Waterfowl: During seasons when waterfowl are plentiful, hunting is 
especially good along the Rio Grande, in the Pecos Valley, and on 
northern and eastern lakes. Depletion of ducks has occurred in New 
Mexico as elsewhere, but wild geese hunting is still above average. They 
are present in late fall and most of the winter on larger streams and 
adjacent sloughs, and also on small lakes and ponds of northeastern 
New Mexico, where they congregate in great numbers to 'feed in grain 

Licenses: Nonresident, bird, $15.23. Big game, $50.25. Duplicate 
licenses, $i (if original lost). 

Limits: Bear, i per season; deer, i buck per season; elk, i bull elk; 
antelope, one buck per season (elk and antelope permits limited). Birds: 
Quail, varies annually, usually 8 per day and 48 per season ; doves, varies 
annually, usually 10 per day; dusky or blue grouse, 3 per season; band- 
tailed pigeons, no season; turkey, i per season; pheasants, 2 cock birds 
per season. 

No Open Season: On mountain sheep, mountain goat, beaver, ptar- 
migan, sage hens, pintail grouse, cranes, swan, plover, yellow-legs, or 
insectivorous birds. 


Prohibited: To hunt between sunset and sunrise; to use steel or hard 
pointed bullets except on turkey ; to take game by any means other than 
ordinary shoulder gun or bow; to take birds with a gun larger than 12 
gauge or rifle or pistol ; to use any kind of rifle in shooting waterfowl 
or upland birds except turkey; to hunt or carry firearms in any game 
refuge ; to shoot at game from auto, from or across a highway. Rifles 
using ammunition with less than 1,000 Ibs. muzzle energy prohibited in 
taking big game. Check list in law digest. 


General Service for Tourists: N. M. State Tourist Bureau, State Capi- 
tol, Santa Fe; local chambers of commerce; National Forest Service; 
State Game and Fish Dept., Santa Fe. 

Boating: At Elephant Butte Lake, formed by Elephant Butte Dam, 
Conchas Lake, Eagle Nest and Blue Water lakes. Cottages or hotel ac- 
commodations and power- and rowboats can be rented by the day, week, 
or month (see Tour Ic). At El Vado Lake, on the Chama River, 
formed by the El Vado Dam, cottages and boats are also for rent (see 
Tour 7a). 

Ski Areas: Santa Fe Ski Basin, 16 miles northeast of Santa Fe, is 
usually open from Nov. i5-May 10, depending on snow conditions. 
Chair lift, Poma-lift, three rope tows, practice slope and 12 miles of 
cleared trails. Taos Ski Valley, 19 miles northeast of Taos, Nov.-May; 
two Poma-lifts and one T-bar lift. Red River Ski Area, 33 miles north- 
west of Taos, Nov.-May; 6,000 feet long double electric chair lift, 
rising 1,600 feet; seven miles of trails, 600 feet long rope tow on 15 
acre beginners 7 area. Toboggan and sled area. Ice skating and ice 
fishing. La Madera Ski Area, 25 miles northeast of Albuquerque ; late 
Nov.-mid-April ; T-bar tow and rope tow operated on weekends and 
holidays. Sipapu Winter Sports Area, 25 miles southeast of Taos; 
one T-bar tow, one rope tow. Ice-skating, toboggan and sled areas. 
Pajarito Mountain Ski Area, six miles from Los Alamos, in Jemez 
Mountains. Cloudcroft Ski Area, nineteen miles east of Alamogordo. 
One novice-intermediate run, meadow for beginners, slopes for tobog- 
ganing and sledding. Cloudcroft Ski Tow, three miles east of Cloud- 
croft; one rope tow, five ski slopes for beginners, intermediates and ex- 
perts. Sierra Blanca Ski Area, 16 miles northwest of Ruidoso, three 
high speed T-bar lifts; other facilities under way. 

A Calendar of 
Events j Fiestas, and Ceremonials 

There was an old established Indian culture in New Mexico when the 
Spanish explorers arrived in 1540. The Spanish conquistadores and 
colonists had established traditions of their own by the time the Anglo- 
Americans appeared on the scene in 1846. 

Today the state is proud of the mingling of the cultural influences 
of these three civilizations. Nearly all of the celebrations, fiestas and 
ceremonials have their tradition in the past. They are based on prayers 
for rain, for bountiful crops, for thanksgiving when the crops are har- 
vested, in the case of the Indian ceremonials and dances; on historical 
episodes, or religious feast days, in the case of those having their influence 
in Spanish tradition ; on the story of the winning of the West, the moun- 
tain men, the cattle barons and the cowboys, in the case of those pre- 
dominantly Anglo in origin. 

But all celebrations and fiestas somehow manage to commingle all 
three influences and thereby produce something a little different from 
anything found elsewhere on this continent. 

There is given in this section a partial list of celebrations which occur 
on fixed dates. In addition there are many others which do not occur on 
fixed dates, but which are rich in tradition or historical significance. 

Those who like their celebrations to reflect something of the history, 
the religion and the lighter moods of a city, will especially enjoy the 
annual fiesta at Santa Fe; at La Mesilla, where the Gadsden Purchase 
was consummated; at Albuquerque, where the Fiesta of San Felipe dt 
Neri recalls that Zebulon Pike was once held prisoner in the Old Town 

Most towns in New Mexico have a rodeo sometime during the sum- 
mer. The rodeo had its origin on the great cattle ranches of the south- 
west in "cowboy contests" (as they were called), between the working 
cowhands of adjoining or nearby ranches. These were tests of skill be- 
tween individuals, more than spectator events. Today the rodeos per- 


petuate much of the feeling of the Old West with all of its romantic 
glamour of booted cowboys, six-guns and fine horses. 

The Indians of New Mexico were living in great communal houses 
when the Spaniards arrived. The architecture they developed has 
influenced building in the state since the first mission churches were 
erected early in the seventeenth century. 

Their dances are usually prayers for rain, for good hunting or of 
thanks for success in their endeavors. Many of their dances occur 
on fixed dates each year and are open to the public. There are other 
dances, the dates of which are set in relation to the first frost, or the 
sun's rays falling on a certain spot in the Kiva. Then there are im- 
promptu dances which may be held at any time. All are colorful, and 
all based on age-old traditions. 




I Taos Indian Pueblo stages its New Year's Day Ceremonial with 
either the Buffalo or the Deer Dance. 

6 Installation of new governors in Indian pueblos, with special dances 
at Taos and San Ildefonso. The day is celebrated in various north- 
ern rural villages as "Old Christmas" or Three Kings' Day. 

23 San Ildefonso has its fiesta, puts on the Buffalo Dance. 


2 Candlemas Day ceremonial dances in San Felipe, Cochiti, and 
Santo Domingo Indian pueblos. 


19 Ceremonial dances at Laguna Pueblo. 

Good Friday Taos (Talpa) Passion Play in the Penitente Chapel. 


Easter Services on Taos Mesa, and at Gloiieta Baptist Assembly. 

Easter and three days following Spring Corn Dances, at Cochiti, San 
Felipe, Santo Domingo, and various other Indian pueblos. 


I Fiesta and Spring Corn Dance at San Felipe Pueblo. 
3 Corn Dance and ceremonial races at Taos Pueblo, 


15 San Ysidro fiesta at Los Cordovas, near Taos, blessing of the fields. 
26 In Albuquerque's Old Town Plaza, Fiesta of San Felipe de Neri. 


Corpus Christi Sunday, in Santa Fe, outdoor religious processions 
from the Cathedral and Cristo Rey Church ; in Taos from Guada- 
lupe Church, and in Ranchos de Taos, from the Old Mission. 
One week later, in Santa Fe, procession of La Conquistadora from 
the Cathedral to Rosario Chapel, commemorating reconquest of 
New Mexico by De Vargas in 1692. (Return procession the fol- 
lowing Sunday.) 

12 Taos, Fiesta de la Loma, evening processions. 

13 Sandia Indian Pueblo, fiesta. Dances at Taos and San Ildefonso 
pueblos. In Cordova and other northern villages, the Feast of 
San Antonio de Padua is celebrated. 

24 San Juan Pueblo, annual fiesta and ceremonial dances; at Taos 
and Acoma, Corn Dances. 


2, 3, and 4 Annual fiesta and Devil Dance at Mescalero Apache 

4 L as Vegas, Old Town Spanish fiesta. 

25 and 26 Taos Pueblo Corn Dance ; town of Taos, Spanish Colonial 

26 Santa Ana Pueblo, Indian fiesta and dances. 


First Weekend Las Vegas, Rough Riders' and Cowboys' Reunion. 

2 Jemez Indian Pueblo, the Old Pecos Dance. 

4 Corn Dance and fiesta at Santo Domingo Pueblo. 
Mid August Gallup Inter-Tribal Indian Ceremonial, 
10 San Lorenzo (Picuris) Pueblo, annual fiesta. 


12 Santa Clara Pueblo, annual fiesta. 

15 Zia Pueblo, Assumption Day fiesta and dance. 

28 Isleta Pueblo, San Augustin fiesta and dance. 


Santa Fe fiesta, always on Labor Day weekend. 
2 Acoma Indian Pueblo, St. Stephen's fiesta, with dances. 
6, 7, and 8 San Ildefonso Pueblo, Harvest Dance. 

15 Jicarilla Apache Reservation, ceremonial races and dance at Horse 
and Stone Lakes. 

1 6 Las Cruces, Mexican Independence Day. 
19 Laguna Pueblo, annual fiesta and dances. 

28, 29 and 30 San Geronimo fiesta at Taos and Taos Pueblo. 
Late September for nine days, State Fair at Albuquerque. 


3 Ranches de Taos, Spanish village fiesta. 

4 Santa Fe celebrates Feast Day of St. Francis of Assisi, its patron 
saint. There is a religious procession the evening before. 

4 Nambe Indian Pueblo has its fiesta and dances. 


2 All Souls' Day, celebrated in northern Spanish villages with spe- 
cial processions and services. 

12 Tesuque and Jemez pueblos stage their St. James* Day fiesta and 
Harvest Corn Dances. 


10, ii and 12 Las Cruces, Pilgrimage by Tortugas Indians. 

1 1 Feast Day of Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe, celebrated by evening 
ceremonies in Taos and Santa Fe and many other villages. 


12 Jemez "Matachines." 

1 6 through 24 At Mesilla are nightly pageant-processions (posadas) 
depicting search for lodgings by Mary and Joseph in Jerusalem. 

18 through 31 Illuminated "City of Bethlehem" Christmas panorama, 
in Climax Canyon near Raton. 

24 Christmas Eve, celebrated in Spanish villages with little street bon- 
fires for El Santo Nino (Christ Child) and candlelit Nacimientos 
(Nativity scenes). 

24 Ceremonial Dance Day at San Ildefonso Pueblo. 

24 Night processions with cedar torches at Taos Pueblo; Midnight 
Mass is followed by ceremonial dances at San Felipe, Laguna, and 
Isleta pueblos. 

25 Christmas Dances for three days at Jemez, Santo Domingo, 
Tesuque, Santa Clara and other pueblos ; at Taos Pueblo, the Deer 

26 Turtle Dance at San Juan Pueblo. 
31 Deer Dance at Sandfa Pueblo. 


Before and After Coronado 

The State Today 

NEW MEXICO today represents a blend of three cultures In- 
dian, Spanish, and American each of which has had its time 
upon the stage and dominated the scene. The composite of 
culture which now, in the union of statehood, presents a harmonious 
picture upon casual inspection, is deceptive, for the veneer of Americani- 
zation in places runs thin indeed. It is difficult to think of a modern 
America in a village of the Pueblo Indians, while the inhabitants 
dance for rain. To be sure, a transcontinental train may thunder by, 
or an airplane soar overhead ; but the prayers never stop, the dance goes 
on, and the fantastic juxtaposition seems to widen the gap between. 
Who could dream of the American Way in a mountain hamlet where 
the sound of the Penitente flute is heard above the thud of the scourges, 
and Spanish-American villagers perform medieval rites of redemption 
in Holy Week? 

These are extremes of incongruity, but they are true. They dimin- 
ish in the vicinity of the larger towns and cities and vanish altogether 
in some places; but their existence, strong or weak, colors the con- 
temporary scene. New Mexico is a favorite camping-ground of the 
anthropologists because here they can study the living Indians in con- 
nection with their ancient, unbroken past and possible future. They 
can learn much about how people lived in medieval Spain by studying 
the ways of life in the remote Spanish-American villages of modern 
New Mexico; it has been said that if a Spaniard of those times 
should come to earth today, he could understand the Spanish spoken 
in New Mexico more readily than the modern language of his native 

The interaction of the diverse elements of the population is slowly 
working towards homogeneity, dominated more and more by the irre- 
sistible middle current of Anglo-American civilization and the modern 
American tempo. 

The mingling of the three racial elements early gave rise to the need 
of terms to differentiate them. Before the United States occupation the 
non-Indians of the region, as persons of Spanish descent and subjects 
of Mexico, were known as Mexicans, and proudly so. When the great 
influx of non-Spanish people occurred after 1848, the New Mexicans 
referred to them generally as "gringos." In origin, this term was not 


one of opprobrium but simply meant any foreigner (not Spanish or In- 
dian) who spoke the Spanish language without a good accent unin- 
telligibly. A Spanish dictionary published in 1787 shows that gringo 
(perversion of griego, Greek) was used in Spain long before Mexicans 
of the Southwest applied the term. 

At the time of the annexation of the territory by the United States, 
the people of Spanish descent became United States citizens and were 
known thereafter as Spanish-speaking Americans to distinguish them 
from the Indians and the later immigrants from- old Mexico. To 
distinguish the settlers from other parts of the United States, the pre- 
fix "Anglo" was added. Thus today the residents of the State are 
spoken of as Spanish-speaking Americans or Spanish-Americans, Anglo- 
Americans, and Indians. It is well to keep these distinctions in mind 
when thinking of New Mexico. 

It must be remembered also that New Mexico's position as a border 
State, with an international port of entry and a considerable mileage 
on the boundary line between the United States and Mexico, has always 
been a factor in the State's life and character. Ties with Mexico are 
strong one quite recent governor of the State- was a Mexican gentleman 
born in Chihuahua. New Mexico particularly the southern part 
feels the effects of whatever diplomatic policies are current between the 
two nations at a given time, and always the State is faced with the 
familiar border problems of smuggling, illicit immigration, and the like. 
The exchange of spiritual and other influences is always in process 
a condition which adds an interesting international flavor to the scene. 

In the migratory annals of the United States, the direction of move- 
ment has been from east to west; in New Mexico (meaning in this 
instance all the southwestern states originally embraced in the old Span- 
ish province of Nuevo Mejico) that direction did not hold. For three 
centuries preceding the United States occupation, the trend of settlement 
here was all from the south. Contact with the outside world was not 
from the east or from the Atlantic seaboard, but from Mexico City, 
and through Mexico from Spain. This difference in influences must be 
realized in order to appreciate the abrupt turn-about that came when 
the Spanish New Mexican frontier, with its face turned anxiously east, 
became a part of the last American frontier, with its face turned eagerly 
west, but it still has much of its habitual brooding introspection, induced 
by vast expanses of mountains and semiarid plateaus, by its shut-in val- 
leys, and by the primitive mode of life that prevails everywhere outside 
of the towns on ranches, in tiny settlements, in the Indians' villages 
and nomadic solitudes. 

Homogeneous, New Mexico is not. Its cultural, regional variations 
follow perhaps inevitably its topographical divisions. Spanish settle- 
ment, with its roots in Chihuahua, spread like a tree up the central Rio 


Grande Valley, branching east and west. In north central New Mex- 
ico today the Spanish element is still most prevalent, the only integral 
remnant of the northernmost fringe of Spanish empire in America. 

Northeastern New Mexico, first penetrated from the east by trap- 
pers and traders and later developed by way of the Santa Fe Trail, is 
preponderantly Anglo-American. With the coming of the United 
States Army in 1846, the introduction of wagon and stagecoach roads 
over the Gila Trail to southern California, and the later advent of 
railroads and mining developments turned the Anglo-American trek 
down the Rio Grande Valley and into the southwestern part of the 
State and the mines of the Silver City area. East central and south- 
eastern New Mexico, the western extension of the Great Plains and 
the Llano Estacado, was first developed as a cattle country soon after 
the Civil War; it is peopled largely by ranchers from Texas, and is 
still markedly Texan in character. South central New Mexico like- 
wise received a large influx of Anglo-American immigration soon after 
the Civil War, when, as Eugene Manlove Rhodes has said, "the Missis- 
sippi valley moved in." The saints' names of many small Spanish vil- 
lages were changed to the Scotch, Irish, or English cognomens of the 
later settlers. Across the middle of the State, too, the trek followed 
the railroad from Santa Fe and Albuquerque to the western border. In 
the far northwest the fertile San Juan Valley attracted Mormon home- 
steaders who, migrating southward from Utah, established themselves 
in the region bordering the great Rocky Mountain plateau country 
which was then and is today inhabited by the Navaho Indians, and 
which was in ancient times the cradle of the highest development of 
Pueblo Indian culture. 

These general regional variations, following cultural development, 
are complicated by the many variations within any one region. Sud- 
denly and without forewarning, from almost any point in the State, one 
may step from modern America into Old Spain, or into aboriginal In- 
dian territory, within the space of a few miles, just as one passes from 
an almost tropic climate into an arctic one, due to the many abrupt 
Transitions from plain to plateau, up mountains and down again. 

With an average of only about six persons to the square mile. New 
Mexico is a sparsely settled State. The commerce required for the 
needs of such a population is conducted largely by Anglo-Americans or 
people of foreign descent, the native Spanish-Americans remaining the 
farmers and not infrequently the politicians. Due to the bilingual 
character of the population, a section was placed in the constitution of 
the State, when it was drawn up in 1910, to the effect that all laws 
passed by the legislature should be published in both English and Span- 
ish for the following twenty years, and after that such publication 
should be made as the legislature provided. It is interesting to note 


that state court and legislative procedure is still to some extent bilingual, 
and interpreters stand ready in the legislature to translate from English 
into Spanish and vice versa. Some interpreters deliver a better and 
more eloquent speech in translation than the original. The fate of 
many a bill has rested in the hands of the interpreter. 

New Mexico as a whole has been subjected to every boom that has 
swept the western land, but has emerged singularly unaffected by them. 
From the days of Coronado, who sought fantastic wealth, to the boom 
times of the Comstock Lode and Cripple Creek, search for treasure in 
the earth has been a fever in New Mexicans. The finds, though not 
permanent, have been spectacular in many instances ; but the gold boom 
died just as the land boom and the cattle boom died. Today mining 
remains a lesser industry, confined to a few proved areas of coal and 
mineral deposits. Mining operations are scattered throughout the 
State, but the early promise of the industry has never been fulfilled. 
Oil, natural gas, and "dry ice" are the latest developments in the field, 
and they have prospered, especially in the southeastern part of the State, 
where Hobbs has mushroomed from a shanty oil town to the fifth largest 
city in New Mexico. 

The patriarchal feudal system of Old Spain has left its stamp upon 
the land. It was the custom in Spanish times to portion out the land 
in vast grants for colonization to favored individuals, who had the 
right to collect tribute from the Indians living upon them; for more 
than two centuries this was the economic picture of the region. As 
these old grants contained the best farming and grazing lands in the 
territory, their withdrawal from the arable and productive domain 
greatly retarded the normal development of the region. Many of the 
original grants remain intact today, having changed hands after the 
United States annexation opened the country to speculators of the 
land grabbing era. Most of those robust and adventurous men antici- 
pated the coming of the railroads and the boom in the cattle industry, 
and for some years they fared well indeed; but, as the land had done 
so often before, it overwhelmed the land grabbers and left them stagger- 
ing with too much acreage and in some cases an insupportable load of 
taxes. Some of the old grants have been purchased by the Federal gov- 
ernment and returned to the Indians, their original claimants; others 
have been broken up and sold in parcels; still others stand as they did 
in the beginning, idle, waiting for development by people with money 
enough to finance the task. 

Huge areas also have been set apart as national forests and parks 
under Federal control. The timbered mountains, in addition to hold- 
ing lumber reserves for the future, offer unlimited recreational facili- 
ties, camping, hunting, and fishing to the nation-at-large. These great 


primitive areas coupled with many national and state parks and monu- 
ments are among today's major attractions in New Mexico. 

The fate of the vast cattle empire of the late nineteenth century, 
which spread from the southeast along the eastern slope of the Rocky 
Mountains, has been similar to that of the old Spanish grants. The 
empire has receded, leaving the great ranches of the early days broken 
up and sold, or languishing under burdens of delinquent taxes. The 
livestock industry is still of great importance in all parts of the State, 
although dry farming and irrigation projects have broken up the public 
range in many sections. 

New Mexico remains, then, an agricultural State primarily. The 
country people of Spanish descent in the central sections are all small 
farmers, fighting fatalistically the reluctant earth with ancient irriga- 
tion systems and inadequate tools. Rich farming lands there are, but 
they form a minor part of the whole. Wherever a stream ventures out 
of the mountains, there, for as far as it remains above the surface, will 
be found little farms using the precious water. Often they are hidden 
in the folds of the hills, where the people, forming tiny hamlets, live 
now much as their forebears have lived for the past two or three cen- 

To a great extent, these are the people, too, who have guided the 
political destiny of New Mexico, for they still hold the balance of power 
between the two major parties. The political complexion of the State 
is not, however, so predictable as it used to be. Up to 1916, the Span- 
ish-American population could be expected with fair reliability to vote 
Republican, but the old party lines are beginning to break down. Rea- 
sons for this early preference were an ingrained conservatism, a long- 
standing dislike of Democratic Texas and Texans, at whose hands the 
Spanish-speaking people felt they had suffered persecutions and indigni- 
ties in the past, and the desire, if not the need, of a high protective 
tariff for New Mexico's products. 

With the great land grants resting in the hands of the Spanish* 
grandees, it was the hadendado who was the leader and the lawmaker. 
His peons tilled the fields and tended the herds. It was inevitable that 
the politics of the territory should follow the same feudal path. The 
grandee, or patron, needed only to say the word, and such votes as were 
needed by him or his friends were forthcoming. As the patron com- 
manded, so it was done as in the old days the peons had fought for 
him, so now they would vote for him. The result was that the terri- 
tory was governed by ricos, the landowners, for the ricos. This was 
the situation at the beginning of the United States occupation. The 
rule of the eastern Tweed type of politician here, found fertile soil, and 
the territory came under the control of professional Anglo-American 
politicians, who led the ambitious Spanish-Americans into a maze of 


political practices which resulted in the legend that the haciendado voted 
all of his sheep as well as his peons, when the need arose. With state- 
hood for New Mexico, however, these old practices began to disappear 
and, except in the more remote sections, are gone from the scene. 

As to the northern and southern political divisions of the United 
States, New Mexico appears sometimes to belong with the former and 
sometimes with the latter. During the Civil War, New Mexico as a 
territory sided in the main with the North, even stopping a Confed- 
erate army which had been sent to capture the territory and the Cali- 
fornia gold fields. Whatever the partisanship of the people today, 
politics remains one of the favorite preoccupations, for the Latin tem- 
perament delights in the special kind of intrigue and excitement which 
politics affords. It pervades their whole life, causing divisions within 
families and even within religious groups where such schisms seem 
irrelevant to the Anglo-American. 

In those sections of the State which have been shown to be pre- 
dominantly Anglo-American, the social life is that of the middle western 
small town which has been so widely and exhaustively described in the 
literature of the present century. In the central and northern sections 
of the State, this life is deeply colored by Spanish and Indian influ- 
ences. It centers primarily around the home and the church, which 
have combined with the tyrannical land to perpetuate a fatalistic out- 
look as well as the old and proved ways of living. 

For all its tyranny, however, it is a land of surpassing beauty and 
attraction. Its climate is almost universally benevolent, with clear air, 
brilliant sunshine, and in the plateau regions, brisk winters of dry and 
stimulating cold. Space is the keynote of the land vast, limitless 
stretches of plain, desert, and lofty mountains, with buttes and mesas 
and purple distances to rest the eye. To all of this is added the interest 
of human life, lived here for countless ages. 

The future of New Mexico, from a commercial and industrial 
point of view, is promising. The needs of the Nation have not yet 
pressed the resources of the State to development, but the time will 
come. Enough coal lies buried within its borders to supply the nation 
for thousands of years, after other more accessible supplies have been 
exhausted; and the same is true, in a lesser degree, or other minerals. 
The very factors aridity, remoteness, and immense distances that have 
retarded the exploitation of natural resources contribute immeasurably 
to the State's attractiveness as a national vacation-land. 

The Land 

NEW MEXICO is the southeastern State of the Mountain group, 
bounded on the north by Colorado, on the east by Oklahoma and 
Texas, on the south by Texas and Mexico, and on the west by 
Arizona. The northwestern corner of the state, joining Arizona, Utah, 
and Colorado in a common corner, is the only place in the United States 
where four States so meet. In size, New Mexico is the fifth largest of 
the fifty States, its area embracing 121,510 square miles of land 
ranging in elevation from lofty mountain peaks to low arid plains and 

Of the eight major physiographic divisions of the United States three 
are present in New Mexico. The major divisions are composed of 
provinces, and the provinces in turn of sections. Parts of four prov- 
inces and eight sections are in New Mexico. Seven of the eight sec- 
tions lie within 50 miles of Santa Fe. Few other cities can claim such 
a strategic position. 

The Southern Rocky Mountains Province lies in the north-central 
part of the State; the Great Plains Province, with its three sections 
the Raton, Pecos Valley, and High Plains occupies the eastern 
third; the Colorado Plateaus Province, embracing the Navaho and 
Datil Sections, is in the northwest quarter; the Basin and Range Prov- 
ince with its two sections, the Mexican Highland and Sacramento, 
occupies the southwest quarter and central portion. 

The Rocky Mountain System of the Southern Rocky Mountains 
Province is made up of complex mountains of various types. This is 
the highest and most rugged part of the State, and contains Pleistocene 
glaciation and striking scenery, outstanding features of which are the 
Sangre de Cristo, Jemez, and Nacimiento Mountains, and the Rio 
Grande Canyon. 

The Interior Plains of the Great Plains in the Raton Section show 
dissected lava-capped plateaus, mesas, and buttes; deep picturesque can- 
yons, volcanic cones; Park Plateau, Raton Mesa group, Ocate and Las 
Vegas Plateaus, and Canadian Escarpment. 

Pecos Valley Section, of late mature to old plain, is a long trough 
occupied by the Pecos River, and includes the Roswell Artesian Basin. 
The High Plains Section shows the broad intervalley remnants of 
smooth river-formed plains; the Llano Estacado, or Staked Plains, is as 
flat as any land surface in nature. 


The Intermontane Plateaus of the Colorado Plateaus Province, in 
the Navaho Section, show young plateaus, stripped structural-platform 
or rock terraces, retreating escarpments, mesas, cuestas, shallow canyons, 
and dry washes, to San Juan Basin, San Juan Valley, and Chuska 
Mountains. In the Datil Section are found extensive lava flows, and 
volcanoes and volcanic necks, such as the Zuni Mountains, Mount Tay- 
lor, and Cabezon Peak. 

The Mexican Highland of the Basin and Range Province shows 
narrow isolated ranges of largely dissected block mountains separated 
by broad silt-deposited desert plains; rock pediments, alluvial fans, 
bolsons, playas (dry lake beds), salinas, and dunes. Sandia, Manzano, 
San Andres, Caballos, Magdalena, San Mateo, Black, Mogollon, and 
many other ranges are here; also basins such as the Tularosa, Jornada 
del Muerto, and Plains of San Agustin ; and the Rio Grande, a through- 
flowing stream of complex geologic history. 

The Sacramento Section includes mature block mountains of gently 
tilted strata, block plateaus, and bolsons, such as the Sierra Blanca, 
Sacramento, and Guadalupe Mountains, and the Estancia Valley. 

The great topographic relief of the State, 10,466 feet (from 2,840 
to 13,150), is conditioned by great uplifts and displacements of the 
earth's crust. This relief is to a large degree responsible for the great 
range of rainfall in the State as well as for the temperatures above and 
below zero. There is also a definite connection between the contrast- 
ing physiographic relief and the presence in the State of six of the seven 
life zones present in North America; the Lower Sonoran, Upper So- 
noran, Transition, Canadian, Hudsonian, and Arctic-Alpine, each with 
its distinctive assemblage of plants and animals. 

The annual rainfall for the whole State ranges from 12 to 16 
inches and, although 100 degrees of heat are not infrequent in the sum- 
mer, the mean temperature for the year is about 50* degrees. 


Few other States possess a more remarkable array of diverse geologic 
features or a more complete record of geologic history than New Mex- 
ico. There are many breaks in the record ; in some instances no strata 
were deposited ; at other times strata were deposited only to be removed 
by subsequent erosion. But it is noteworthy that every period of the 
geologic time-table is represented in this State. The most ancient 
rocb in New Mexico are possibly 1,000 to 2,000 million years old and 
are so exposed in mountain ranges that to see them it is necessary to 
ascend rather than to descend, as required in the Grand Canyon of the 
Colorado in Arizona, 

Throughout much of the Paleozoic era southern New Mexico was 


submerged beneath the seas from time to time, thus accounting for the 
presence today of marine sediments such as sandstones, limestones, and 
shales of Cambrian, Ordovician, Silurian, Devonian, and Mississippian 
ages in the southern half of the State. In the following epoch, the 
Pennsylvanian, practically the whole State sank beneath marine waters, 
and thick sediments accumulated over extensive areas. In the closing 
period of the era, the Permian, oscillations of level occurred with conse- 
quent marine and terrestrial deposits. In the Permian Basin of south- 
eastern New Mexico vast deposits of rock salt, gypsum, and potash salts 
accumulated. These recently discovered potash deposits, vying in mag- 
nitude with Germany's, constitute a national resource of great value. 

During Triassic and Jurassic times terrestrial conditions prevailed 
in the Southwest, continental deposits by wind, rivers, and lakes being 
made. In the Cretaceous period most of the State was submerged for 
the last time, and marine strata of considerable thickness were deposited. 
In this period's closing stages the land rose again, and vegetation ac- 
cumulated to form important coal beds. The Laramide revolution, 
which ended the Mesozoic era, brought about uplift and displacements 
of the earth's crust. 

Throughout the next era, the Cenozoic, continental deposits accumu- 
lated, as higher portions of the State were subjected to erosion, and 
great igneous activity began. Both intrusion and extrusion of magmas 
(molten matter) occurred intermittently and from place to place. It 
is believed that this activity began in the late Cretaceous and continued 
until recent times. Further deformation of the earth's crust occurred, 
apparently, during the Cenozoic. The deformations of the Laramide 
revolution and of the Cenozoic era and the igneous activity, particularly 
the intrusions, accompanied the emplacement of most of the State's 
ore deposits. During the Pleistocene period mountain valley glaciers 
occupied some higher portions of the State. 

Many of the Paleozoic rocks are at certain horizons abundantly 
fossiliferous. From the Cambrian through the Permian era fossils are 
dominantly marine invertebrates such as corals, crinoids, brachiopods, 
clams, and snails; marine invertebrates occur again in Cretaceous beds. 
Plant fossils appear in Pennsylvanian and Permian strata, and most 
abundantly in the Upper Cretaceous, where great numbers contributed 
to the vast deposits of coal. Vertebrates, such as fishes, amphibians, and 
reptiles, are found in the Pennsylvanian, Permian, and Triassic forma- 
tions ; in the Upper Cretaceous, fishes, turtles, and dinosaurs are not un- 
common. Cenozoic beds have yielded large numbers of mammalian 
remains. In the San Juan Basin are the type localities of the well- 
known Paleocene formations, the Puerco and the Torrejon, with their" 
unique fossil mammals. Many new species and genera, particularly 
of fossil plants and vertebrates, have been described from New Mexico. 


When studied further, the invertebrates will also doubtless yield many 
forms new to science. 

Sedimentary, igneous, and metamorphic rocks are all present in the 
State in great variety. Marine sediments, such as sandstones, lime- 
stones, and shales, and the terrestrial or continental deposits of rivers, 
lakes, glaciers, and the wind, have already been mentioned. Intrusive 
igneous rocks occur as batholiths, stocks, dikes, sills, and laccoliths; 
extrusive igneous rocks in the form of volcanic cones, lava flows, and 
ash deposits cover large portions of the State. Volcanism continued 
until fairly recent times, and some basaltic lavas are possibly less than 
1,000 years old. Metamorphic rocks are abundant in the pre-Cambrian 
basement complex and occur also in the aureoles surrounding the 
younger intrusive bodies. What is generally conceded to be the finest 
display of volcanic necks in the world exists in the Mount Taylor-Rio 
Puerco region. 

An investigation, still in progress, reveals that more than 275 species 
of minerals have been recorded in the State. Many fine specimens can 
still be found, especially on the dumps of hundreds of abandoned mines. 
A number of minerals, for example some of the potash salts, either do not 
occur elsewhere in North America or are very rare. Both metallic and 
non-metallic minerals have yielded richly. A total of 320 species and 80 
additional varieties of minerals are described in Minerals of New Mexico, 
by S. A. Northrop (University of New Mexico Press, 1942, 1944). 

Much of the State's striking scenery is in large part the result of 
deformations of the earth's crust. Folds and faults of many varied 
types abound. A standard classification of mountains recognizes : ( I ) 
residual mountains, or mountains of erosion; (2) volcanic mountains; 
(3) tectonic mountains, a group of mountains formed by displacements 
of the earth's crust, including fault rock (broken and displaced blocks), 
dome, and fold (folded rock strata) ; and (4) complex mountains, or 
those in which combinations of several of the above types occur. Good 
examples of all except the pure fold type are found in New Mexico 
The fault rock type is particularly well developed and marvelously 
displayed. Practically all of the deformation and its accompanying 
igneous activity have occurred within the past 60 million years, since 
the end of the Mesozoic era. 


Underground Waters: Carlsbad Cavern National Park; Bottom- 
less Lakes State Park; several groups of hot springs and their deposits, 
notably the Soda Dam near Jemez Springs; Rosewell Artesian Basin; 
sinkholes of the Pecos Valley. 

Volcanic Features: Capulin Mountain National Monument, Ban- 
delier National Monument, the great Valle Grande Caldera, the vol- 
canic necks of the Mount Taylor-Rio Puerco field, Shiprock and asso- 


elated peaks, Zuni Salt Crater near Quemado, the very fresh lava of 
the Carrizozo and San Jose flows, the ice caves near Grants. 

Erosion and Weathering; Chaco Canyon National Monument, El 
Morro (Inscription Rock) National Monument, Enchanted Mesa, 
Tucumcari Mountain, the volcanic necks already mentioned, Rio 
Grande Canyon near Taos, Cimarron Canyon, the great Red Wall be- 
tween Thoreau and Gallup, glacial phenomena of north central New 
Mexico, work of the wind at White Sands National Monument (one 
of the largest areas of gypsum sand dunes in the world). 

Miscellaneous Features: Estancia Salt Lake, Zuni Salt Crater, the 
great fault escarpments of such ranges as the Sandia, Manzano, Ca- 
ballos, San Andres, Sacramento, and others, Sweet's Ranch Petrified 
Forest, the Turquoise Hills, and the Santa Rita open copper pits. 


In all, more than 6,000 species of flora have been recognized and 
recorded in New Mexico. Many of the trees and shrubs are entirely 
different from those of the rest of the country. The desert cacti, in 
season, turn into vast fields of flowers, most of which are not to be 
found in flower keys of the eastern and northern parts of the country. 
Many extraordinary forms of flora are peculiar to the southwestern 

In the Lower and Upper Sonoran zones, which are sometimes 
grouped together under the term Sonoran Desert, the predominant vege- 
tation in New Mexico is desert grass, creosote bush, mesquite, pinon 
pine, and soapweed; and valuable grasses: the gramas, the galleta, and 
buffalo give range value to the lands of Upper Sonoran elevation. 
Woody plants, like desert willow, screw-bean, valley cottonwood, and 
cacti, are found in variety. Higher elevation areas known as the Upper 
Sonoran zone contain most of the valuable grazing and dry-farming 
lands, where the principal crops are wheat, corn, milo maize, kaffir, and 
broom corn on the eastern plains and pinto (Mexican) beans in the 
Estancia Valley and near-by foothills. 

The rough lands north of the plains are generally characterized by 
scrubby forests of juniper, pinon (nut pine), and oak. The parts of 
the Upper Sonoran zone which are not under irrigation are covered 
with such vegetation as sagebrush, snakeweed, and short grasses, with 
saltgrass and valley cottonwood along the rivers. The higher edges 
of the valleys are less arid and are generally covered with pinon, juniper, 
and a better stand of grass. 

Certain steep broken areas of the Sonoran Desert, like the Gila River 
Basin in the southwest, have scattered growths of oak, juniper, and 
pinon and an abundance of food-yielding plants. In the canyons are 


a profusion of wild grape, currant, hackberry, walnut, and oak. Fruit- 
bearing cacti (Opuntias) and yucca (Yucca baccata) occur on the 

Three varieties of yucca, commonly called soapweed (palmita or 
amole) grow in New Mexico. The roots, when crushed, make excel- 
lent suds used by the Indians and native Spanish-Americans in place 
of soap. The broad-leafed Yucca baccata (Datil-date), found in foot- 
hills, bears large succulent seed-pods which the Indians used as food. 
Yucca macrocarpa, with thick wide stiff leaves, bears a smaller flower 
than the Yucca aloifolia, commonly called Spanish Dagger, or Yucca 
elata, which has narrow flexible leaves and tall branched flower stocks, 
commonly called God's Candles. 1 Because of its widespread habitat, its 
ability to withstand drought, and its beauty, the yucca was chosen for 
the State flower. 

Some sections are open country of scattered grass and desert shrubs, 
such as saltbrush, white and purple sage, and varied species of rabbit 
brush. In the San Juan River Valley in the northwest, all of which 
lies within the Sonoran Desert, the land is extremely fertile and, where 
irrigated, supports good yields of fruits, chiefly apples, pears, and 
peaches. The dominant plants in this section are the Utah juniper, 
buffalo berry, Rocky Mountain birch, and cliff rose. 

Pifion and juniper are abundant in the broken country and over the 
foothills of the mountains. Oak becomes more conspicuous toward the 
upper borders of the zone. The Rio Grande cottonwood is large and 
shady along the valley streams, and other trees of the Upper Sonoran 
are the lance-leaved cottonwood, several willows, and the mountain 
mahogany. Scattered over the grassy plains and mesas are sages, yuccas, 
and cacti, and in some of the more arid regions, the bushy snakeweed, 
sometimes mistaken for sagebrush, and greasewood. Locoweed (Astra- 
galui) , with its purple or white flowers, is beautiful in full bloom, but it 
is the curse of some range lands, for it is poisonous to cattle. 

The Transition zone is the important timber section of the State, 
the zone of the western yellow or ponderosa pine ; the lance-leaved cot- 
tonwood, many varieties of oak, willow, and pine are also found in the 
forests of this zone, together with the New Mexico birch, maple, locust, 
the wild red plum, and the cherry. Some of the brushes are buck- 
thorn, currant, gooseberry, thorn apple, barberry, wild rose, and snow- 
berry. Wild hop, columbine, lupine, milk vetch, and rush are some of 
the herbaceous plants; dropseed, meadow grass, bluegrass, bromegrass, 
foxtail, and wheat grass are common. 

The trees of the Canadian zone (which lies above 8,000 feet and 
is important for the water supply it stores for regions of lower eleva- 
tions) are the bristlecone pine, western white pine, aspen, and Douglas 


Engelmann fir, corkbark fir, and Siberian juniper grow in the Hud- 
sonian zone, which lies around timberline. Currants and sedges of 
several species are found in this zone. 

The flora of the Alpine zone, the smallest of all, is characterized by 
dwarf alpine flowers, mountain foiget-me-nots, saxifrages, sedges, rushes, 
dwarf closed gentian, and alpine larkspur. No trees grow here, as the 
area is confined to the mountain peaks above timberline. 

Plants enter largely into native Indian ceremonial rites, many species 
having definite uses, medicinal virtues, and healing qualities. The jim- 
sonweed (Datura stramonium) is used to induce hallucinations, de- 
lirium, and convulsions, in which state the subject is supposed to be 
benefited by intercourse with the powers of the unseen world. The 
amole (yucca) root figures in many cleansing rites, and the wild herbs 
used by the Indians and Spanish-Americans would make a large cata- 
logue. Mormon tea, chimajd (wild celery) the latter a plant 
whose leaves and root both cooked and raw are edible yerbas buenas 
(mints), oshd (mountain celery) and yerba de mansa (lizard's tail) are 
among those still gathered in New Mexico mountains as valuable foods 
and remedies. 


The first survey of New Mexico animals and birds was made in 
1540 by Castaneda, the chronicler of the Coronado expedition. In mak- 
ing his reports, as required by the Spanish government, Castaneda men- 
tioned chiefly the animals whose skins were found in the pueblos along 
the line of march, and he noted especially the buffalo, or "cows covered 
with frizzled hair which resembles wool." The few birds mentioned 
are of special interest, since they were the first recorded in what is 
now the United States. The Spanish chronicler noted that "a very 
large number of cranes and wild geese and starlings (purple grackles) 
live on what is sown. There are a great many native fowl in these 
provinces, and cocks (wild turkeys) with great hanging chins." Long 
robes and dresses made of the "feathers of the fowls" were seen, and 
"tame eagles which the chiefs estimate to be something fine." 

Many expeditions, private and governmental, have augmented this 
first fragmentary report. William Gambel visited the State in 1841, 
mainly for the study of birds, and four years later James William Abert 
did considerable collecting. Dr. A. Wislizenus conducted a study of 
the flora in 1846, and subsequent students have furnished a wealth of 
information on the flora and fauna of New Mexico. A systematic 
survey of the State's bird life was undertaken in 1903 by Dr. C. Hart 
Merriam and Mr. Vernon Bailey, and continued after 1913 by the 
Biological Survey of the United States Department of Agriculture. 
Field work was carried on in every important valley and mountain 


range in New Mexico, and material gathered for a fairly detailed map 
of the six IL'e zones. 

More than three hundred species of birds have been recognized in 
New Mexico. Fifteen species of fur-bearing animals and thirty species 
of game are listed by the State Game and Fish Department. 

Rodents are the most abundant mammals in the Lower Sonoran zone 
and also occur in numbers in the Upper Sonoran. Larger mammals in 
this zone include the beaver, civet cat, whitetail and mule deer, wild- 
cat, fox, antelope, a few mountain sheep, and the Mexican cougar. 
This wide-ranging predator, commonly known as the mountain lion, 
though rare, is immensely destructive. The timber wolf lobo to Span- 
ish-Americans is also scarce but may sometimes be found ranging 
alone or leading a pack of mountain coyotes. Prairie-dog towns are 
still seen in many places along the highways despite a vigorous program 
of the Department of Agriculture to bring them under control; they 
are considered harmful to both grass and farm crops. Jack rabbits 
(hares) are still numerous, and occasionally a coyote, badger, or skunk 
is visible from the highway. 

Terrapins often crawl around on the grasslands of the southeast far 
from streams or lakes, and the ornate box turtle is also found in this 
zone. Snakes are non-venomous, except the rattlesnake and the rare 
coral snake. 

The Abert squirrel and the porcupine thrive in the Transition zone, 
which is also the habitat of the Rocky Mountain lion, the mule deer, 
black bear, bobcat, and mountain coyote. Otter, mink, and badger 
occur in this zone, as well as many of the smaller animals and rodents 
from the lower elevations. The wild turkey, the ruddy duck, cinnamon 
teal, shoveler, dusky grouse, and many song birds breed here. 

Mountain sheep, the Rocky Mountain woodchuck, the gray rock 
cony, and several birds, including the dusky shrew, nutcracker, and 
grosbeak are found in the narrow Hudsonian zone around timberline. 
There are mountain sheep also in the highest areas of the Alpine zone. 

New Mexico has excellent possibilities for the propagation of game 
birds. Reclamation and other agricultural activities have helped to 
create conditions favorable to certain kinds, and recent extensions of 
game sanctuaries have given promising increases. There are now 183 
State, and one or two Federal, game reserve areas set aside as sanctuaries 
where game animals and birds may reproduce unmolested, all of them 
extremely important in the conservation of wildlife. Areas in the 
lowlands are for prairie chicken, quail, and other game birds and in 
the mountains for big game. No hunting of any kind is allowed within 
a game refuge. 

Predatory animals are still a serious menace to wild game of all 
kinds in the State. Due to State Game Department activities, wolves 


and mountain lions are no longer the serious menace that they were in 
pa&t years. Wildcats and coyotes are still dangerous enemies, their prey 
ranging from barnyard fowl to adult deer and antelope. 

Distribution of birds, as of all wildlife in the State, is influenced 
largely by altitude. The mountain bluebirds nest at various levels be- 
tween 5,800 and 10,300 feet, while the white-tailed ptarmigan occupies 
the tops of the mountain ranges. Thrashers are found throughout the 
year in the extreme southwestern part of New Mexico; the chestnut 
colored longspur breeds far north of New Mexico, but enters the State 
in the fall to remain until April ; the painted bunting nests in the ex- 
treme southern part of the State in the valleys of the Rio Grande and 
Pecos Rivers but deserts the State during the winter. The white- 
rumped sandpiper, the Baird sandpiper, and several other shore birds 
pass across New Mexico when traveling from their summer homes far 
north on the Arctic coast to their winter homes in lower South America. 

About three hundred different species of birds can be found in New 
Mexico at almost any time of the year. Among them is the fiercest of 
all hawks, the duck hawk, which nests in overhanging cliffs. Bright- 
colored orioles, eight or ten varieties of wrens, four kinds of humming- 
birds among them the calliope, the smallest in North America; forty- 
four different kinds of sparrows, the yellow warblers, finches, and mam 
other small birds are found here. White pelicans are plentiful near 
Elephant Butte Dam; and common also is the crested roadrunner (the 
chapparal cock, or paisano, of Mexico), a grotesque bird that tries to 
outrun horses and automobiles on the roads. Magpies and jays, ravens, 
hawks, and eagles (whose feathers are prized by Indians) are found 
in the higher zones. Characteristic of the Lower Sonoran zone is the 
mourning dove, whose sweet, mournful note breaks the stillness of the 
semiarid plains. On the high timbered mesas and in mountain canyons, 
the Rocky Mountain magpie (Pica pica hudsonla) is the bane of 
campers. He does not hesitate to filch bright objects and for that rea- 
son is called the camp robber, a title bestowed elsewhere on the Canada 

It is now widely recognized that birds, by destroying farm and 
orchard insects, are directly instrumental in the conservation of agricul- 
tural output ; consequently they receive increased protection every year. 

The piiion supplies one of the more important of the natural game 
foods, and its nuts impart a fine flavor to the flesh of the game that fat- 
tens on them. Oak mast ranks second to pinon and is a more depend- 
able source. Juniper berries, manzamta mast, desert sumac, and skunk- 
brush furnish food and cover for birds. Elderberry 'and chokeberry 
supply seasonal food to birds and animals, especially wild pigeons and 
songbirds; bears wreck the branches of the chokeberry to get its fruit. 


Cacti produce succulent fruit even during the driest seasons, and yucca 
and sotol provide food for cattle and deer. 

Streams of the higher elevations support only trout. New Mexico 
is aware of the value of its trout streams and the State Fish and Game 
Department is carrying on an efficient restocking system. The native 
blackspotted, or cutthroat, are unexcelled, and they are better adapted 
to New Mexican waters than most of the introduced specimens, such 
as the Loch Leven, rainbow, and eastern brook trout. 

Millions of black bass, crappie, perch, channel catfish, and bream are 
planted annually in the warm waters of New Mexico to replace the 
less desirable native carp, suckers, and garfish. A peculiar type of giz- 
zard shad, with a gizzard very similar to that of a hen, is found in 
Pecos Valley. Another interesting fish is the gambusia, which has been 
introduced in the river valleys to aid in mosquito control. It is the 
only fish in these waters which bears its young alive. 

Cold-blooded vertebrates are most plentiful both in species and num- 
bers in warm climates, and it is natural that the Upper and Lower 
Sonoran zones in New Mexico should be rich in reptilian life. The 
rattlesnake is the most widely distributed venomous reptile in the State. 
The black-tailed or green rattlesnake is occasionally encountered in the 
Guadalupe Mountains; prairie rattlesnakes are found over the high 
plains country north and east, and the large western diamond-back is 
found in the warmer valleys. 

The venomous coral snake is met occasionally. Non-poisonous 
snakes include the western bullsnake, which grows to a large size but 
is harmless; the Mexican blacksnake; the coachwhip; the ring-necked 
snake; the puff adder, and several species of gartersnakes. 

One of the odd reptiles of New Mexico is the glass snake, which is 
really not a snake at all but a legless lizard. Its -peculiarity is its 
ability to shake off a part of its tail when attacked. While the aggres- 
sor watches the wiggling tail, the creature makes for cover. 

The only poisonous lizard in the whole Southwest is the Gila 
monster, which inhabits the Lower Sonoran zone of Arizona. Many 
species of harmless lizards abound in New Mexico. Widely different 
groups are represented, such as the scaly rock lizards, bar-tailed Texas 
lizards, leopard lizards, Bailey's collared lizard, and western earless 
lizards. Three kinds of horned toads are found in the State. These 
interesting little creatures with tiny horns on their backs are sometimes 
captured and kept as pets. 

Five species of toads are found in New Mexico but the leopard frog 
and the bull frog are the only true frogs in the State. Salamanders 
(guajolote), the many-ribbed triton, theuta, striped swift, the Sonoran 
skinfc, the prairie skink, and the southern brown-shouldered uta are 
found. Six species of turtle occur; the Sonoran mud turtle, yellow- 


necked mud turtle ; the western painted turtle ; tortoise terrapin, and the 
soft-shelled turtle; Cumberland terrapin are common on the prairies 
of the eastern sections. Besides the dry-land terrapin of these sections, 
there is the tortoise of the Lower Sonoran zone. The terrapin is 
carnivorous and lives on earthworms and insects; the tortoise is her- 

One is likely to encounter many legends, exaggerations, and miscon- 
ceptions concerning plants and animals in the State. Many insects are 
widely believed to be dangerous. Three of these are the tarantula, the 
centipede, and the vinegarroon. 

The tarantula is a large, ugly, hairy spider, dark or light brown in 
color, which burrows into the ground or utilizes small holes from one 
to two inches in diameter. For all its ferocious appearance, the taran- 
tula is unable to inflict more than temporary pain and injury. The 
centipede is another horrid-appearing insect, more beneficial than harm- 
ful, for it devours other insects and small animals; its bite, while pain- 
ful, is not serious. Wild stories are sometimes heard of the deadly 
vinegarroon, which is a sun spider (solpugida). They are known to the 
Arabs as wind scorpions and to the Spanish as spiders of the sun 
(aranas del sol). They are very swift and agile insects of nocturnal 
habits, living in warm desert rpgions. The vinegarroon is densely cov- 
ered with hairs, has no spinning organs, and is entirely harmless. 

Besides these three much slandered species, many other kinds of 
scorpions, harvesters, spiders, ticks, and mites are found in various sec- 
tions. The majority prey upon other insects and so are beneficial, but 
some are serious plant and animal insect pests. 

A few species of spider are exceedingly venomous, and a bite from 
one of these may result in great pain and even death. The most poison- 
ous species in New Mexico is the Black Widow, a medium-sized black 
spider, the female of which has a red mark in the shape of an hourglass 
upon the abdomen. It lives under boards, logs, stones, and in out- 

There are a number of species of ticks in various parts of the State : 
the most common in the southern and warmer parts of the Lower 
Sonoran zone is the Argasine, or chicken tick. Ear ticks, or the 
spinose ear ticks, give some trouble by getting into the ears of stock 
and pets, but there are no fever ticks in the State. 

The sheep-scab mite, once one of the greatest pests sheepmen have 
had to deal with, by quarantine and dipping has been almost eradicated. 
Many other plant and animal mites offer less serious problems. 

Grasshoppers, katydids, and crickets are widespread though not in 
exceptional numbers. Locusts are a minor menace in some seasons and 
require poisoning campaigns. Aphis, scale insects, leaf hoppers, and other 


Homoptera present the usual problems to orchardists and gardener* 
but are controlled by a variety of sprays. 

Wild bees are plentiful, and there are a great variety of ants, 
beetles, and butterflies. The Rocky Mountain tent caterpillar is a dan- 
gerous pest in the forests, where it attacks and defoliates at least twenty- 
four varieties of trees and shrubs ; one species even attacks the evergreens. 
A project of the Work Projects Administration has spent considerable 
time in Santa Fe searching for insect enemies of these pests (which 
have become alarmingly destructive in the mountainous sections) in 
order to utilize nature's means of combating them. 


Although its land area ranks fifth in extent among the fifty 
States, New Mexico has a water area of only 155 square miles, the 
smallest of any State in the Union. Conservation of water resources is 
therefore a matter of utmost urgency, particularly since the land is largely 
composed of vast arid and semiarid regions which require irrigation for 
abundant productivity. Water is thus more important to the State's 
present and future welfare than all the coal, gold or minerals within its 

Most of the 122 thousand square miles of New Mexico's area consist 
of high plateaus or mesas, with numerous mountain ranges, canyons, 
valleys and normally dry arroyos. Its topography is extremely varied, 
with elevations ranging from 3000 feet along the southeastern border to 
over 13,000 feet at the top of the highest mountains in the Sangre de 
Cristo range. 

New Mexico is considered semiarid with an average annual precipi- 
tation of 15 inches. But this varies greatly as does the topography rang- 
ing from less than 10 inches in the Rio Grande and San Juan valleys to 
over 30 in the high regions along the north-central border. More than 
half of the state receives less than the average, so that dry farming possi- 
bilities, with the exception of eastern New Mexico, are comparatively 
few in number ; hence the great emphasis placed on irrigation. 

Snow falls in every part of the state, increasing in amount with eleva- 
tion and latitude from 2 to 5 inches in the lower Rio Grande Valley to 
nearly 300 inches in the high mountainous region. Over three-fourths of 
the annual streamflow originates on forested and grassland areas above 
8000 feet where snowfall comprises over half of the annual precipitation. 
Snow accumulates during the winter and early spring and by the first of 
April the water content of the snowpack largely determines the amount 
of streamflow during the growing season. 

New Mexico is divided into water basins, each with its special char- 
acteristics and problems. It is drained by the Cimarron, Canadian, 


Pecos, Rio Grande, San Juan and Gila rivers. The first three drain 
all of the region east of the Sangre de Cristo, Jicarilla and Sacramento 
mountains. Between these mountains and the Continental Divide, the 
Rio Grande flows southwesterly to near the southern border, thence 
southeasterly to Texas, serving about two-fifths of the state. The San 
Juan in the northwest and the Gila in the southwest drain the area 
west of the Continental Divide. 

The economy of New Mexico is largely dependent on agriculture 
and irrigation farming contributes a considerable share of the value of 
this industry. Irrigation is now used for production of crops in all of 
the major river basins, the total land area now exceeding half a million 
acres. The available water supply is the main factor limiting develop- 
ment of irrigated agriculture. There is an abundance of fertile land 
suitable for this purpose if only the much needed water could be supplied. 

Irrigation in New Mexico is the oldest in America, but modern irri- 
gation is far more complex than the simple diversion of water from 
streams into the fields, involving the expenditure of millions of dollars 
for dams, canals, and subsidiary works for the control of flood waters, 
erosion, silt and drainage. In New Mexico, especially, the menace of 
silt carried by the rivers and streams is very great. It results in the re- 
duction of the storage capacity of reservoirs, which, unless controlled, can 
nullify, in a relatively short time, the most elaborate and expensive recla- 
mation projects; and it dangerously raises the level and banks of rivers 
above the surrounding countryside. The natural processes of disintegra- 
tion, erosion from wind, rain and torrential cloudbursts, will continue, 
but much can be done to control them. 

During the Spanish and Mexican eras in New Mexico, irrigation was 
confined largely to the valley of the Rio Grande and its tributaries, 
owing to the proximity of hostile Indians, lack of engineering knowl- 
edge, and lack of capital for the purpose of creating extensive dams. 
Irrigation of large areas by modern methods was initiated in the last 
quarter of the nineteenth century. The northernmost project on the 
Rio Grande proper in New Mexico is the Middle Rio Grande Con- 
servancy District, organized in 1925. This project had the multiple 
purposes of flood control, irrigation, and drainage. The principal engi- 
neering works were El Vado Dam; Cochiti, Angostura, Isleta, and San 
Acacia Diversion dams; a system of new main canals and rehabilitated 
laterals; an interior drainage system; and a system of riverside levees 
and drains to contain the meandering Rio Grande. A comprehensive 
plan to rehabilitate the district's works and to improve and stabilize the 
economy of the Middle Rio Grande Valley was approved by the Con- 
gress in 1948. Under this plan, the Corps of Engineers has constructed 
the Jemez Reservoir, near the mouth of the Jemez River, and recon- 
structed the levees from Cochiti to Bernardo. It is now constructing 


the Abiquiu Reservoir near Abiquiu, and has plans for early construction 
of the Cochiti and Galisteo reservoirs near Cochiti. These reservoirs 
are for floor control and have capacities of 120,000; 562,000; 597,000 
and 130,000 acre-feet respectively. The Bureau of Reclamation has 
rehabilitated El Vado Dam, the four diversion dams, and the irrigation 
and drainage systems. It has also installed a channelization program 
along the Rio Grande channel from Cochiti to the Narrows of Elephant 
Butte Reservoir, a distance of about 127 miles. 

Lower on the river, near the town of Truth or Consequences, for- 
merly Hot Springs, is Elephant Butte Dam. Elephant Butte Reservoir 
when filled to capacity is 40 miles long and approximately three miles 
across at its widest point. The shore line is nearly 200 miles in extent, 
the lake covering an area of 4,000 acres to an average depth of 66 feet. 
The original storage capacity in 1915, though now decreased one-sixth 
by silt deposition, was sufficient to cover slightly more than 2.6 million 
acres under one foot of water. Elephant Butte is of international sig- 
nificance, as it was built under a treaty with Mexico, because the waters 
of the Rio Grande also irrigate Mexican lands. 

Waters impounded in this reservoir irrigate 145 miles of valleys 
stretching through southern New Mexico, a section of southwest Texas, 
and south into Mexico. The principal valleys are the Mesilla in New 
Mexico and the El Paso in Texas. The reservoir not only regulates sea- 
sonal discharge of the river to meet irrigation requirements and the con- 
trol of major floods, but also its enormous excess capacity makes possible 
the carrying of stored water from year to year. The dual service 
capacity has been demonstrated on several occasions since its completion. 
The reservoir abounds with warm-water fishes, bass, crappie, and catfish. 
A summer regatta with motor and sailboat racing and water sports is 
held annually. 

Caballo Dam is a secondary structure on the Rio Grande below Ele- 
phant Butte, ii miles south of Truth or Consequences. It was built for 
flood control and for re-impoundment of water released in the develop- 
ment of firm power at Elephant Butte Dam, Its impounding capacity is 
almost 350,000 acre-feet, of which 100,000 is reserved for flood control. 
Additional supplementary diversion dams are provided at Percha, Leas- 
burg, and Mesilla. An elaborate system of flumes, siphons, and several 
hundred miles of main canals supplement the dams; the whole provides 
irrigation and reclamation for an area of approximately 170,000 acres, 
divided into three main valleys by canyons through which the Rio Grande 
flows. The first division below the dam is the Rincon Valley, extending 
about 50 miles; next is the Mesilla Valley, extending south 55 miles; 
and then the El Paso Valley, extending 40 miles farther south. 

Small irrigation enterprises on Upper Rio Grande tributaries such 
as Santa Cruz, Bluewater, and Costilla, have small dams and reser- 


voirs that provide better utilization and control of Rio Grande waters. 
The city of Santa Fe obtains most of its municipal supply from a small 
reservoir on Santa Fe Creek. 

Near Carlsbad in Eddy County in the Pecos Basin is the Carlsbad 
Reclamation Project. Started in 1888 as a private enterprise, the project 
met with repeated discouragement and failure. Eventually in 1904, 
after a series of disastrous breaks and floods which washed out the dams 
on three occasions, the owners of the system, the Pecos Irrigation & 
Investment Company, petitioned the Federal government to take over 
the project. President Theodore Roosevelt, under authority of the 
Reclamation Act of 1902, took over the assets of the company, and the 
Carlsbad system of dams was completed successfully under government 
ownership. More than 25,000 acres of reclaimed land are watered by 
the project. 

Three dams and their reservoirs serve the project; the McMillan 
and Avalon across the Pecos River north of Carlsbad, and the Alamo- 
gordo Dam some 145 miles upstream. Appurtenant project features in- 
clude miles of main canals and intersecting ditches, a remarkable massive 
concrete flume across the Pecos River, and an inverted siphon. The sys- 
tem waters an area which extends ham-shaped about the environs of the 
City of Carlsbad. 

The Two Rivers Reservoir, a flood control reservoir with a capacity 
of 207,500 acre-feet is being constructed by the Corps of Engineers on 
the Rio Hondo some 12 miles west of Roswell. It will provide needed 
protection from floods for property in the city, and is scheduled for com- 
pletion late in 1961. 

Conchas Dam, authorized as an Emergency Relief Project in 1935, 
was completed by the Corps of Engineers in 1940 to provide storage for 
flood and sediment control and for irrigation of the Tucumcari Project, 
a Federal reclamation project. Having a constructed capacity of 600,000 
acre-feet at the spillway crest, the reservoir covers about 21 square miles, 
extending 22 miles up Canadian River Valley and 13 miles up Conchas 
River Valley. It provides excellent fishing for bass, crappie, and other 
species of warm-water fish. The Tucumcari Project, supplied water by 
Conchas Reservoir, comprises some 39,000 acres of irrigated land in the 
vicinity of the town of Tucumcari. It was authorized in 1936 for con- 
struction, also as an Emergency Relief Project, and was essentially com- 
pleted in 1951. The project works provide full irrigation service to 
41,411 acres of land. 

Eagle Nest Dam, about 50 miles southwest of Raton in Coif ax 
County, is in Canadian River Basin. Built in 1918, it stores headwater 
flows of Cimarron Creek for use on downstream irrigation projects and 
serves approximately 20,000 acres. Eagle Nest Dam is 140 feet high 
and impounds about 75,000 acre-feet of water. This private project is 


in a setting of great natural beauty, the lake seeming to be a natural 
rather than artificial body of water. Its waters are stocked with trout 
by the State Game and Fish Department. 

Flow of water in the Canadian River drainage is so erratic that reser- 
voirs must occupy a commanding place in any scheme of water conser- 
vation and use in the region. Several projects have been tentatively 
planned for rehabilitation of existing irrigation and development of 
fishery, wildlife, recreational, and industrial uses. The most important 
of these is a $5,000,000 reservoir authorized by the New Mexico Inter- 
state Stream Commission to be constructed about two miles above 
Logan. Work is scheduled to start in 1961. 

The New Mexico portion of Cimarron River Basin lies in a moun- 
tainous plateau region of the northeastern corner of the State, with alti- 
tudes ranging from 8,000 feet at the source of the river to 4,600 feet 
at the New Mexico-Oklahoma Line. The river flows mostly in a rela- 
tively narrow canyon eroded in the sandstone, but the valley opens out 
in places and offers suitable cultivatable areas. About 6,500 acres are 
now under irrigation, and there is much more good land than is needed 
to utilize all the available water supply. High construction costs at 
available storage sites prevent further irrigation development at this time. 
The San Juan River is the largest stream flowing into or through 
New Mexico and, broadly speaking, is the only stream in the state 
having unused water available for new development. Signed by the 
five Upper Colorado River Basin states, and ratified by the Congress 
in 1950, the Upper Colorado River Basin Compact apportions the Upper 
Basin's share of Colorado River water between New Mexico, Colorado, 
Utah, Wyoming, and Arizona. New Mexico's allotment, after deduct- 
ing her share of the evaporation losses from control reservoirs, is ex- 
pected to average about 600,000 acre-feet of stream depletion annually. 
The San Juan River rises in Colorado and flows through the northwest 
section of New Mexico for a distance of 100 miles. The fertile flood 
plain of the river produces abundant crops of fruit, vegetables, grains, 
and hay. The surrounding bench lands, derived predominantly from 
shale formations, are difficult and costly to irrigate successfully, and fre- 
quently contain high amounts of harmful sodium salts. The better lands 
lie in small blocs, requiring lengthy and expensive canal systems, and 
the extremely fine texture of the shale soils presents a serious and costly 
problem of drainage. A plan for development of New Mexico's water 
has been worked out with the various interested groups by the state water 
authorities, full consideration being given to the needs and desires of both 
the Navaho Indians and the non-Indian residents of the San Juan Basin, 
as well as the needs of the water-deficient Rio Grande Basin. The plan 
proposes to divert a portion of the water to the Rio Grande, by means 
of an interbasin diversion system, there to be used for municipal and 


industrial water supplies and for supplementing the irrigation supply on 
lands that now receive insufficient water. Legislation to authorize con- 
struction of the plan is presently being considered by the Congress. 

A serious condition of water erosion exists within the area, largely 
because of the highly erodible shale formation throughout the basin and 
severe overgrazing. Programs to relieve this condition have not been 
noticeably successful. Rapid development of oil and gas reserves of the 
area and recent discovery of uranium ore have made agriculture of sec- 
ondary importance. 

The Gila River has a drainage area of about 13,500 square miles, 
6,100 in New Mexico. The river rises in the high Mogollon and Black 
Range mountains of southwestern New Mexico and flows in a general 
southwesterly direction across Grant and Hidalgo counties, in New 
Mexico, and finally joins Colorado River at Yuma, Arizona. Above 
Cliff, New Mexico, northwest of Silver City, the main stream and its 
tributaries are small mountain streams of normally clear water, occasion- 
ally flushed by sharp floods. Irrigation possibilities are meager and have 
been largely exhausted. Below Cliff to the San Carlos Reservoir in 
Arizona, a distance of 175 miles, the river passes through a series of 
canyons and valleys, where erosion is extremely active and cheaply con- 
structed canals have served the valley lands. In New Mexico the 
water supply is generally adequate for areas now under ditches. The 
waters of the Gila irrigate a total of 7,700 acres in the State. With 
minor costs there could be added approximately 10,000 acres more on 
the New Mexico section of the basin. Ten dam sites have been in- 
vestigated in the last few years, for storage, irrigation, flood control, 
and power, of which nine have been rejected for various reasons in 
favor of the projected site at the mouth of Redrock Canon. 

The San Francisco River, principal tributary of the Gila, joins the 
latter stream near Clifton, Arizona. It has a total run-off almost as 
large as that of the main stream, but more poorly distributed and sup- 
porting only minor irrigation developments. 

Notable areas of fertile land exist in various parts of the State where 
irrigation by pumping underground water is feasible. Among all the 
western states New Mexico has taken the lead in establishing measures 
to conserve and protect its ground-water resources. All of the important 
ground-water producing areas have been declared underground water 
basins in which the development is controlled by the State Engineer. 
They are the Mimbres Valley, in Luna County; Roswell Artesian, in 
Chaves and Eddy counties ; Lea County ; Hot Springs, in Sierra County ; 
Virden Valley, Animas Valley, and Playas Valley, in Hidalgo County ; 
Carlsbad in Eddy County; Estancia, in Torrance County; Portales, in 
Roosevelt County; Hondo, in Lincoln County; Penasco, in Otero and 
Chaves counties; Bluewater in Valencia County; Gila, in Grant 


County ; and Rio Grande, extending along the river from the Colorado 
state line to Elephant Butte Dam, in Taos, Rio Arriba, Los Alamos, 
Santa Fe, Sandoval, Bernalillo, Socorro, and Sierra counties. 

Forests: The evergreen-carpeted mountain ranges, splashing brooks, 
wildlife, and scenic grandeur of which New Mexico is rightly proud 
are found to a great extent in the seven national forests which lie either 
entirely or partly within this State. They are the Carson, Cibola, Gila, 
Lincoln, and Santa Fe National Forests, entirely inside the State; and 
the Apache and Coronado, which are in both New Mexico and Arizona. 
The national forests in New Mexico cover a total net area of 8,565,501 
acres (1960). 

These forests hold some of the most important natural resources of 
the State, and have played a vital part in its development. Protection 
of watersheds makes possible a gradual run -of! of rain and melting 
snows, thereby insuring a steady, regulated flow of water for domestic 
and industrial use, irrigation and power, and preventing floods, erosion, 
and the resultant silting up of costly reservoirs. 

A perpetual supply of timber and forage is assured by allowing use 
of timber-lands and ranges on a sustained-yield basis, worked out scien- 
tifically and proved by years of forestry experience. Fish and game 
abound, picnic nooks and camp-grounds are numerous, and forests are 
kept green by constant vigilance against that blackening scourge, the 
forest fire. All these things are made possible because the national 
forests are not restricted to any one use. Their administration provides 
for use by the public of timber, water, forage, wildlife, and other 
natural resources, on the principle of "the greatest good for the greatest 
number in the long run." 

Stewardship of these, the public's forests, is entrusted to the Forest 
Service of the United States Department of Agriculture. In charge of 
local districts on each national forest are the rangers, always ready to 
supply visitors with information or help. Each national forest is in 
charge of a forest supervisor, with headquarters at a town on or close to 
his forest. Forests of New Mexico and Arizona, comprising the South- 
western Region of the Forest Service, are under general supervision of 
the Regional Forester at Albuquerque. 

These forests are made up of the woodland zone and saw-timber 
zone. The woodland zone may be subdivided into the evergreen-oak 
type, which in the southern part of the State occurs at elevations of 
4,500 to 6,000 feet, and the pi non-juniper type, occurring at elevations 
of 5,000 to 7,000 feet. 

The woodland zone of the national forests in the State covers 
3,000,000 acres at relatively low elevation, and is readily accessible and 
available for use for fuel, building materials and fence posts. It pro- 
vides shelter and food for game and wild fowl. Tree species of this 


zone are found in areas receiving fourteen or more inches of annual 

The saw-timber zone, embracing approximately 4,200,000 acres, may 
be subdivided into three broad types: ponderosa pine, Douglas fir, and 
spruce, each named for the species providing the major volume of timber. 
Aspen, valued mostly for the watershed protection and aesthetic reasons, 
occurs high in this belt. All require an excess of nineteen inches of 
annual precipitation. 

Ponderosa pine occurs generally at elevations between 7,000 and 
8,000 feet. It is estimated that 85 per cent of the saw-timber now 
being manufactured into forest products comes from this species, Doug- 
las fir is found above the ponderosa pine area, usually at 8,500 to 9,500 
feet. Spruce occurs above Douglas fir at 9,500 to 11,500 feet. 

These types supply raw material for a considerable number of new 
mills, of which there were no active in the State during 1960. The 
total cut of these mills from timberland depends directly upon general 
economic conditions. The annual average for the past few years has 
been 125,000,000 board feet. The total volume of saw-timber is, in 
rounded numbers, 9,000,000,000 board feet. 

Success of Forest Service timber management policies is attested by 
the fact that some owners of private timberland adjoining national 
forests have arranged for management of their lands by the Forest 
Service, under co-operative agreement. 

Water conservation is fundamentally linked with forest conservation 
in New Mexico. These enormous forest areas form a most effective 
means of controlling and equalizing the flow of streams and maintain- 
ing favorable water-flow conditions in the Rio Grande, Upper Gila, 
Pecos, San Juan and Canadian River drainages. Adequate watershed 
protection is, therefore, carefully worked out by the Forest Service. 

Thousands of head of livestock depend upon these forests. In 1960 
they carried 81,700 cattle and horses and 68,100 sheep and goats. Under 
scientific range management, destructive overgrazing is prevented. Sus- 
tained yield of forage year after year is assured by allowing on a range 
area only the number of livestock which grazing experts know it can 
support. Local stockmen receive first consideration in grazing permits. 
Range improvements installed by the Forest Service, including 8,381 
miles of control fences, 145 corrals, and 1,243 water sources, have a cost 
value of nearly 3^/2 million dollars. 

Primitive areas, keeping virgin wilderness intactvso this and future 
generations can see it in the natural state in which the pioneers found it, 
have been set aside. They are accessible only by pack trip. Foremost in 
New Mexico is the Gila wilderness area embracing 563,000 acres of the 
Gila National Forest and the Pecos Wilderness area. 

Deer and other big game, and wildfowl such as turkey and quail, 


are increasing in numbers due to maintenance of wild life refuges and 
to scientific wild life management of the national forests, in co-operation 
with the New Mexico Department of Game and Fish. Research on 
fish life and conditions in forest streams contributes materially to the 
success of stocking them. 

Conservation of the forests has taken the form of improving woods 
practices among lumbermen; maintaining timber areas on a basis of 
sustained yield; protecting forests against fire hazards; controlling de- 
structive rodents, insects and tree blights; improving timber stands; re- 
foresting burned areas or newly acquired lands ; checking soil erosion on 
the national forests; improving ranges by revegetation (65,743 acres 
have been reseeded to crested wheat grass), by construction of stock 
fences, reservoirs and watering places, and by eradication of harmful 
plants ; improvement of public picnic and camping areas and construction 
of many miles of forest highways, roads, and trails. These arteries, pri- 
marily for administrative use and fire control, also give the public access 
to areas attractive for recreation. 

In such areas, public picnic and camping grounds have been de- 
veloped, with hundreds of facilities such as tables and benches, overnight 
shelters, running water, fireplaces, comfort stations, and refuse pits. 
Care is taken to make these areas blend into the forests as much as 
possible, and to do this natural materials are used in constructing the 

There are many principal areas like this, distributed over the follow- 
ing National Forests: Carson, 39; Cibola, 39; Gila, 15; Lincoln, 12; 
and Santa Fe, 40. Hundreds of other locations, undeveloped, are a lure 
to those who choose to leave the beaten path. 

These forests belong to the people by rightful heritage, and are 
theirs to use free. They are waiting, ready with green depths, murmur- 
ing streams, bracing air, and thrilling vistas. Whether they will always 
be waiting and ready, with the same natural beauty, depends on whether 
the public leaves them as they found them, and is careful with matches 
and campfires. 

Soil Conservation: Although its land area ranks fifth among the 
fifty States, New Mexico has a water area of only about 131 square 
miles. Conservation of the State's water resources is therefore a matter 
of the utmost urgency, particularly since the land is largely composed of 
vast arid and semi-arid areas which require irrigation for profitable 
production. Thus, water is the most important resource in the State's 
present and future welfare. 

With the development of the agricultural areas through irrigation 
projects, farming has supplemented the already important industry of 
stock raising until their combined product exceeds in value the output 
of the State's other industries. 


The growth of dry farming (agriculture wholly dependent upon 
rainfall) has occurred chiefly in the northern and eastern portions of 
New Mexico, where the average rainfall is 15.5 inches. Irrigation is 
practiced in the Rio Grande, Pecos, Mimbres, Gila, and San Juan val- 
leys, and wherever water can be obtained from small streams. Artesian 
and pumping wells are used as additional sources. 

The land area of New Mexico is approximately 77,760,000 acres. 
About 3J4 per cent is farmed and a little more than 90 per cent is used 
for livestock grazing, and the remainder, for the most part, is made up 
of inaccessible areas and urban centers. The number of farms has de- 
creased as mechanization has increased. The average size of farms in 
1950 was about 2,000 acres, as compared to 1,300 acres in 1940. Crop 
farms are considerably smaller, being only 8 to 12 acres in some counties, 
and 60 to 80 acres in irrigated valleys. Dryland farms are consider- 
ably larger. About 58 per cent of the land is Federal or State-owned. 

Erosion by wind and water long has been a problem in New Mexico, 
but not until the severe dust storms of the early 1930*5 was the urgent 
need for soil and water conservation realized. Congress recognized the 
erosion problem at that time and appropriated funds to set up soil 
erosion experiment stations. The Soil Erosion Service was set up in 
1933 to demonstrate soil conservation practices on private and State 
lands, and became the Soil Conservation Service in 1935. 

The Soil Conservation District movement started early in 1937, and 
the New Mexico Soil Conservation District law was enacted on March 
17 of that year. The Mesa Soil Conservation District in the north- 
eastern part was the first New Mexico District to be organized in 
February 1938. Most of New Mexico's agricultural land is now in- 
cluded in Soil Conservation Districts. 

As the technical agency of the U. S. Department of Agriculture, the 
Soil Conservation Service gives assistance to farmers and ranchers who 
are co-operating with Soil Conservation Districts. The combined knowl- 
edge of a staff of conservationists including soil scientists, engineers, 
agronomists, range specialists, biologists, and others, is available to Dis- 
trict co-operators. 

Primarily the Soil Conservation Service is concerned with soil and 
water conservation on privately-owned and privately-leased State lands 
within Soil Conservation Districts. The use to which these are being 
put is significant. In New Mexico there are approximately 873,000 
acres of irrigated land, 1,800,000 acres of rangeland, and 20,000,000 
acres in forests and woodland. Each kind of land has its conservation 
problems. In parts of the State there is a shortage of irrigation water, 
and in some instances the groundwater table is lowering. There has 
been some loss of soil fertility and break down of soil structure. In 
certain localities, there has been water-logging and accumulation of 


harmful salts on irrigated lands. Wind erosion is a problem on some 
irrigated sandy soil areas. Improvement and protection of the irrigated 
land is being accomplished through application of proper conservation 
practices such as crop rotations, crop residue utilization, irrigation 
water management, land leveling, improving water distribution systems 
through concrete pipelines, lined ditches, and improved systems of field 

One of the major conservation problems on dry cropland is to control 
wind erosion on approximately 1,800,000 acres. Important practices 
used to protect dry farm lands are: stubble mulching and crop residue 
management; seeding permanent cover on land not suited for regular 
permanent cultivation ; strip cropping ; emergency tillage, including list- 
ing and chiseling when other wind control measures have failed to pre- 
vent damage; terracing; contour farming and other practices designed 
to store as much moisture as possible in the soil. 

Grazing on native range is the principal land use in New Mexico. 
These lands provide most of the feed for over one million cattle and an 
equal number of sheep. In addition, deer and other wildlife find sub- 
sistance on the grazing land. 

The major conservation requirement is grass management. Proper 
use of forage plants is the essential practice in grass management. For 
proper use to be effective, adequate distribution of grazing and correct 
seasonal use are necessary. Important facilitating practices to grass 
management are stock water development, fencing, deferred grazing, 
seeding, brush control, pitting and furrowing, and erosion control struc- 

New Mexico's privately owned timber land produces lumber, posts, 
and poles. To get maximum production, woodlands must be managed 
in a conservative way. Farmstead windbreaks or shelter belts provide 
protection to buildings, livestock, and poultry. They also provide com- 
fort and, in many cases, fruit for the family farm. 

Many conservation practices are proving highly beneficial to wild- 
life in New Mexico. Some land is suited only for wildlife production. 
Other land may be used for wildlife and cash crops, hay pasture, or 
woods. Still another land may be used for water storage for irrigation 
or livestock and be stocked with fish. There are numerous other benefi- 
cial projects being carried out in New Mexico. The Soil Conservation 
Service co-operates and works with numerous other Federal and State 
agencies in the soil and water conservation program within the State. 
Minerals: Rich in present and potential mineral wealth, New 
Mexico ranked seventh in 1960 among the States with a mineral produc- 
tion valued in excess of $656 million. The total all-time value of pro- 
duction is approximately eight billion. Petroleum, potash, natural gas, 
uranium, and copper accounted for 89 per cent of the total value of all 

The Land 

Shiprock in the Navaho Indian Reservation 

Eagle Nest Lake in the Moreno Valley 

The Rio Grande flowing past Black Mesa 

Gypsum dunes, White Sands National Monument 
Venus's Needle, northwest of Gallup 

&> ^ ^r * .- i r~- 

'x ; "^izt ' v v .*'> i 
^ ?***:-- ,*." 

Camel Rock near Santa Fe 

In the Sangre de Cristo Mountains 

Enchanted Mesa, seen from nearby Acoma 

Dog Canyon near Alamogordo 


The Giant Dome, Carlsbad Caverns National Park 

Pecos country of northern New Mexico 


minerals produced during 1960. The principal metals recovered in the 
State were uranium, copper, zinc, lead, molybdenum, vanadium, man- 
ganese, iron, beryllium, gold, and silver. 

During the past decade uranium discoveries in McKinley and Valen- 
cia counties have resulted in production that exceeds in value all other 
metals. The U. S. Bureau of Mines' 1960 preliminary annual report 
listed production at 3,757,200 short tons of ore valued at $63,684,000. 

Grant and Hidalgo counties contain the great bulk of the State's 
known copper ores. The chief production came from the Chino open-pit 
mine of Kennecott Copper Corporation at Santa Rita, Grant County. 
Other substantial producers were Continental (Bayard group) in Grant 
County, and Bonney in Hidalgo County; 1960 production for New 
Mexico was listed as 67,400 short tons (recoverable content of ores) 
valued at $43,136,000. 

Zinc and lead tend to occur in the same ores and they are produced as 
co-products. The principal zinc producers were Hanover Mine, Grant 
County; Lynchburg Mine, Socorro County; Atwood-Henry clay mine, 
Hidalgo County; and Continental Mine (Bayard Group), Grant County. 
Zinc production for 1960 was 13,800 short tons (recoverable content of 
ores), valued at $3,560,000. The all-time total production of zinc in 
New Mexico, amounting to about 2,400 million pounds with a value of 
$227 million, places zinc as the sixth most important mineral commodity 
the State has produced to date. In total value of production, zinc is ex- 
ceeded only by petroleum products, potash, copper, uranium, and coal. 
Lead production for 1960 was 2,200 short tons (recoverable content of 
ores), valued at $510,000. 

Molybdenum was recovered as a by-product from copper ores. And a 
large, low-grade molybdenum deposit is being explored near Questa, Taos 
County. Vanadium is recovered as a by-product from uranium ores. 
Manganese has been produced from several mines. 

In the past large amounts of iron ore have been produced. In 1960 
production was negligible 1,000 long tons valued at $23,000. 

Beryllium concentrates have been produced mainly from the Harding 
Mine, Taos County. Production for 1960 was unlisted. The value of 
New Mexico's production for the past decade was approximately $300,- 

Gold and silver are associated with some of the ores of copper, zinc, 
and lead, and are recovered as by-products. The value of gold production 
for the ten years of 195 1-60 was approximately $i , 168,000 ; and, for silver 
was approximately $2,552,000. 

Production of the nonmetallic minerals has increased substantially in 
the past decade. The principal uses are for chemical and structural 

Potash was the leading nonmetallic mineral. Production came prin- 


cipally from six major producers located in Eddy and Lea counties. 
Production of potassium salts (K 2 O equivalent) for 1960 was listed as 
2,422,000 short tons, valued at $83,330,000, By-products of this in- 
dustry are the production of magnesium compounds and salt. 

Sand and gravel were the leading structural materials, amounting to 
12,460,000 short tons in 1960, valued at $13,332,000. Highway con- 
struction takes the bulk of the production. Bernalillo County leads in 

Perlite production has expanded rapidly during the past decade, and 
the 1960 production of 235,105 short tons was valued at $2,111,000. 
The principal production came from the Seven Hills area in Taos County, 
Socorro in Socorro County, and Grants in Valencia County. 

A total of 282,000 short tons of pumice produced in 1960 was valued 
at $718,000. Volcanic cinders (scoria) constituted most of this material, 
and came from Rio Arriba, Sandoval, and Santa Fe counties. 

Stone production was 475,000 short tons in 1960, valued at $550,000. 
The major item was limestone. Minor amounts of granite, basalt, marble 
and other stones were quarried. Valencia County was the leading pro- 

Lime produced in 1960 (36,000 short tons), was valued at $461,000. 
Clays, gem stones, barite, and micas were produced in 1960 in minor 
amounts totaling approximately $120,000 in value. 

Construction of the Tijeras cement plant of the Ideal Cement Com- 
pany was completed at 2.5 million barrel capacity in 1960. First pro- 
duction was in 1959. This is the first cement plant in the State. 

Two gypsum building products plants started production in 1960. 
These were the Rosario plant of Kaiser Gypsum Company, Inc., and the 
Albuquerque plant of American Gypsum Company. These are the first 
plants to be built in the State to use its large reserves of gypsum, 

Fluorspar is widespread in occurrence, but is produced in minor 

Most other nonmetallic minerals occur in the State, but have not been 
produced in quantity. 

The hydrocarbons or mineral fuels constitute the largest part of the 
mineral wealth. They are petroleum, natural gas, natural gas liquids, 
helium, carbon dioxide, and coal. 

Mineral Quantity Value 

Petroleum 107,886,000 (42 gal.) bbls $312,869,000 

Natural Gas 770,000 million cu. ft. 79,310,000 

LP Gases 558,400,000 gals. 24,000,000 

Natural Gasoline 316,000,000 gals. 20,220,000 

Helium 45,004,000 cut. ft. 707,000 

Carbon Dioxide * * 

Coal 334,000 short tons * 

*Data not available 


In 1960, crude petroleum production exceeded 100 million barrels for 
the second consecutive year. The production by counties, in the approxi- 
mate order of importance, was Lea, San Juan, Eddy, Chaves, Rio Arriba, 
Roosevelt, McKinley, and Sandoval. The great bulk of the production 
has been from Lea County in the eastern part of the State. In recent 
years exploration in western New Mexico has developed substantial re- 
serves, and production is increasing. 

The value of natural gas (at wells) has increased approximately ten- 
fold since 1950. The quantity of natural gas from dry gas wells and resi- 
dual gas from natural gas marketed through pipelines has increased in 
conformity with the general increase in the consumption of natural gas 
both inside and outside of the State. 

Natural gas liquids (natural gasoline, cycle products and LP gases) 
production continues to expand. Sulfur and carbon black have recently 
become by-products of the processing industry. In general the growth 
rate for the oil and gas industry in New Mexico should continue high in 
the next decade. 

The production of helium has assumed new importance in recent years. 
Helium-rich natural gases are processed at the Shiprock helium recovery 
plant of the U. S. Bureau of Mines. 

Petroleum exploration led to the discovery of carbon dioxide in Hard- 
ing, Torrance, Union, Colfax, and Mora counties. The gas is processed 
and marketed as dry ice and liquid carbon dioxide. 

Colfax and McKinley counties have produced the bulk of the coal in 
the past decade. However, ten of the thirty-two counties have major 
coal resources. In 1953, the U. S. Geological Survey estimated the re- 
coverable reserves of coal at 30.75 billion tons. 

Game and Fish: Hunting and fishing, along with directly related 
outdoor sports, constitute the third largest industry in New Mexico. 
More than 34 million acres are available for unrestricted public hunting 
and fishing in the "Land of Enchantment." This is an area 45 times 
larger than the state of Rhode Island and is 44 per cent of all the territory 
of the state. Much of the remaining private land is open by permission of 
the land owners. 

Management of game and fish in New Mexico is based on an intensive 
scientific study of the species involved, whether they are fish or game. As 
a result of this scientific management by trained biologists, hunting apd 
fishing are at an all-time high in New Mexico. 

Some 100,000 hunters annually kill about 50,000 deer for a 50 per cent 
hunter success average, one of the highest in the nation. With the open- 
ing of state owned land through a special easement, more than 5,000 ante- 
lope licenses are granted each year with more than 75 per cent of the 
antelope hunters being successful. 

Elk, the State's largest game animal, have increased since their reintro- 


duction in 1915 to the point that nearly 2,000 licenses are issued each year 
for the taking of this species. 

Other prestige hunts held each year are for the Rocky Mountain big- 
horn sheep and the Barbary sheep, an import from North Africa. New 
Mexico has the only public hunt for the Barbary sheep in the Western 

A general hunting and fishing license entitles a resident sportsman to 
try for deer, bear, and turkey, all species of game and fish, all species of 
upland game birds and migratory waterfowl, if the licensee buys a Fed- 
eral bird stamp. 

Out-of-state sportsmen are welcomed to try for deer, bear, turkey, 
antelope, elk, and Barbary sheep as well as fish and game birds. Licenses 
for elk, antelope, bighorn sheep and Barbary sheep must be applied for in 
advance of a special drawing usually held in late August. Non-resident 
sportsmen have the same chance at the drawings as a resident. License 
fees are reasonable and in keeping with those charged by other western 

Bird hunting in New Mexico ranges from excellent to average. Quail 
and dove, the State's most popular game birds, are taken in record num- 
bers because of the modern management techniques that have allowed 
larger bag limits and longer seasons on these species. Pheasants, prairie 
chickens, and grouse are hunted with excellent results considering the 
limited habitat available for these species. Migratory waterfowl and 
sandhill cranes, the newest New Mexico game bird, are plentiful in 
limited areas of the State and present variety to the bird hunter. 

Turkey is considered a big game animal in New Mexico and the 
season usually runs concurrently with the annual big game season. 

Fishing in New Mexico has improved until it is one of the most im- 
portant outdoor sports in the State. Introductions of walleye and white 
bass in the warm water lakes of the State has resulted in increased year- 
round fishing pleasure. New Mexico's trout hatcheries are operating at 
capacity and fish are planted in every available public water suitable for 
the species. Warm water fish are raised at three Federal hatcheries in the 
State and are adequately distributed. 

The Department of Game and Fish is carrying on an intensive stream 
improvement program and has rehabilitated many lakes to provide for 
vastly improved fishing in most areas of the State. Lakes in various 
areas of the State are also being built by the Department of Game and 
Fish where conditions permit. 

The Game Department maintains camping and recreation areas in 
suitable locations of the State and combined with such areas maintained 
by other agencies, there are adequate facilities available to those who wish 
to spend some time under New Mexico's blue skies, enjoying outdoor 


THE southwestern United States, New Mexico in particular, has 
been the scene of intensive anthropologic study. The reports of 
early explorers contain many references to the permanent villages 
of the sedentary Pueblo Indians and the countless ruins in all western 
and central parts of the State. The literary accounts, the concentration 
of the indigenous population, and the spectacular cave and surface ruins 
interested such students as Bandelier, Gushing, Fewfces, and Hewett in 
the archeology and ethnology of New Mexico soon after the science of 
anthropology was popularized. Successive studies throughout the past 
sixty years have improved the techniques of the science and developed 
the knowledge of the prehistory of the area until today New Mexico 
may be listed with such centers of acknowledged archeological interest 
as the Nile Valley and the "Fertile Crescent" in the Old World. 

In New Mexico and adjacent southwestern States archeologists have 
traced the sequence of human occupation from the nomadic hunter con- 
temporaries of extinct post-Pleistocene animals through localized hori- 
zons of hunters and seed-gatherers and phases of sedentary agriculturists 
to the organized inhabitants of village communities that survived the 
Spanish conquest. Ethnologists have described the different forms of 
culture possessed by the present day settled Pueblo Indians and the 
formerly hunting, now pastoral, nomadic Navaho and Apache. Over 
20,000 Indians in New Mexico continue to live in much the same 
fashion as their pre-Columbian ancestors. Physical anthropologists 
have studied many groups of the indigenous population as well as the 
wealth of skeletal material collected in the course of ruin excavations. 
They have established several physical types and the chronological order 
of the appearance of the types in New Mexico. Philologists have 
recognized at least four linguistic stocks in the area, each of which may 
be subdivided into a number of dialects. Anthropo-geographers have 
appreciated the Southwest as one of the largest and most varied regions 
in the United States in which to study the inter-relationship of man and 
nature; the influence of environment on human physique and culture 
may be noted in three ecological zones. 

The prehistory of New Mexico is divided into three general culture 
periods: the Folsom, the Basket Maker, and the Pueblo. The nature 
and age of the first complex explains the elusiveness of the remains; the 
culture period was the last to be established and is the least known. 



Man was undoubtedly native to the Old World; evidence is 
accumulating which indicates that the Americas were invaded via the 
Bering Strait at least 15,000 or 20,000 years ago. Just what the first 
New Mexican looked like is unknown, as no authentic human remains 
have been found of sufficient antiquity to furnish information of the 
physical characteristics. However, following the last glacial period 
some types of modern man lived in New Mexico and left his chipped 
stone dart points embedded in fluvial deposits in conjunction with the 
bones of animals now extinct. 

The Folsom culture derives its name from the site of discovery in 
northeastern New Mexico. A number of chipped stone dart points of 
unique shape were found associated with the skeletal remains of a post- 
glacial sub-species of bison. The artifacts are from one to three inches 
in length ; they are thin and leaf-shaped, with a longitudinal fluting on 
each face, a concave base with ear-like projections, and caret ully 
retouched edges. The knapping technique developed by the Folsom 
hunters compares favorably with the percussion and retouching method 
employed by the inhabitants of the Scandinavian countries during the 
late Neolithic and Early Bronze periods, and the "ripple flaking" of 
craftsmen belonging to the pre- and early-Dynastic Egyptian horizons. 
During the past ten years many surface finds of Folsom points have 
been made throughout the plains from Canada to Mexico; and two 
camp sites of the early "Bison Nomads" have been discovered. The 
encampment about fifteen miles south of Clovis, New Mexico, in one 
of the series of shallow basins known as Black Water Draw, yielded an 
assortment of stone artifact types and contained the remains of a char- 
coal-filled hearth. The Folsom people hunted such animals as the 
giant ground sloth, musk-ox, three-toed horse, camel, four-pronged 
antelope, mammoth, etc., which existed in the early post-glacial period. 
The early nomads probably frequented the country that is now New 
Mexico approximately 10,000 to 15,000 years ago. 

The length of the first period of time that elapsed between the 
bison hunters of the Folsom complex and the first Basket Makers is 
not known. The short, slender, long-headed Basket Makers may have 
been the physical descendants of the early hunters; culturally they were 
the intrusive carriers of maize agriculture in the Southwest, coming 
from a center located in Mexico. 

The Basket Makers, so named because of the abundance of basketry 
found in their cave storage cists, burial places, and habitation sites, 
developed a succession of three culture levels that flourished from the 
beginning of the Christian era to the eighth century. Little is known 
of the Basket Maker I people. Archeologists believe that they were a 
partly nomadic group of hunters who possessed semi-permanent dwell- 
ings seasonally occupied while maize was being cultivated. The phase 


at first was hypothetical, assumed in order to explain the transition from 
the purely hunting and collecting to the agricultural forms of culture. 
The horizon was established by cave finds in southern Nevada and 
southwestern New Mexico. 

The distribution of the Basket Maker, throughout the course of 
their second culture phase, included the greater part of what is now 
New Mexico. The rock-shelter and cave habitations of the people are 
particularly numerous in the San Juan drainage in northwestern New 
Mexico and adjacent areas. Debris accumulated and was preserved in 
a state of extreme dryness. The Basket Maker II people were true 
agriculturists, cultivating beans, squash, and a soft variety of maize. 

There was a continuous improvement *n the style of dwelling. 
The first Basket Makers probably lived in temporary shelters con- 
structed of poles, brush, and skins ; in inclement seasons they took refuge 
in caves. In time they , excavated slab-lined storage cists and granaries 
in the floors of the rock-shelters; the dead were buried in a flexed 
position in some of the pits. The people of the Basket Maker III 
phase enlarged the constructions and evolved permanent dwellings. 

The Basket Maker II people excelled in weaving. They made ex- 
cellent twined and woven bags decorated with geometrical designs, coiled 
baskets, and twined and woven sandals with square, and later with 
scalloped and rounded, toes from such materials as apocynum, yucca, 
and juniper bark fiber, and from human and animal hair. In addition 
to sandals the men wore a g-string and the women a short, apron-like 
skirt. They had warm robes made of cordage wrapped with rabbit 
fur, and leggings and sandal padding of shredded bark and corn husks* 
Their weapons included the atlatl (throwing board and darts), clubs 
of wood and elk antler, and hafted stone knives. They had wooden 
planting-sticks and such grinding stones as troughed metates and manos. 
Crude unfired clay vessels, tempered with vegetable matter, were util- 
ized; but fired ceramics were unknown to the forerunners of the 
Basket Maker III phase. 

The third culture phase of the Basket period was a time of consider- 
able change. Permanent villages were established, both in large caves 
and.on suitable exposed locations ; fired pottery, the bow and arrow, and 
soft varieties of maize were introduced. In the Chaco region of north- 
western New Mexico the material culture shows a gradual development 
leading to the trait complexes of the subsequent Pueblo horizons; a 
definite demarcation between the Basket Maker III people and the 
following Pueblo I inhabitants seems to be lacking. Probably increased 
numbers of intrusive stocky roundheads absorbed the earlier population 
and, at the same time, adopted and elaborated much of the Basket 
Maker III culture to suit their own needs. 

The third culture period, called Pueblo (Spanish; village) because 


the Spaniards found large numbers of Indians living in compact com- 
munities when they entered the Southwest in the sixteenth century, is 
divided into five phases. Pueblo I and Pueblo II are termed Develop- 
mental; they are transitional stages from the Basket Maker period to 
the great or Classic Pueblo III phase. The largest surface villages and 
cliff dwellings were built in Pueblo III times. Pueblo IV is called Re- 
gressive ; this phase was flourishing when the Spaniards entered what is 
now New Mexico. Pueblo V, the Historic phase, pertains to the 
present-day Pueblo Indians. 

The immediate origin of the roundheaded Pueblo people, with 
skull posteriors artificially flattened, is not known. Some archeologists 
believe that consecutive waves pushed south along both sides of the 
Rocky Mountains eventually to settle in the northern reaches of drain- 
ages in the southwestern plateau. The majority favor the more tenable 
theory that the roundheads were cognizant of agricultural methods 
before they reached the Southwest, coming north from Mexico with 
such possessions as soft varieties of corn, the domesticated turkey, and 
techniques including cranial deformation, coiled pottery, and horizontal 

Professor A. E. Douglass, of the University of Arizona, developed 
a method whereby the age of the different phases of the Pueblo period 
could be determined. He discovered that the date of construction of the 
prehistoric ruins in the Southwest could be established accurately by the 
study of the growth of tree rings in beams taken from ruins and old 
buildings. Tree rings form a distinctive pattern; the width of the 
rings is slight in dry years and larger in years of greater precipitation. 
On this basis master charts, or tree ring keys, have been made for 
several of the southwestern areas. The Rio Grande chart has been 
carried back to 930 A.D. 

A change of house type, as well as the round skull, marks the arrival 
of the Pueblo people. The pit dwellings used by the Basket Makers 
were abandoned and rectangular rooms of horizontal masonry were 
built above the ground. During the Pueblo* I period these houses were 
crude, unit-type, one-storied buildings, usually in the form of an 
elongated rectangle, E-shaped, or in intermittent patterns. Generally 
a square or circular subterranean or semi-subterranean ceremonial 
chamber (perhaps evolved from the pit house of the Basket Maker 
period), known by the Hopi Indian name kiva, was associated with the 
earlier dwelling-units; and as the size of the structures expanded, the 
kivas were enlarged and their numbers increased. 

The ruins of the early Pueblo cultures are distributed over the entire 
plateau region fiom the Colorado River to eastern New Mexico, includ- 
ing southern Colorado and Utah. This fairly large population occupied 
the area from about 800 to 900 A.D. 


Cotton was added to the list of cultivated plants and was woven 
into cloth garments. Turkeys were domesticated, and a type of feather 
robe was made. Pottery came to be slipped, polished, corrugated, and 
incised all of which were treatments unknown to the Basket Maker 
potter. Finer tempering material was used. The black-on-white pot- 
tery of northern New Mexico became distinct from that of northern 
Arizona; even local developments and fashions became recognizable. 

The Mogollon complex flourished in southern New Mexico con- 
temporaneous with the Developmental Pueblo phases in the north. It 
is differentiated from the true Pueblo development by the continued use 
of pit dwellings; by the possession of such accessories as the three- 
quarter grooved ax and shell gorgets (which may show affiliations with 
peoples to the East) ; and slate palettes and pottery vessels bearing the 
imprint of the paddle-and-anvil method of thinning the walls, which are 
characteristics of the Hohokam culture period of southern Arizona. 
Skeletal remains display a mixture of physical types. Possibly the 
Mogollon people represented a mixture of intrusive elements that 
mingled in southern New Mexico after the area was vacated by the 
northward-travelling initial waves of Pueblo Indian ancestors. At the 
end of the Developmental or the beginning of the Classic Pueblo phases, 
southern New Mexico received direct influence from the Pueblo cul- 
ture; this contact or conquest resulted in the highly evolved, localized 
Pueblo III development in the Mimbres Valley. 

Pueblo III, known as the Classic or great Pueblo period, is charac- 
terized by the building of the large surface pueblos and cliff dwellings 
of the San Juan area. There was, between 950-1200 A.D., a con- 
centration of population in the more fertile and better watered valleys 
of New Mexico. Many of the scattered small villages of the earlier 
periods were abandoned. Large, terraced communal dwellings, some of 
three and four stories and containing over five hundred rooms, were 
built. Huge circular kivas were constructed, some reaching the amaz- 
ing diameter of more than sixty feet. This tendency toward higher and 
more massive buildings, stronger walls and fewer exterior openings 
indicated the appearance of enemies, possibly the nomadic Shoshoni from 
the north and northwest, and, a little later, nomadic Athapascans from 
the east and northeast. 

The concentration of Pueblo population and wealth in a few areas, 
accompanied as it must have been by an interchange of ideas and goods, 
produced a marked acceleration of cultural activity. Not only were 
larger communal dwellings and ceremonial structures erected, but the 
style of masonry was improved. The finest examples are found in the 
Chaco area. Here worked, sandstone slabs and spalls of selected size 
and shape were used to face a rubble core, with an excellent effect. 
Nowhere else, nor at any other time, did the pre-Columbian inhabitants 


of the Southwest surpass or even equal the masonry of the Classic period 
in northwestern New Mexico. For this reason such great ruins as 
Aztec, Chetro-Ketl, Pueblo Bonito, Penasco Blanco, and others have 
been constituted parts of National Monuments and have been the sub- 
jects of extensive excavations. 

There were changes and improvements in ceramics. A greater 
variety of colors was introduced, and the execution of form and detailed 
design reached a perfection hitherto unknown in Pueblo culture. The 
Pueblo III people counted their wealth in turquoise, shell, quartz, wood 
and stone beads, gorgets, bracelets, pendants, mosaics, and other forms of 
jewelry as well as in pottery. 

During the period between 1275-1300 there occurred a marked 
drought which brought about the abandonment of many of the Pueblo 
areas in New Mexico and elsewhere in the Southwest. Apparently due 
to the lowering of the water table, reduction of vegetal cover and the 
consequent increase of desiccation, surface denudation, and erosion, such 
areas as the western Puerco, Chaco, and San Juan drainages became 
temporarily less suitable to the Pueblos than other regions to the south, 
west, and east. Large movements of population evidently took place 
which, in New Mexico, resulted in the complete abandonment of the 
northwestern portion of the State, as well as parts of the upper Gila, 
Mimbres, Tularosa Basins and other recognized Pueblo III areas. 
Thus the scene was laid for Pueblo IV, or the Regressive period. 
The Pueblo IV people were gradually drawn into the great river 
valleys of the Rio Grande and the Little Colorado. The Santa Fe 
region abounds in Pueblo ruins of this period; and the site at Pecos, 
those in the Galisteo Basin and on the Pajarito Plateau may be taken 
as examples. 

There was a constant restriction of area during this Regressive 
period due to the onslaughts of the alien nomads, and later, the Spanish 
occupation. However, in various portions of New Mexico it was 
actually the period of highest cultural achievement. Large communal 
dwellings with their kivas f scattered small houses, and cavate lodges 
continued to be built. Among the most notable pueblos of this period 
are those of Hawikuh, Halona (old Zuni), and the villages on El 
Morro in the Zuni country; Acoma and Humming Bird in the Puerco 
San Juan drainage; Giusewa, Amoxiumqua, and Astialakwa in the 
Jemez region; Tsankawi, Tchirege, Tyuonyi, Otowi, and Puye in the 
Pajarito Plateau; Paseoninge, Poshuouinge and Sapawe in the Chama 
drainage; Tsiquna and Kuapoge near Santa Fe; San Cristobal, Pueblo 
Largo, She, Galisteo, San Lazaro, Tunque, Paako, and San Marcos in 
the Galisteo region; Pecos, Chilili, Quarai, Abo, Pueblo Colorado, 
Pueblo Blanco, and Tabira (Gran Quivira) in the Manzano-Chupadero 
Mesa country; Pilabo, Kuaua, Puaray, Alameda, Perage, etc.. along the 


main Rio Grande. Furthermore, most of the Indian Pueblos now- 
existing were at or near their present sites during, not only the later 
part of the Regressive period (1540-1700 A.D.), but also before the 
coming of the Spaniards. 

In general the material culture of early Pueblo IV was not greatly 
different from that of Pueblo III. The chief change is in the intro- 
duction of glaze paints in the decoration of pottery. Both polychrome 
and glazed paint wares were made in great quantities, while corrugated 
cooking pots and black-on-white decoration tended to die out. 

Turkeys, maize, beans, and squashes continued to constitute the 
bulk of the Pueblo people's food, augmented by such game as bison, deer, 
antelope, and rabbit; and wild grass seeds, pifion nuts, and berries. 
Probably there was little change during the sixteenth century, but with 
Ofiate's colonization came wheat, barley, oats, rye, turnips, cabbage, 
carrots, onions, melons, peaches, pears, apples, grapes, coffee, tea, etc., 
from the Old World ; and "Irish" potatoes, sweet potatoes, chili peppers, 
tomatoes, chocolate, from the countries to the south. Prehistoric In- 
dians of New Mexico smoked wild tobacco, sumac, and other herbs, as 
their stone and clay tubular and elbow pipes indicate ; the cultivation of 
tobacco in the Southwest was introduced by the Spaniards. 

A varied pattern of culture was created during the latter part of the 
Pueblo IV period with the introduction of the horse, donkey, cattle, 
sheep, goat, pig, and poultry; and there occurred important changes in 
textiles, ornaments, tools, kitchen wares, weapons, and clothing. The 
Plains Indians also modified Pueblo culture, when they introduced their 
articles of dress and certain dances new to the area now known as 
New Mexico. 

Pecos Pueblo ruin, because of the intensive investigations carried on 
by Dr. A. V. Kidder of the Andover Academy, affords an excellent 
example of the Pueblo IV period. It is known to have been occupied 
from the thirteenth century to 1838; the few surviving Pecos Indians 
then joined the Jemez people. The Seven Cities of Cibola in the Zuni 
country have been identified, and Hawikuh, the largest, was excavated 
by Dr. F W. Hodge of the Museum of The American Indian, New 
York. Zuni is a concentration of the villages that prompted the pene- 
tration of the northern country by the Spaniards. 

Archeology, or the study of ancient peoples through their remains, 
dwellings, and artifacts requires various techniques of research. The 
excavation of rooms, uncovering of skeletal and other, materials, and 
describing the finds through text, photographs, maps, sketches, and 
museum displays does not constitute all of scientific archeology. Much 
valuable information has been lost by misinterpreted interest on the part 
of enthusiastic amateurs. During the last twenty-four years there have 
been developed or applied for the first time in New Mexico and the 


Southwest techniques that require trained scientists. The result of their 
work has made the picture of the past cultures possible for those inter- 
ested in New Mexico anthropology. 

The Modern Pueblo period (1700 A.D.-present) also referred to as 
Pueblo V, falls within the field of history and must be considered under 
the division of Ethnology. 

Today, in the pueblos of Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Santa Clara, San 
Ildefonso, Nambe, Tesuque, Cochiti, Jemez, Santo Domingo, Zfa, Santa 
Ana, San Felipe, Sandia, Laguna, Acoma, Zuni of New Mexico, as well 
as in the Hopi villages in northern Arizona, the visitor will be able to 
visualize the life of the ancient people as a rounded whole and to gain 
some conception of their social and religious life. 

The National and State Monuments of archeological significance 
are Aztec Ruins N. M. (see Tour 9) ; Bandelier N. M. (see Tour 
2A)i Chaco Canyon N. M. (see Tour 6B) ; Coronado S. M. (see 
Tour Ib) ; El Morro N. M. (see Tour 6b) ; Gila Cliff Dwellings 
N. M. (see Tour 18) ; Gran Quivira S. & N. M. (see Tour 15) ; 
Jemez S. M. (see Tour 9) ; Pecos S. M. (see Tour la) ; Quarai 
S. M. (see Tour 15). 

Archeological museums are maintained at several of the above men- 
tioned Monuments, and also at the Museum of New Mexico, at Santa 
Fe ; at the Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe ; and at the Museum 
of Anthropology of the University of New Mexico, Albuquerque. 
There are branch State Museums at Las Vegas, Carlsbad, Silver City, 
Raton, Clovis, Portales, Lincoln, Mountainair, Farmington, and Las 


THE peaceful aspect of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico at the 
present time tells little of their strenuous past. Green fields 
and orchards surround their villages, strings of red chili festoon 
their adobe houses in autumn, and the sweet odor of burning pinon and 
juniper drifts across winter dance courts. The people, courteous and 
reserved, sell their pottery to visitors, allow them to attend certain 
dance-ceremonials, and watch them depart knowing that they belong to 
different races, and, in their own words, "think different thoughts." 

Physically the Pueblo Indians belong to the roundheaded Mon- 
goloid people who followed the long-headed Basket Makers into the 
Southwest. They are generally shorter and stockier than the nomadic 
tribes, and their facial expression is more placid; but as a whole the 
modern Pueblo Indians are not a homogeneous group. Actually they 
represent an aggregation of peoples brought together by intermarriage 
and cross strains of acculturation which has developed under environ- 
mental influences. 

The first contact of the Spanish Conquistadores (1540) with the 
inhabitants of the area which is now New Mexico was with the Pueblo 
Indians. The land was claimed for the Spanish Crown and the Indians 
considered converts of the Catholic faith. Because of Spanish oppres- 
sion in 1680 the Pueblos united and revolted, overthrowing the Spanish 
government and killing and driving out the alien settlers. In 1692-93 
De Vargas reconquered the country and made peace with the Pueblos. 
During the first years of the seventeenth century, there came a certain 
expansion. The Pueblo villages with their outlying farms and flocks, 
secured from the Spaniards, proved tempting prey for the marauding 
Navaho, Comanche, Ute, and Apache. These nomadic or scattered 
Indians found it convenient, when hunting was poor, to raid the Pueblo 
villages whose frugal people kept stores of corn against drought and 
times of need. But after the advent of the military garrisons, first 
Spanish, then Mexican, and finally those of the United States, the 
Pueblo Indians began to enjoy increasing security. Old citadel dwell- 
ings on mesa tops were gradually abandoned, and villages in the more 
fertile valleys were built; however, many of these still retained, to a 
certain degree, the compact, defensive type of structure of ancient times. 
The eighteen pueblos in New Mexico today, from Taos to below 



Albuquerque and along the old Coronado trail westward from Isleta 
to Zuni, occupy approximately the same lands that they held during the 
early Spanish occupation. Their land titles originated with grants 
from the Spanish Crown, ratified by the sovereignty of Mexico and 
subsequently confirmed by the Congress of the United States under the 
treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848). The Pueblo Indians thus own 
their lands by virtue of titles antedating American supremacy, differing 
in this respect from all other Indians in the United States. The one 
group of Spanish land grants provided for a tract measuring three 
leagues in each direction from the mission church. These grants 
averaged about 17,000 acres for each pueblo. Additions from time to 
time have been made to the lands of various villages in the form of 
Executive Order reservations from the public domain and by purchase. 

Within the village, farming and grazing lands are assigned for use 
to individuals, and the tenure is allowed only as long as ,the land is 
worked or employed for productive purposes. Because of the complete 
security of the pueblos in modern times the tendency has been to build 
smaller and more isolated dwellings closer to their fields. The old 
Pueblo IV village of Acoma is an excellent illustration ; the pueblo is 
almost deserted for the farming areas. 

The similarity of their problems and needs during recent years and 
the necessity of concerted action in dealing with the Indian Bureau have 
brought the Pueblos together. Their elected All-Pueblo Council meets 
at intervals to discuss their general welfare and their contact with the 
Federal government. The latter supplies such facilities as schools and 
hospitals, instruction in modern farming methods, appropriations for 
soil erosion control and irrigation projects, seed selection, forestry, 
animal husbandry, care of grazing lands, and other matters. 

Ofiate (1598) is known to have given the Pueblo chiefs canes or 
"rods of office" in recognition of their authority. In 1620, a "law of 
the Indies" issued from the Crown at Madrid provided that the Pueblo 
Indians were to select their own temporal officers without interference 
from the Spaniards, but that these elections had to be approved by the 
local Spanish authorities, to whom the new "governors" of the villages 
displayed their canes. This custom was continued after the American 
occupation when Abraham Lincoln, in 1863, gave ebony canes with 
silver handles to the Pueblo governors, designated by them as the 
Lincoln canes. 

This democratic form of government is still in force. A governor 
and his lieutenants are elected in each pueblo just before the New Year, 
and their induction into office occurs with great ceremony on Twelfth 
Night, or "old Christmas," the gift-giving day of the Spaniards, called 
by some Indians the "Day of the Three Kings." The Pueblo governor 
is the civic head of the village, dealing with the United States officials 


as well as presiding over the municipal affairs of the people. However, 
the cacique, or high priest of their old religion, who keeps in the back- 
ground, is still the real power. 

Under their own system the people in some pueblos are divided into 
moities or halves, called the Summer and Winter, or the Calabazas 
(squash) and Turquoise People, each of which holds some executive 
power in religious participation for six months. At times, each of these 
moities has its own cacique, and each is composed of different phratries 
or clan-groups. 

The religious predicament of the Pueblos is a good example of what 
ethnologists call acculturation. Having their own pagan beliefs, in- 
herited from dim antiquity, they were converted to Christianity by the 
Franciscan missionaries of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
The result of this conversion was to drive the indigenous religion be- 
neath the surface and to superimpose upon the belief in the old gods of 
nature a whole new pantheon of saints. Most Pueblo Indians are 
baptized, confirmed, and married by Catholic priests, yet they continue 
to observe the old ceremonies and take part in certain rites. The 
Protestant missions in, or near, several pueblos are working towards 
complete conversion; with what success only time will tell. 

There is a marked similarity in ceremonial form, dress, and organ- 
ization among all Pueblo Indians. Efficacy in the different rites is 
believed to be achieved by accurate repetition. Even the minute details 
of the ceremonies and the preparation of the artifacts used in them are 
of the utmost importance ; and each prayer and act is directed in accord- 
ance with the ancient law of exactness. Because of this remarkable 
adherence to old rules visitors today are privileged to witness certain 
ceremonies that had their origin in an early primitive culture. 

All pueblos hold dance-ceremonials at appointed periods in the year. 
Each village celebrates the feast day of its Catholic patron saint with 
tribal dances, and the dates of these ceremonies are fixed by the Church 
calendar; however, the seasonal or impromptu dances occur at the 
instigation of the cacique. Many pueblos have their own calendar, and 
their major ceremonies fall on dates controlled by their own method of 
count. Actually their year terminates with the harvest, October being 
the beginning of the new season and the new year when the Winter 
People assume control of all ceremonial activities; the major rites are 
held at the time of the "turning-back-of-the-sun," or winter solstice. 
At the spring equinox the Winter People turn over the conduct of 
ceremonial affairs to the Summer moiety, and from that time on until 
the harvest, the ceremonies are prayer-forms for growth, fructification, 
and rain. 

The most colorful of the autumn dances is given at Jemez in Novem- 
ber. This fiesta of their patron saint, San Diego, is attended by Navaho 


in great numbers, and often by a few Apache as well as Indians from 
the Rio Grande pueblos, all of whom come to trade as well as to see the 
elaborate Harvest Dance held on this occasion. But the most remark- 
able of all Pueblo dances is that of the Shalako at Zufii. 

Zuni, probably by virtue of its remoteness and the fact that it has 
resisted both the Spanish influence and that of the Catholic church, has 
retained more of its ancient ceremonialism than any other pueblo. Al- 
though all pueblos have masked dances, Zuni is the only one in New 
Mexico in which the general public, with the exception of Spanish- 
Americans, is admitted. Hatred of the Spaniards, inherited from 
Coronado's time, is manifested in this exclusion today. The Shalako 
ceremony, held in late November or early December, ceremonially closes 
the year as well as dedicates new houses. The Shalako, or giant mes- 
sengers of the rain gods, are received into the pueblo at sundown and 
conducted to the new houses where they are entertained throughout the 
night with feasting and ceremonial dancing. They depart the following 
evening. The preparation for this ceremony lasts forty-nine days. The 
complexities of the rites attending the Shalakos* presence among mortals 
are staggering but the beauty and reverence of the ritual does not escape 
even the most cynical observers. From the time of the departure of the 
Shalako until after the winter solstice visitors are not admitted to the 
series of ceremonies that take place in Zuni. 

Many of the winter dances are prayer-forms for abundant game and 
the success of hunters, with offerings to the guardian spirits of the game 
for the necessary sacrifice. The Deer Dance at Taos and the Buffalo 
and Deer Dance at San Felipe, performed with symbolic costumes and 
pantomime, are beautiful. 

In the spring the Pueblo Indians pray for *ain and for the renewal 
of life everywhere. Prayer-sticks are planted in the fields, and dances 
are held in the kvoas, or ceremonial chambers, as well as in the open, 
At many of the dances of this period the attendance of white people is 
by special invitation only. 

The Corn Dance at Santo Domingo on August 4th is the greatest 
of the summer ceremonies in New Mexico. Both the Summer and 
Winter People, or, as they are called in Santo Domingo, the Calabazas 
and Turquoise, take part. Hundreds of Pueblo people dance in this 
ritual; and the visiting Indians, Spanish-Americans, and Anglo-Amer- 
icans number into the thousands. 

All pueblos have their religious societies, priests, warriors, medicine 
men and women, and delight makers, or holy clowns. The latter are 
believed to have brought laughter into the world and are, therefore, 
beings receiving reverence and affection. Their costumes are varied; 
the mud-heads of Zuni are totally different in appearance from the black 
and white painted and corn-husk crowned delight makers of the Rio 


Grande pueblos. There is, however, a great similarity in the general 
dance dress. The men usually wear a hand-woven white cotton kilt 
embroidered in the earth colors of red, green, and black wool and an 
embroidered sash of heavy white cotton material, or a so-called Hopi 
rain belt of braided white cotton finished with a long, symbolically 
knotted fringe. A kit-fox skin dangles from the belt at the back. Their 
hair, when long, hangs loose. Body-painting as well as headdress and 
ornaments varies with the dances. A quantity of silver, shell, turquoise, 
and coral jewelry is worn; and in most dances men have turtle-shell 
rattles tied below the left. knee. In Santo Domingo the men wear a 
shell-trimmed band called a bolso (Sp., purse strap) over one shoulder 
which crosses the chest and back diagonally and is fastened at the belt. 
The Pueblo women's ceremonial costume comprises the traditional 
hand-woven black woolen square fastened over the right shoulder; 
leaving the left shoulder bare, it hangs to the knees and is confined at 
the waist with a long woven belt, usually red in color. Their hair 
hangs loose, the bangs covering the eyes. The tablita, or headdress, 
of thin wood, painted and decorated with feathers, and the details of 
mantle and accessories, change with the ceremonies. Much jewelry is 
worn. Women dance barefooted for the most part in the belief that 
strength (fertility) is drawn from the earth. 

The linguistic division of the Pueblos presents an interesting picture. 
The eighteen pueblos in New Mexico are divided into three linguistic 
stocks: Tanoan, Keresan, and Zunian. The languages are so different 
that they cannot be understood except by those familiar with the tongues. 
The Pueblos do not appear to have been greatly handicapped by this 
disparity of languages, for trading between the villages has always been 

In spite of the persistence of the old ceremonies among the Pueblo 
Indians their social life is gradually undergoing a marked change. 
Modern education and the contact with the Spanish and English speak- 
ing people who have settled on or near Pueblo lands have influenced 
the majority of the Indians. The Tewa pueblos of San Juan and 
Nambe are becoming Spanish-American villages; Santa Clara is adopt- 
ing Anglo-American customs; and the people of Isleta market in 

The little Tortugas settlement, not included in the total of eighteen 
pueblos, three miles south of Las Cruces, is said to have been founded 
by the survivors of the aged and disabled Indians who were left there 
by Otermin on his way to El Paso following the Pueblo Revolt in 1680. 
These Mexicanized Pueblo Indians offer a splendid example of cul- 
tural change within historic times; they no longer speak their ancestral 
language, nor do they hold to their old customs, but they do tell legends 
of their Tigua origin that are unmistakably Pueblo in character. 


Some of the Pueblos will not tolerate a doctor in their village. 
Their medicine men and women have an extraordinary knowledge of 
the properties and usage of herbs, and they treat certain illnesses with 
their remedies as well as by mental suggestion. They practice magic, 
believe in witchcraft, and resist interference either from church or state. 

Primarily agriculturists, the Pueblo Indians were pioneers in the 
use of irrigation which, in view of the comparative aridity of their 
lands, was a necessity. Before the coming of the Spaniards their crops 
were confined to maize, beans, squash, and cotton; after their contact 
with Europeans, wheat and other cereals, fruit, and vegetables were 
added. The Pueblos had no domesticated mammal save the dog; antf 
the turkey was their only domesticated fowl. With the introduction 
of horses, cattle, sheep and goats, and poultry, the pattern of their 
culture changed and enlarged. 

The history of ceramics in New Mexico is the story of its early 
inhabitants. The Pueblos have always excelled in this art. The 
methods and materials used today are those that were employed at the 
time of the coming of the Spaniards. They have never known the 
potter's wheel, but build their jars and bowls from a small molded 
base by means of clay coils, obliterated after the desired form is deter- 
mined. The pottery is decorated, polished, and fired in open kilns. 

After the Spaniards brought sheep to the Southwest, the Pueblos 
to some extent substituted wool for cotton. But unlike the Navaho, 
who still make sheep raising and wool weaving their major industry, 
the Pueblos of New Mexico, except Zuni, and to a lesser degree Acoma 
and Laguna, no longer make woolen blankets or rugs. 

The schools are precipitating changes. Boys who attend govern- 
ment or mission schools are obliged to submit to the cutting of their 
hain European-type clothes are issued, and the young Indian is in 
outward appearance just another American school boy. His own tribal 
games are replaced by baseball and football, and his interest is awak- 
ened in automobiles and machinery. For girls the change is less abrupt. 
They adopt the required form of dress while in school and discard it 
upon their return home; they attend classes and are taught the usual 
domestic sciences. Each year more young Indians apply for both voca- 
tional training and college scholarships. 

Pueblo Indians are monogamous, but divorce is sometimes easily 
procured, for family ties are not as strong as those of clan. Marriages 
are not permitted between members of the same clan. The line of 
descent is matriarchal, the children belonging to the same clan as 
that of the mother. The father's affiliations are with his own clan 
and phratry. 

After the Revolt of 1680, the Pueblo Indians continued their pre- 
vious decline more rapidly, not only from wars but from pestilence 


until recent times when security and enlightened assistance checked their 
decrease and brought about a slow advance. 

Upon acquaintance the Pueblo Indians are not unlike any other 
dwellers in small places. They fear gossip and ridicule and resist 
change. But they offer some characteristics that are theirs by right 
of heritage the clan wisdom of an old race is, perhaps, the underlying 

The economic impact of Los Alamos on the Pueblo of San Ildefonso 
has been important and generally speaking there has been an increase of 
wage work among the Pueblos. 

The pueblos of New Mexico are Taos (see Taos) ; Picuris (Tour 
&z) ; San Juan (Tour 7a) ; Nambe (Tour Sa) ; Santa Clara (Tour 
7 A) ; San Ildefonso (Tour %A) ; Tesuque (Tour Sa) Santo Domingo 
(Tour Ib)] San Felipe (Tour Ib) ; Cochiti (Tour Ib) ; Santa Ana 
(Tour 9) ; Zia (Tour 9) ; Jemez (Tour 9) ; Sandia (Tour Ib) ; Isleta 
(Tour Ib) ; Laguna Tour 6b) ; Acoma (Tour 6 A) ; Zufii (Tour 6b). 


The term nomadic has been loosely applied to the Navaho for many 
years and, in some parts of the Navaho Country families may have 
changed residences quite frequently. 

In remote geological times the three-toed horse disappeared from 
the western hemisphere. Early Indians, hunting with spear and bow 
and arrow, were unaware of the existence of an animal that would 
carry man. The dog was their only beast of burden ; their equipment 
was, of necessity, simple, and their progress slow. But in the early 
years of the seventeenth century the Spanish colonizers established 
ranches around Santa Fe, and cultivated maize and exotic cereals, and 
bred horses and cattle and sheep. The nomads were quick to recog- 
nize the value of horses, and there followed years of effort in procuring 
the foreign animals, mainly through theft, that intensified the aggres- 
siveness of their already belligerent character. 

The main stocks from which the nomads of New Mexico came were 
two ; the Southern Athapascan or Apachean peoples and the Shoshonean 
of northwestern America. The Ute and Comanche (whose history in 
New Mexico deals with their power in the past) represent important 
southern divisions of the great Plateau Shoshonean family. 

Early Spanish writers have given different names to the Apache; 
and the many divisions and subdivisions of the tribe make certain errors 
comprehensible. Coronado met bands of nomadic Indians whom he 
named Querechos. In 1598, the great colonizer, Ofiate, mentions 
Apache; and Benavides (1630) in his famous "Relation" tells of the 


Vaqueros, who have been identified as Coronado's Querechos. The 
earliest reference to the Navaho in Spanish chronicles is the citation 
by Benavides of the Apaches de Narahu. 

In order more fully to understand the division of the Apache tribe 
during Spanish rule in New Mexico it is necessary to see the divisions 
and sub-divisions of the Apachean people: 

Querecho or Vaquero Mescalero 

Navaho Faraon 

Chiricahua Llanero 

Pinaleno Lipan 

Coyotero White Mountain 

Arivaipa Final 

Gila Gileno 

Tonto Mimbreno 

Jicarilla Mogollon 

The sub-tribes are divided again into bands, and the bands into 
groups formed by families. 

The fort-like character of the large Pueblo Indian communal dwell- 
ing testified that the nomadic tribes preyed upon these people in pre- 
Columbian times ; and it is thought that it was through Spanish defense 
that the Pueblo people were saved from extinction. 

For example, the Navaho Indians comprise the largest tribe in the 
United States. They call the country of the San Juan drainage the 
ancient land of the Dine. Among their ancestors, and represented in 
their clans, are Pueblo IV people of the little Colorado and San Juan 

In 1776, Fr, Escalante, who attempted to blaze a trail from Santa 
Fe to the Pacific coast, describes the Province de Nabajoo as the land 
lying west of the Jemez range in north central New Mexico. On 
Escalante's map of that date he shows the northern boundary to be 
the San Juan River, then called the Rio de Nabajoo; the eastern line 
followed the Jemez range west of Abiquiu, and the western drainage of 
the Rio Puerco as far south as the Zuni Mountains, and west as far 
as the Hopi pueblos. In the latter part of the eighteenth century, a 
Spanish document describes the Navaho country as bounded on the 
west by the Hopi, on the north by the Ute, on the east by the Pueblos, 
and on the south by the Gileno and Chiricahua Apache. It was stated 
that the Navaho did not change their dwelling places as did the rest 
of the Apache nation, but lived in fixed settlements where they raised 
maize. The name Navaho probably came from the Tewa word mean- 
ing small green fields. 

In the year 1788 the Spaniards found themselves on excellent terms 


with the Navaho tribe. They hoped to achieve a lasting peace and 
conversion of the Navaho to Christianity, as well as to change their 
semi-nomadic mode of living to that of sedentary Indians. 

According to tradition, at this time Antonio el Pinto, head chief 
of the Navaho people, built ten stone towers in his encampment to safe- 
guard the women and families from the continuous invasions of the 
Gila Apache. This chief was obeyed and respected by his people, and 
in recognition of his relations with the Spaniards was given the title 
of general. The lesser chiefs were designated as capitancillos. 

But peace was not to last. The Navaho, fearing the quiet of pueblo 
life and Christianity, joined the Apache of the east. During the years 
that followed the depredations of these tribes upon the pueblos of the 
Rio Grande and Zuni, as also upon the Spanish settlements, created 
for the Spaniards the Indian problem inherited and aggravated by the 
impotent Mexican regime in 1822, and encountered by the United 
States in 1846. Treaties were made which some Navahos broke, open 
warfare existed, and it was not until Kit Carson with a regiment of 
New Mexican soldiers captured a number of the tribe in the Canyon 
de Chelly (1864) that they began to surrender. By the end of the 
year over 7,000 Navahos were captured and moved to the Bosque 
Redondo in east central New Mexico. There the government tried 
to make farmers of them. The experiment proved a dismal failure; 
many died from disease and malnutrition, and for a time their spirit 
as well as their health was broken. 

Again in their own land the Navaho resumed their pastoral way of 
life. Their political organization was again based on the traditional 
head men, chosen as leaders by local groups for peaceful purposes. 

At the present time over 26,000 Navahos live in New Mexico, prin- 
cipally in the 3,500,000 acres of reservation land, allotted land and other 
types of land in the northwestern part of the State. But their phe- 
nomenal growth since the time of their captivity has brought new prob- 
lems. The total land area reserved for the Navaho was expanded to over 
15,000,000 acres; the Navaho, however, increased from 10,000 to some 
90,000. What seems to be an immense amount of land for the tribe be- 
comes understandably inadequate when one realizes that large areas of 
their country are barren and treeless. 

Recently oil and gas resources were found in the San Juan region of 
the Navaho reservation ; and uranium was discovered, both during and 
since World War II. The tribal council has wisely decided to appropri- 
ate the income for the support of tribal programs. Roads have been 
improved, water wells have been located in various parts of the entire 
reservation, and a $10 million scholarship fund has been established. 


The present democratic government of the Navaho by an elective 
tribal council operating under the supervision of the United States 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the superintendent of the Navaho, 
deals with tribal problems. The Navaho capital has been established 
at Window Rock, Arizona. Chapter-houses have been built over the 
reservation where head-men, council delegates, government and other 
representatives meet with the local people to discuss local affairs. Mem- 
bers of the tribal council are chosen from these local precincts. 

The Navaho religion presents an excellent example of acculturation. 
These nomadic Indians have superimposed Pueblo creed and ritual 
upon the more primitive Athapascan beliefs. The result is an amaz- 
ingly rich and varied ceremonialism that is completely their own. 

Shamans or medicine men control all ceremonies. These elders 
of the tribe priests, doctors, and temporal mediators believe that the 
earliest cultures in the Southwest occupied the area of the San Juan 
drainage and northern New Mexico. They guard jealously all infor- 
mation regarding locations of sacred shrines and places identified with 
Pueblo Indian origin which are, in part, their own. 

Certain rites of a minor character accompany every happening in 
Navaho life, but the great ceremonies, or chants, are solemn religious 
liturgies held for curative purposes and to further prestige. These 
ceremonies last from five to nine days, and are attended by thousands 
of Navaho. They are social gatherings as well as rituals, where trad- 
ing, horse-racing, and display of finery are important factors. 

The sand, or dry paintings, an extraordinary art in itself, are 
made in the ceremonial hogans (houses) by shamans and their assistants 
during the last days of the ceremonies. These sacred paintings, repre- 
senting elaborate symbolic figures and designs, are made with sands and 
minerals of different colors. The work is begun not long after sun- 
rise and is destroyed and carried from the hogan before sunset. 

Two of the greatest ceremonies of the Navaho are the Mountain 
Chant and the Night Chant, and on the last night of their presentation 
occurs one of the most spectacular performances of modern times. An 
enormous clearing is surrounded by a wall of evergreens against which 
an audience of probably two thousand or more Navaho stand and sit. 
From sun-down to dawn they watch a succession of ceremonial dances, 
jugglery, and legerdemain which takes place around a huge fire in the 
center. The great chants are usually held in the autumn and early 
winter "after the thunder sleeps." 

The ceremonial dress of the Navaho is varied as they have freely 
borrowed from Pueblo and Plains Indians. There is always a certain 
barbaric splendor about them, for even in their usual dress their love 


of rich colors and wealth of silver and turquoise jewelry add to their 
picturesqueness. The Navaho are the handsomest of the Southwest 
Indians. The men are usually tall and slender, with excellent carriage ; 
the women, though much shorter, have a natural grace. Their wide, 
flounced skirts and tightly buttoned velvet blouses were introduced 
after their contact with white women in the past century. 

Although the Navaho Indians derive their principal income from 
sheep, goats and horses, and a little from agriculture and the making 
of silver and turquoise jewelry, they are known as the weavers of the 
famed Navaho blankets. The wool used in the weaving is usually from 
their own sheep. It is carded, spun, and woven into blankets on ver- 
tical looms by the women of the tribe. The art of weaving came from 
the Pueblos. The probability is that the first Pueblo refugees during 
the Revolt of 1680, and the captives from raids on the Rio Grande 
and Zufii villages, happened to be weavers; and thus the present pas- 
toral pattern of Navaho life had its beginning. 

They are content to drive their herds of sheep to the high mountain 
pastures in summer, living in crude shelters of brush and pole. The 
winter hogans are, however, distinctive of the Navaho landscape. Built 
of log and stone and covered with earth, these stout, hive-like structures 
are scattered singly or in groups of two and three among the pifion and 
juniper of the mesa tops, or along the floors of canyons near springs 
or arable patches of land. There are three types of hogan the dwell- 
ing, the ceremonial lodge, and the sweat house; but with modern edu- 
cation rectangular stone houses are rapidly coming into favor. 

From the eighteenth century to the present day the Navaho's prin- 
cipal means of transport has been the horse; but the automobile, or 
"chidi," is replacing herds they once counted part of their wealth. 

Polygamy was practiced even after the Navaho returned from the 
Bosque Redondo. It may exist today in certain areas, but the custom 
is dying out due to cultural and economic conditions, as well as council 
ordinances prohibiting polygamy. 

The Navaho, as a people, are extremely kind to all children and 
considerate of the aged. They are the most aggressive, hard-working 
and imposing of the various Athapascan tribes in New Mexico. The 
majority are in favor of education. They believe that the future of 
their people lies in the possibility of chosen members of the tribe meeting 
citizens of the United States on their own plane of civilization. 

The picture of the beginning of eighteenth century New Mexico 
shows the Faraones (called the Apache hordes of Pharaoh), who were 
closely related to the Jicarilla and Mescalero Apache, located in the 
Sierra de Sandra and the Sierra de los Ladrones. De Vargas died 
(1704) while pursuing these hostile Indians near what is now the 
town of Bernalillo. Governor Mogollon declared war against them 


(1712-1714), and a punitive expedition was sent against them in 1715. 
In the latter part of the century records show that the land occupied 
by this belligerent people lay between the Rio Grande and the Rio 
Puerco. The country of the Mescalero bordered it on the east, and 
to the south extended the frontier of Nueva Vizcaya. 

The Jicarilla Apache, so named by the Spaniards because of their 
proficiency in making little baskets suitable for drinking cups, lived on or 
near the mountains of the same name in the northern part of the prov- 
ince of New Mexico, now southeastern Colorado, in the seventeenth 
century. The Comanche drove them from their country in 1716, and 
into the mountains and canyons between Taos and Picuris. For a 
short time they seemed to accept Spanish rule and the Christian faith, 
but they later joined the Mescalero and harried both Pueblo and Span- 
ish settlements. The Jicarilla learned from the Pueblo Indians the 
manner of clearing fields and raising corn. In the eighteenth century 
their rancherias were on the banks of the Cimarron, and they were 
considered a semi-agricultural people. 

The Mescalero Apache ("mescal people" from their custom of eat- 
ing mescal) inhabited the mountains near the Pecos River in the 
eighteenth century. To the east and south of them stretched the desert 
of Bolson Mapimi; the Plains Indian territory lay to the east, and to 
the north extended the "Comancheria." The land of the Comanche 
also bordered the Lipan on the north. At that time the Lipan were 
considered the most formidable of all the "savage" nations. Their ter- 
ritory was vast, extending east to the province of Coahuila, and south 
to the left bank of the Rio Grande. 

During Spanish rule the Gileno, or Gila Apache, inhabited the 
mountains near the Gila River. To the west lay the land of the war- 
like Chiricahua Apache (Arizona), and to the east the country of the 
Mimbreno. The Mimbreno were a large tribe in the eighteenth cen- 
tury. They took their name from the Mimbres drainage where they 
lived. They were closely related to the Gilerio of the west and the 
Mogollon Apache north of their own territory. 

After the American occupation of the territory of New Mexico 
(1846), the United States Government soon learned that they had 
inherited serious problems. Among the Apache tribes cattle and horse 
stealing had become the accepted means of support. Formerly a hunt- 
ing people, they simply took livestock instead of game. 

In 1855, Governor Merriwether made a treaty with the Mimbreno 
and Mescalero, and encouraged them in developing farm lands. A 
reservation on the Upper Gila for southern Apache was recommended 
and authorized in 1860. However, a general outbreak accompanied 
the general Navaho uprising in 1863. After the successful suppression 


of the nomadic Indian revolt General Carleton brought 400 Mescalero 
to the Bosque Redondo where 7,000 Navaho were incarcerated. 

Through the mismanagement of a party of soldiers, Cochise, the 
great Chiricahua chief, who had been friendly towards Americans, 
became the leader of a large band of southern Apache whose fanatical 
intent was to drive all white men from their lands. Believing that 
the withdrawal of troops from military posts in their territory was 
an acknowledgment of defeat, Cochise, and later Victorio, with a large 
number of Mimbreno, Mogollon, and Mescalero, terrorized the inhabi- 
tants of New Mexico, Arizona, and Chihuahua until 1880. Nana, 
Victorio's successor, was joined by Geronimo and the warfare continued. 
It was evident that the future prosperity of the Territory of New 
Mexico would depend on the control of the Apache Indians. The 
United States Government made clear that it would not tolerate the 
continued plundering and murdering of its citizens, and took steps to 
establish order through military force. General Crook's experiment in 
training the southern Apache in the ways of civilization had failed. 
In spite of the fact that their farms yielded large crops the first year, 
Geronimo incited them to revolt. General N. A. Miles compelled 
Geronimo 's surrender (1886) and the Apache tribes were finally 

After years of administrative juggling two Apache reservations were 
established in New Mexico, the Jicarilla reservation of 750,000 acres 
in Rio Arriba and Sandoval counties, north of Santa Fe; and the 
Mescalero reservation of 460,000 acres in northern Otero County. 

The Jicarilla Apache Reservation has a limited amount of timber 
resources. A management plan has been developed looking toward sales 
of timber on a sustained yield basis. The sheep industry furnishes 70 per 
cent of the cash agriculture income to Jicarilla Indians. Some 50 family 
groups or approximately 14 per cent of the Jicarilla Apache families, 
derive income from sheep production. Livestock holdings, including 
sheep, cattle and goats, valued at three quarters of a million dollars, 
bring annual cash returns of $177,500 to 18 per cent of the Indian 
families on the reservation in addition to supplying beef and lamb prod- 
ucts for home consumption valued at $38,288. 

The Mescalero Reservation contains some of the best grazing country 
in New Mexico. The Cattle Growers' Inc. makes almost exclusive use 
of the range and runs from 5,000 to 8,000 head of cattle. The reserva- 
tion also contains some 200 million board feet of salable timber. 

The physical appearance of the Apache varies greatly. They are, 
with the Navaho, the tallest Indians in New Mexico. They are a 
shrewd people, honest in protecting property placed in their care; but 
their aggressive heritage and former habit of support through plunder 
have made a social readjustment within three generations difficult. 


Polygamy is less general than formerly when warriors took wives as well 
as bartered for them. There existed an ancient cross-cousin taboo that, 
among the Jicarilla, still persists; in fact polygamy is seldom found 
among the Jicarilla now. 

The wickiup was the most typical Apache dwelling, though the 
southern tribes used dome-shaped shelters consisting of a frame made of 
boughs covered with a thatching of leaves and bark. These have slowly 
been replaced and today this type of domicile is seldom used. They 
live, almost exclusively in modern frame houses. Within the past few 
years, the tribe has built 30 modern concrete block homes for the people, 
and modernization is continuing. 

In times past .Apache foodstuffs consisted of the products of the 
chase, principally buffalo, and roots (mainly maguey), and berries. 
Both bear and fish were taboo, although among some bands fish was 
caught and eaten. The modern foodstuffs consist of mutton and corn 
supplemented by fruits, and such staples as coffee, etc. 

The ritual life of the Jicarilla Apache may be divided into two 
parts; the shamanistic or personal, and the traditional or "long life" 
ceremonies. The power of the shamans is continually stressed ; they 
practice magic, perform cures, and direct the ceremonials or "sings." 
The most important of the "long life" ceremonies is the Bear Dance. 
This four-day rite, with sand paintings, is based on the legend of the 
Bear and the Snake which belongs to the Navaho as well as the Apache. 
The ceremonial relay race is run in mid-September. This harvest fes- 
tival, largely a time of trading and horse racing, is the principal gather- 
ing of the Jicarilla. The fine pageantry of the Navaho ceremonies is 
lacking, for the Jicarilla regard for costuming, as shown in their habitual 
apparel, is scant. 

Very little is known of the Mescalero ceremonials. On the fourth 
of July they hold a fiesta followed by a four-day ceremony. Medicine 
men chant in a huge tepee that is analogous to the Navaho ceremonial 
hog an. Visitors are not welcome, and students are discouraged. 

Later years have wrought a deplorable change among the Apache. 
Lacking the stamina of their Navaho relatives, they have been unable 
to resist both tuberculosis and whisky which have brought about a 
defeat more deadly than weapons of warfare. With hospitalization 
and education, progress has been and is being made. The Apache's 
land is more productive than that of the Navaho. Successful adoption 
of the ways of modern civilization has brought about the self-respect so 
necessary in establishing the proper morale of any people. 

The Ute Indians formerly occupied the land which is now central 
and western Colorado, eastern Utah, and the upper San Juan drainage 
in New Mexico. After De Vargas reconquered the country in 1692 
there was a time of comparative peace, but beginning with the early 


years of the eighteenth century the Ute joined the Comanche in per- 
petrating their depredations. In 1724, the Ute were at war with the 
Jicarilla Apache, and captured one-half of their women and children. 
Twenty-four years later war broke out between the Ute and Navaho. 

French trappers and traders had some influence with Ute bands early 
in the eighteenth century, but little or none with the Mouche, Capote, 
and Weminuche bands known as the Southern Utes. The Spaniards 
were aware of threatened French intrusion into New Mexico, and the 
Utes, with other nomadic tribes, sold horses, cattle, and food to them. 

During the first part of the nineteenth century, the Southern Ute 
regarded the Jicarilla Apache country as their own. The first agency 
for both tribes was placed at Taos; later it was moved to Cimarron. 
The agency for the bands called Capote, Mouche and Weminuche was 
established at Abiquiu. 

After the American occupation of the Territory of New Mexico 
the first treaty with the Ute Indians was made in 1849. Peace and 
amity were promised. Four years later Governor Lane induced 250 
Ute to farm on the Rio Pecos; but the Ute had little liking for soil 
cultivation and were easily persuaded to join the Apache in an outbreak, 
which was swiftly and effectively dealt with. 

The Ute and the Jicarilla with the Pueblo were "Union" Indians. 
A provision was made in 1861 for the Uintan band of Utes; and in 
1863 the Tabegauche were assigned a reservation. The final treaty, 
however, made in 1868, set forth the boundaries of the reservation in 
Colorado. Their reservation was divided in 1896 into the Southern Ute 
and Ute Mountain reservations, with the latter extending into New 
Mexico northwest of Farmington. 

The Ute tribe is divided into three main groups : the Southern Utes 
and Ute Mountain Utes of southwestern Colorado, and the Northern 
Utes of the Uintah-Ouray reservation at Fort Duchesne, Utah. The 
Northern Utes are the descendants of the bands formerly known as the 
Uintahs, the Uncompahgres, the Yampas, and the White River Utes. 
Physical characteristics of the three tribes today are similar, although 
the dialect of the Southern and Ute Mountain Utes differs somewhat 
from that of the Northern Utes. 

The Southern Utes and the Northern Utes are farmers and stock- 
men; the Ute Mountain Utes do not farm, but many own livestock. 
Economically, all three are better off than many Indian groups. All 
three tribal governments have some oil and gas income. Children of 
the Ute tribes now attend public schools as integration with the public 
schools is an accomplished fact. 

Religious beliefs of the Ute Indians, like those of the other Plains 


tribes of Shoshonean stock, is governed by the Great Spirit. Their 
ceremonials or chants are of secondary importance. 

The Ute are now considered Colorado Indians, but they still own 
grazing land north of the San Juan River in northern New Mexico. 

About the beginning of the eighteenth century the Comanche left 
their country in southern Wyoming and migrated to the southern plains 
where, for over a hundred and fifty years, they fought other nomadic 
tribes, Pueblo Indians, Spaniards, and Americans. They were first seen 
in what is now New Mexico with the Ute in 1705; and with the Ute 
they attacked Taos pueblo; they raided Jicarilla Apache settlement, 
pueblos and Spanish ranches, and always they took horses. 

The hostilities of the Comanche more than those of any other 
nomadic tribe prevented the Spaniards from establishing settlements in 
the Arkansas Valley. However, the Spaniards recognized the import- 
ance of the "Comancheria" as a barrier between New Mexico and 
the threatened French intrusion in the northeast and promoted friendly 
relations with the tribe. They were asked to attend the Taos fair in 
1748-49 where they traded skins and captives for horses and foodstuffs. 
But the French supplied arms through the Comanche camps in Kansas 
and depredations continued. Treaties with the Spaniards were made 
and broken, and it was not until Anza became governor of New Mexico 
in 1778 that the Comanche problem was properly understood. 

There existed at the time twelve bands of Comanche, each led by 
one or two chiefs who believed themselves to be the head of the whole 
tribe. No sooner would one chief make a treaty than it was repudiated 
by the others. Governor Anza adopted the aggressive method; he 
attacked the principal settlement of Cuerno Verde, their most noted 
chief, and later killed him. Peace between Spaniards and Comanche 
followed the year 1784. In 1786, Anza was instructed by General 
Ugarte to keep this peace with the Comanche, making gifts of horses 
and stores, and even paying salaries to certain chiefs who would make 
war on the Apache. 

It was not until 1850 that the Americans discovered, through trial 
and error, the Comanche division into bands with little or no coalescence. 
From the beginning the Comanche were the terror of the Santa Fe 
Trail. Military protection by the United States assured the further- 
ance of the commerce of the prairies; and the establishing of this pro- 
tected road through the Comanche country to Santa Fe was one of the 
steps towards the American occupation of the territory of New Mexico. 
The Comanche like all nomadic tribes gave trouble during the first 
twenty years of the new government. The treaty of 1867 provided 
for a Comanche reservation in Oklahoma. In 1874-75 the Comanche 
joined their old enemies the Apache in an attack which was quickly 
quelled, thus establishing: the supremacy of the United States Govern- 



ment for all time. The few Comanche left in New Mexico were at- 
tached to the Kiowa agency in Oklahoma. 

The Comanche are a copper-colored people with a pronounced aqui- 
line nose and thin lips, black hair and eyes, and little beard. They are 
of low or medium stature, well built, but with a tendency to corpulence. 
The women usually age prematurely. They were originally nomads, 
and lived in tepees that were easily carried from place to place as they 
followed the game. Their continued travels curtailed the development 
of culture and religion. 

The Comanche religion is largely an individual matter; they believe 
in the Great Spirit who is associated with the sun. Polygamy was 
formerly common. Women were often stolen or bartered for, and 
there existed little ceremony with courtship or marriage. Peyote, an 
alkaloid intoxicant from a cactus native to Mexico, was introduced 
in comparatively recent times. 

Horses were their medium of exchange, and in horses the Comanche 
counted their wealth. Their first horses were used as pack animals; 
later they used them for pursuing game and in war. They soon 
acquired extraordinary skill in horsemanship, and this supremacy more 
than anything else made them the greatest and most feared of the Plains 


THE story of the discovery of New Mexico by the Spaniards, as 
recounted by Castaneda, starts with Nuno de Guzman, Governor 
of New Spain in 1528, who had in his possession an Indian 
called Tejo (Te-ho) who told of going northward with his father to 
trade feathers for ornaments. They brought back large quantities of 
gold and silver, and saw "seven towns so large that they could be 
compared in size to Mexico and its suburbs, and that in them were 
whole streets occupied by silversmiths." These settlements were to be 
reached by "traveling northward between the two seas," and "across 
a grassy desert for forty days." 

Guzman organized an army of 400 Spaniards and 20,000 friendly 
Indians of New Spain, and set out in December, 1529, to find the 
fabled Seven Cities. He did not, however, find this promised land of 
riches, as he lost his way and followed up the Pacific Coast. Before 
the expedition's return to Mexico in 1531, Guzman established Culiacan 
in the province of Sinaloa, which became an important outpost for later 
exploring expeditions. 

Interest in those unknown regions flared up again when in April, 
1536, a group of four almost naked men walked into the village of 
Culiacan. Their leader, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, had started 
out from Spain for Florida in 1527, as royal treasurer of the Narvaez 
expedition which met with misfortune, all of its members except De 
Vaca and a few companions being lost at sea or killed by Indians. 
The four final survivors, De Vaca, Andres Dorantes, Alonso de Castillo 
Maldonado, and Estevan, the negro slave of Dorantes, wandered from 
the coast of Texas to the Spanish settlements on the Gulf of California. 

The story of De Vaca's experiences was the first definite word to 
reach Mexico City about the northern region later to become New 
Mexico. Antonio de Mendoza, first viceroy of New Spain, determined 
upon an expedition into those northern lands. But first he planned 
to send out a small exploring party, and selected as its leader Marcos 
de Niza, a Franciscan friar who was with Pizarro in the conquest of 
Peru, and later a frontier missionary in the northern part of New 
Spain. Estevan accompanied Marcos as guide; they took six Indian 
interpreters and others as servants. 

Marcos set out from Culiacan on March 7, 1539, following the 



Navaho girl with her pet lamb 

Scene in San Ildefonso Indian Pueblo 

Ancient Pueblo of Taos 


Colorfully dressed San Ildefonso Indians 

Zuni olla bearers in ceremonial costumes 

Acoma Pueblo on top of a rocky mesa 
Planting in "waffle beds" to retain scarce water 

Navaho silversmith and his wife 

Mescalero Apaches, costumed for the Crown Dance 

Je*mez Hoop Dancer 

Surveying the Navaho Indian Reservation 


west coast to the Sonora Valley where he stopped to rest and sent 
Estevan on ahead to explore and report back to him. If the country 
was unusually good Estevan was to send a cross two hands long; if 
it was as rich and populous as New Spain, a still larger cross. Four 
days later an Indian messenger returned with "a very large cross, ay 
tall as a man!" The Indian told of seven great cities in the first 
province with houses two, three, and four stories high, ornamented with 
turquoise which he said was abundant. Farther on, he added, there 
were other provinces greater even than the Seven Cities. 

Marcos immediately pressed forward over the deserts of Northern 
Mexico and southeastern Arizona. He did not overtake Estevan, how- 
ever, who reached the Zuni pueblo of Hawikuh, the first of the Seven 
Cities, and was killed there. Fray Marcos, upon learning of the 
Negro's death, did not turn back until May, 1539, when, according to 
his account, he beheld Hawikuh from the top of a nearby mesa, the 
Zuni not permitting the friar to approach nearer. Fray Marcos 
erected a cross and took formal possession of the country for Spain, then 
returned to Mexico City and reported to the viceroy. He had claimed 
a whole new region for Spain; had seen the many-storied houses of 
the Zuni; and Indians who wore turquoise suspended from their noses 
and ears. From these Indians on the way he had heard of great cities, 
populous nations, and lands abounding in wealth. These accounts lost 
nothing in the retelling as they passed from one adventurer to another. 

Mendoza, the viceroy, immediately began preparations to conquer 
this country. He selected Compostela as the assembling place, ap- 
pointed Francisco Vasquez Coronado as Captain-general of the expedi- 
tion, and Marcos as guide. The army started its northward march, 
February 23, 1540. 

Coronado followed the route of Marcos and Estevan. Going ahead 
of the main body, Coronado reached Cibola July 7, and captured 
Hawikuh, which he named Granada. The pueblo contained no wealth 
but an abundance of provisions. The soldiers, disappointed at finding 
no treasures, complained so bitterly against Marcos that he returned 
to New Spain. 

During the summer and fall exploratory parties penetrated to the 
Hopi pueblos and the Grand Canyon of the Colorado River in Arizona, 
the Rio Grande Pueblo country as far north as Taos, and east to the 
buffalo plains of the Llano Estacado. 

In September, Coronado's main army reached Tiguex, near the 
present town of Bernalillo, where Coronado established winter head- 
quarters. The Tiguex Pueblos revolted and were subjugated with 
such severity as to incur Indian hostility to the Spaniards for gen- 

An eastern plains Indian called the Turk, a captive of the pueblo 


of Cicuye (Pecos), told the Spaniards of a fabulously rich country 
far to the east named Quivira. Coronado listened eagerly and as soon 
as spring came started eastward with his entire force. Leaving Tiguex 
for the Eastern Plains April 23, 1541, the army stopped at Cicuye 
(Pecos), and continued the march for two or three days, when in 
order to cross the Pecos River a bridge was built supposedly near 
Puerto de Luna, in present Guadalupe County. This -was the first 
bridge known to be built in the present Southwest. Coronado's route 
led towards the northeast for a short distance, then turned in a general 
southeasterly direction to a point presumably near the headwaters of 
the Brazos River on the plains of Texas. 

After thirty-seven days of marching, the food supply was almost 
exhausted and only buffalo meat was available. It became apparent 
that the Turk's directions were misleading the Spaniards thought de- 
liberately so. Coronado selected other Indian guides, sent the main 
army back to Tiguex, and with a picked body of thirty men marched 
towards the north, which the new guides said was Quivira J s true loca- 
tion. Coronado pushed on as far as the Quiviras (Wichita Indians) 
in eastern Kansas, where populous cities and treasures of gold failed 
to materialize. From there he returned by a more direct route to 

Early in April, 1542, after a winter of discouragement and dissen- 
sion, Coronado and his army started back to New Spain. His report 
to Viceroy Mendoza in 1543 was a disappointment; the expedition was 
considered a failure, having added no gold to Spain, although Spanish 
possessions were increased by a vast territory, and the explorations 
formed the basis of the first definite geographic knowledge of the 

Three Franciscan friars, Juan de Padilla, Juan de la Cruz, and 
Luis de Escalona, who had accompanied Coronado, remained among the 
Pueblo Indians as the first missionaries and martyrs of New Mexico. 
Juan de la Cruz was killed by Indians at Tiguex, Luis de Escalona at 
Cicuye (Pecos), and Juan de Padilla traveled northeastward to Qui- 
vira (now the state of Kansas) where he met martyrdom in 1544. 

The next expedition, forty years after Coronado 's, was initiated and 
led by Agustin Rodriguez for missionary purposes. Agustin was accom- 
panied by Francisco Lopez, Juan de Santa Maria, and twelve soldiers 
under Captain Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado. Proceeding from Santa 
Barbara in southern Chihuahua, they blazed a new trail into the Pueblo 
country up the Rio Grande to Puaray, one of the pueblos in the Prov- 
inces of Tiguex where Coronado had made his headquarters. 

Eager to announce their discoveries, Juan de Santa Maria started 
back to New Spain but was killed by Indians on the way. After exten- 
sive explorations, the soldiers returned to Mexico, but Francisco and 


Agustin refused to leave, and remained at Puaray where shortly after- 
wards they were put to death. 

To ascertain the unknown fate of these Franciscans, the expedition 
of Antonio de Espejo and Bernardino Beltran, 1582-83, was under- 
taken. After obtaining definite information of the friars' deaths, the 
expedition explored a large part of the Pueblo country, and returned 
down the Pecos River, thus opening a third line of approach to the 
Pueblo region of central and northern New Mexico. Another out- 
standing feature of the expedition is that Casilda de Anaya, the third 
white woman to enter New Mexico, made the trip with her soldier 
husband. Espejo reported the region as abounding in great mineral 
wealth, good grazing country, and "lands suitable for fields and gar- 
dens, with or without irrigation." His report was influential in the 
settlement of the new province. 

The name "New Mexico," the oldest State name in the Union 
except Florida, is thought to have been first applied by Francisco de 
Ibarra in 1565, who called the country north of the settled Mexican 
provinces un otro or Nuevo Mejico. Following the Rodriguez expedi- 
tion 1581-82, the name was used permanently, appearing in the Gallegos 
account of that expedition written and presented to the viceroy in 1582. 
Nuevo Mejico was also used on the title page of Luxan's journal dated 
1583, of the Espejo expedition. 

The first attempt to colonize New Mexico was made by Caspar 
Castafio de Sosa, 159091, who with 170 persons, including women 
and children, and a wagon train of supplies entered by way of the 
Pecos River. After about a year among the Rio Grande pueblos, 
Castafio was arrested by Juan Morlete for having made an unauthor- 
ized entry, and was returned to Mexico City in chains. 

Humana and Bonilla also made an unauthorized entry, 1593-94, 
visiting the pueblos ^ind traversing the northeastern plains probably to 
the Platte River. Humana murdered Bonilla, and Indians killed the 
rest of the party except one New Mexican Indian called Jusepe who 
escaped and returned to Picuris. His story is the only account of 
what happened. 

Don Juan de Ofiate, a wealthy mine owner of Zacatecas, and son 
of a pioneer, made the next attempt to colonize the new region. The 
government, unable and unwilling to finance his proposal, granted 
him a contract September 21, 1595, when Ofiate offered to equip an 
expedition at his own expense. 

After numerous delays, the army of soldiers and settlers, number- 
ing about 400, a baggage and supply train of 83 wagons and carts, 
and 7,000 head of stock, left Santa Barbara, February 7, 1598, for the 
north. On April 30, Onate took formal possession of New Mexico 
at a point on the Rio Grande below El Paso del Norte. 


Near Mount Robledo Onate started ahead with a small escort to 
examine the country. On July n he established the first Spanish 
capital in New Mexico at the Tewa Village of Yugeuingge (called 
Yunqueyunque by Coronado), on, the west bank of the Rio Grande, 
and christened it San Juan, adding de los Caballeros (St. John of the 
Gentlemen) "in memory of those noble sons who first raised in these 
barbarous regions the bloody tree upon which Christ perished for the 
redemption of mankind." (Villagra, Historia del Nuevo Mcjico.) 

The main body of colonists following more slowly crossed the dread 
Jornada del Muerto (Journey of Death), and arrived five weeks later 
at San Juan, thus establishing the first permanent colony in New 
Mexico, and the second in the United States (the first being St. Augus- 
tine, Florida, 1565). 

Work on the first Spanish irrigation ditch was begun August 1 1, 
1598, and on the first church in New Mexico, August 23, it being dedi- 
cated September 8, to San Juan Bautista. The next day Pueblo chiefs 
of the region submitted and agreed to receive Christian missionaries. 
The Province was divided into seven mission districts with eight Fran- 
ciscan friars. 

From 1598 until 1601 the settlement was referred to as San Juan 
Bautista, but later was called San Gabriel del Yunque. San Juan de 
los Caballeros generally was used to denote the Tewa Pueblo on the 
east bank of the Rio Grande to which the Indians had moved. The 
Spanish capital remained at San Gabriel del Yunque until its removal 
to Santa Fe in the winter of 1609-10. 

The first winter in New Mexico was fraught with hardships. 
Friendly Indians could not provide sufficient food for the colonists and 
mutiny developed among the soldiers. The colony stood firm, however, 
due to the courage of its sturdy pioneers. 

On December 4, the Acoma Indians revolted, trapping Onate's 
nephew, Juan de Zaldivar, and eighteen of his men in their famous sky 
city on a mesa. Zaldivar, ten other soldiers, and a few servants were 

To punish the Acoma, Ofiate sent Vicente de Zaldivar, brother of 
the murdered Juan, with a picked force to recapture the pueblo. The 
battle began January 22, 1599, and raged until January 24, when the 
Spaniards gained the mesa top and were victorious. Setting fire to 
the pueblo, they sent the inhabitants to settle on the plains below. 
This ended organized Indian resistance to Onate, and on December 
24, 1600, relief forces from New Spain reached San Gabriel. 

Onate left San Gabriel for Quivira, June 23, 1601, to visit that 
section, going probably as far east as the present Wichita, Kansas, and 
traversing sections covered by Coronado sixty years before. 

During Onate's absence discontented settlers, soldiers, and all of 


the missionaries except one friar abandoned San Gabriel for the Santa 
Barbara mines or elsewhere. When Onate returned November 24, 
the settlement was all but deserted. Vicente de Zaldivar followed the 
colonists, secured new missionaries and settlers, brought back some of 
the deserters, and San Gabriel flourished again. 

Onate set out for the South Sea (the Pacific Ocean), October 7, 
1604, with thirty horsemen and two priests. He reached the Gulf of 
California, January 25, 1605, and took possession for Spain. The party 
started back to San Gabriel, saving themselves from starvation on the 
way by killing and eating their horses. On the return trip, Onate 
left his name on Inscription Rock, now El Morro National Monument, 
April 16, 1605, instituting a practice followed by subsequent governors, 
soldiers, and priests. 

Extensive expeditions, campaigns, and the exacting duties of gov- 
ernor had worn Onate out, while huge expenditures from his own 
private fortune reduced him to poverty. The colony needed reinforce- 
ments which Onate could not supply and which were not forthcoming 
from Mexico City. March 31, 1605, a secret report was made on 
New Mexico and Ofiate's conduct, which doubtless inspired Philip 
Ill's order of June 7, 1606, that no more explorations be made in New 
Mexico, that Onate go to Mexico City, and another governor be ap- 
pointed. In despair Onate resigned, August 24, 1607. The viceroy 
accepted his resignation but cautioned Onate not to leave New Mexico 
without further orders, which should arrive in December, 1609, at the 

The viceroy chose Juan Martinez de Montoya,. one of Onate's 
captains, as governor, but the colonists, for reasons which they consid- 
ered sufficient, did not permit him to serve. They elected Onate as 
governor, but he declined; then they chose his son, Don Cristobal. 
Sometime before March 5, 1609, the viceroy appointed Don Pedro de 
Peralta governor with instructions to found a new capital. 

To Onate was due the permanent settlement of New Mexico. He 
organized the first mission system among New Mexican Indians, ex- 
plored the Southwest as extensively as Coronado, Espejo, and all of his 
predecessors combined, and blazed the trail to the Gulf of California. 
Villagra's Historia del Nuevo Mejico, an epic poem in thirty-four 
cantos describing Ofiate's conquest and settlement of New Mexico, 
the first poem written about any section of the United States, was 
published at Alcala, Spain, in 1610. 

Onate and his son, Don Cristobal, were permitted to leave New 
Mexico after the arrival of Peralta, which they did in the spring of 
1610, but Don Cristobal died on the way to Mexico. Onate was 
charged with crimes committed in New Mexico, including refusal to 
obey royal decrees, lack of respect for the friars, mistreating the Indians, 


murdering some, and punishing the Acoma and Jumano Indians with 
especial cruelty. He was sentenced with De Zaldivar and several 
others in Mexico City, May 13, 1614. Ofiate was perpetually banished 
from New Mexico and fined 6,000 Castilian ducats. Some reason 
exists for believing that he was pardoned before 1624, as at that time 
he still bore the title of adelantado, and was entrusted with visitation 
of mines in Spain. 

During the winter of 1609 and 1610, Peralta founded Santa Fe 
and moved the settlers from San Gabriel to the new capital. The 
mission supply service between Mexico City and Santa Fe was organ- 
ized for sending supplies to missionaries and Spanish settlements via 
pack train every three years. 

Colonization during the seventeenth century was slow. Spanish 
authorities were interested in New Mexico principally as a northern 
outpost. The region 'was considered a failure as a source of easily 
obtainable gold, and became, therefore, primarily a venture in mission- 
ary work, colonization, and frontier protection. 

Eleven mission churches had been established by 1617. The Fran- 
ciscan Mission Province was formed into the custodia of the conversion 
of San Pablo in 1621, with Alonzo de Benavides as custodio. Bena- 
vides, also agent of the Inquisition, arrived in Santa Fe, December 
1625. The progress of mission work was remarkable. By 1626 there 
were 43 churches and 34,000 Christian Indians. 

The seventeenth century was, therefore, the great mission-building 
period- San Esteban at Acoma is an outstanding example. The mis- 
sions covered a wide area, east as far as Pecos, west to Zufii and the 
Hopi pueblos; along the Rio Grande as far north as Taos, and south 
to the mission of Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe, founded by Franciscans 
from New Mexico in 1659, a t El P aso d fi l Norte on the west bank 
of the Rio Grande (now Juarez, Mexico). 

Spanish settlements, even though the population was relatively small, 
were spread far apart. Until 1680, Santa Fe was the only Spanish 
villa, or incorporated town. Santa Cruz de la Canada, north of Santa 
Fe, was the second important village at that time, although Spanish 
settlements or haciendas extended from Taos to below Isleta on the 
Rio Grande. 

The province was seriously handicapped by continuous friction be- 
tween civil and religious authorities. Beginning with the administra- 
tion of Governor Peralta in 1610, these caused grave disturbances 
culminating in the preparation by Santa Fe's Cabildo (town council) 
of a signed statement complaining against the Franciscans, and a letter 
sent February 21, 1639, to Mexico City appealing to the viceroy. The 
friars in turn made serious accusations against Governor Rosas, during 
whose administration this occurred, and declared that he persecuted 


them. These incidents assumed proportions of a major and often 
damaging conflict. As a result, several of New Mexico's governors 
felt the heavy hand of the Inquisition or ecclesiastical discipline either 
during or immediately following their terms of office. 

By 1660 the conflict had become so grave that the Franciscans 
threatened to abandon the entire province. Governor Mendizabel con- 
sequently fell afoul of the Inquisition, and he, his wife, and three or 
four lesser officials were arrested and their property confiscated by the 
Holy Office. 

Don Diego de Penalosa, who succeeded Mendizabel as governor 
from 1661-64, forbade exploitation of Indians by the friars in "spinning 
and weaving cotton manias.'" At the conclusion of his term Penalosa 
was charged before the Inquisition in Mexico City with offenses against 
the clergy. A ruinous fine was imposed upon him and he was forced 
to march barefoot through the streets carrying a green candle. Unable 
to obtain redress from the viceroy, the ex-governor went to London 
and later to Paris where his schemes for conquest of the Quivira country 
east of New Mexico stimulated La Salle's expedition (1682), by which 
France set a limit to the expansiDn of Spanish possessions. 

Exploitation of the Indians by imposed labor or tribute continued 
alternately by friars and governors, and the Indians' resentment of the 
suppression of their religion led to a series of sporadic uprisings begin- 
ning in 1640, the immediate cause being the whipping, imprisoning, 
and hanging of forty Indians who would not give up their own religion. 
In 1643 tne Jemez Indians were discovered plotting with the Navaho 
to drive the Spaniards from New Mexico; and in 1650, the Pueblos 
of Jemez, Isleta, Alameda, San Felipe, and Cochiti conspired with the 
Apache for the same purpose. These and the Apache outbreak of 
1676, with the leaders and participants in each instance hanged, impris- 
oned or sold into slavery, culminated finally in the Pueblo Revolt of 
August 10, 1680, led by Po-pe. 

The Pueblo Indians planned with Apache aid to murder or expel 
all Spaniards and to destroy Santa Fe. On August 9, two days before 
the time set for the uprising, the plot was discovered by Governor 
Antonio de Otermm. Apprised of this discovery, the Indians began 
their slaughter in the early morning hours of the loth, leading even- 
tually to the deaths of over four hundred Spaniards, including twenty- 
one priests. North of Santa Fe but few Spaniards escaped alive. Set- 
tlers near Santa Fe gathered in the capital, preparing for a last stand. 
Indian hordes gathered around the village and sent the governor two 
crosses, one white and one red. If he returned the white and promised 
to abandon the country, the Spaniards might go in peace. If he re- 
turned the red, meaning that the Spaniards would fight, the Indians 
threatened to massacre them all. 


The Spaniards refused to surrender and sent back the red cross* 
The Indians then cut off Santa Fes water supply and began the siege. 
Starvation soon threatened the white men who sallied forth early on 
August 20, and attacked the sleeping Indians, killing three hundred 
and taking forty-seven captive. About one thousand five hundred 
others fled to the hills. 

On August 21, which date marks the end of Spanish rule in New 
Mexico for thirteen years, the besieged Spaniards, numbering about one 
thousand men, women, and children, abandoned Santa Fe and started 
towards El Paso del Norte. Their settlement on the east bank of 
the Rio Grande was the beginning of modern El Paso, Texas. 

When the Spaniards were gone, the Pueblos celebrated their vic- 
tory. They destroyed official records, tore down and burned churches, 
washed baptized Indians with amole (soapweed) in the Santa Fe River 
to cleanse them of the stain, and annulled Christian marriages. 

Several unsuccessful attempts to reconquer the province were made 
during the next ten years. In 1690, the Viceroy at Mexico City 
appointed Don Diego de Vaigas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon as 
Governor of New Mexico. August 21, 1692, De Vargas set out from 
El Paso with three hundred men for the reconquest. The army 
reached Santa Fe on September 13. The Indians blustered and threat- 
ened, but surrendered peacefully before night. De Vargas raised the 
royal banner, and on September 14, 1692, repossessed the country in 
the name of the King of Spain. He subdued the remainder of the 
province without losing a man or fighting a battle except for an en- 
counter with the Apache, and then returned to El Paso. 

De Vargas left again for New Mexico October 13, 1693, with 
seventy families, one hundred soldiers, and seventeen Franciscans, and 
re-entered Santa Fe December 16. In 1695 the Franciscan missions 
were re-established and the Villa of Santa Cruz de la Canada refounded. 
The Pueblos rebelled again in June 1696, but were subdued. De 
Vargas ordered several Pueblo governors shot and subsequently the 
Pueblos gave little trouble. 

Colonization increased and Albuquerque was founded in 1706, by 
Governor Don Francisco Cuervo y Valdes and named in honor of the 
Duke of Alburquerque, viceroy in Mexico City. 

As war existed between France and Spain in 1719, New Mexico 
was threatened with French intrusion from the east. On June 14, 
1720, Captain Pedro Villasur left Santa Fe with an expedition for 
the Pawnee Country to investigate French activity there. Near the 
Platte River in central Nebraska, Pawnee Indians, armed by French 
traders, attacked the party, killing Villasur and forty-four others. Only 
thirteen survived. 

In 1723 the Spanish government forbade trade with the French, 


and limited trade with Plains Indians to those coming to Pecos and 
Taos, thus giving rise to the latter's annual fairs. 

The Mallet brothers and seven or eight other French Canadian fur 
traders came to Santa Fe in 1739, by way of the Missouri and Platte 
Rivers through Nebraska, Kansas, and southeastern Colorado. Some 
of the men returned across the Plains to Illinois; others down the 
Canadian and Arkansas Rivers to New Orleans. This marked a new 
epoch, as the traders had penetrated to New Mexico through dangerous 
Indian country and had returned in safety. They also carried back 
the first definite information about the fur trade and internal conditions 
of the province. 

Results were immediate and far-reaching. French officials in Louisi- 
ana became actively interested. More traders entered, although they 
were opposed. Toward the close of the French and Indian War, the 
ceding by France to Spain of all Louisiana west of the Mississippi River 
solved this particular frontier problem. The French peril ceased to 
exist, but there remained an even more dangerous one to guard against 
the English. 

Meanwhile, New Spain extended its missions and outposts on the 
California coast. In July, 1776, Escalante and Dominguez with eight 
companions left Santa Fe to find a trail to the new missions at Mon- 
terey, California. They traveled northwest up the Chama Valley to 
Abiquiu, across the upper San Juan Basin, through southwestern Colo- 
rado, across the Green and Grand Rivers, to Utah Lake in north central 
Utah, then southwest to Sevier Lake. The friars mentioned the exist- 
ence of the Great Salt Lake farther north. With the trail to California 
uncertain and the rapid approach of winter, they turned back through 
the Grand Canyon and Zuni, reaching Santa Fe January 22, 1777- 
Their trail from Santa Fe into central Utah became the first stage of 
the Spanish Trail from Santa Fe to Los Angeles. 

Lieutenant Colonel Juan Bautista de Anza, who after founding 
San Francisco in 1776 became governor of New Mexico, instituted 
a vigorous campaign (1779) against the Comanche, former Spanish 
allies, because of their raids led by Chief Cuerno Verde upon Spanish 
settlers in the Rio Grande Valley. De Anza's command consisted of 
645 men, including 85 soldiers and 259 Indians. In a battle ninety-five 
leagues northeast of Santa Fe in the present state of Colorado, the cele- 
brated Comanche chief was defeated and killed. De Anza's route led 
in full view of the peak named later for Zebulon Pike. 

In 1780 a smallpox epidemic following a three-year drought broke 
out among the Pueblos, Moquis, and Spaniards. Drought, famine, and 
pestilence carried off 5,025 Pueblo Indians. 

Ever since the founding of San Antonio (1718) in the province 
of Texas (now the State), the Spaniards needed direct communication. 


with Santa Fe. In 1787 a trail from San Antonio north to the region 
of Wichita Falls, then up the Red and Canadian Rivers, and on to 
Santa Fe was traced by Pedro (Pierre) Vial, a French frontiersman 
officially sent out from San Antonio. 

Other routes to the East were opened shortly afterwards, but still 
there was none to St. Louis in Spanish Louisiana. Vial and two com- 
panions left Santa Fe May 21, 1792, with orders from the governor 
to find a direct route. Vial reached St. Louis and returned, thus 
making the first complete journey across what became the famed Santa 
Fe Trail. 

During the latter part of the eighteenth century mineral prospects 
received new attention, although little actual mining was done during 
the Spanish era. The first big development was the Santa Rita copper 
mine discovered about 1 800, but not extensively worked until 1804. 

Spanish officials, thoroughly aroused by the westward expansion of 
the United States, due to the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, and by 
explorations into Spanish-American territory, were fearful lest restless 
Anglo-American pioneers overrun Texas and New Mexico. When 
news reached Governor Joaquin Alencastre of Lieutenant Zebulon M. 
Pike's exploration into Spanish territory, and of his erection of a cot- 
tonwood stockade over which Pike raised the American flag about 
five miles up the Rio Conejos in Colorado on the west side of the Rio 
Grande, Alencastre sent out a party of horsemen to arrest and bring 
the Americans to Santa Fe, where they arrived March 3, 1807. Pike 
was sent to Chihuahua under guard, and later escorted to the Louisiana 
frontier. Pike's report supplied the United States with the first authen- 
tic information about the Spanish Southwest. 

Alencastre instituted measures to prevent additional American in- 
fluences from entering New Mexico. Until Mexico gained indepen- 
dence from Spain, attempts to open trade with St. Louis were unsuc- 
cessful and the traders who at times did enter the province were 
expelled or imprisoned. 

In 1810 Spain was overrun by Napoleon's armies and turned to its 
American colonies for support. A decree was issued providing for 
election of deputies from Spanish-America to the Cortes in Spain. On 
August ii Pedro Bautista Pino was chosen to represent New Mexico. 
He was the province's first and only representative to Spain. 


As soon as Mexico achieved independence from Spain, September 
27, 1821, the new republic was ready to establish relations with the 
outside world, a policy that affected New Mexico. 


William Becknell, of Missouri, a trader among the Comanche, 
was the first American to take advantage of the change. In 1822 he 
brought the first wagons loaded with goods from Missouri across the 
Plains to Santa Fe, and earned the title, "Father of the Santa Fe 
Trail." He was also the first trader to follow the Cimarron route to 
San Miguel and Santa Fe. Two years later the spring caravan brought 
$30,000 worth of goods to New Mexico; the traders returned with 
$180,000 in gold and silver, $10,000 worth of furs, and the Santa Fe 
trade was established. 

The $10,000 of furs is significant as it relates to an almost forgotten 
phase of early American enterprise in New Mexico. James O. Pattie, 
a Kentuckian, with a party of western frontiersmen trapped all over 
New Mexico and Arizona from 1824 to 1828. In 1826 Ceran St. 
Vrain, veteran trapper, and a large party including the youthful Kit 
Carson, trapped beaver on the Rio Grande, the Gila, and Colorado 
Rivers. A route for the Santa Fe Trail from Missouri to Taos was 
surveyed by the United States Government in 1825, but traders refused 
to follow its roundabout course, preferring the routes already in use. 

The treaty of 1819, regarding boundaries between Spanish posses- 
sions and the United States, signed by both governments, was ratified 
by the Republic of Mexico in 1828. 

In 1833 the first gold lode or vein west of the Mississippi River 
was discovered and worked on, the Sierra de Oro (mountain of gold), 
now known as the Ortiz mine. Actually, however, gold was known 
and had been worked in the Cerrillos (little hills) of Santa Fe, and 
the arroyos to the south in the time of Governor Don Tomas Velez, 
1749-54. As early as the middle of the seventeenth century, lead and 
some silver had been mined in the region. 

The first newspaper in New Mexico, El Crepusculo de la Libertad 
(The Dawn of Liberty), was published in the summer of 1834 at 
Santa Fe by Antonio Barreiro on the first press in New Mexico that 
owned by Don Ramon Abreu. The printer was Jesus Baca. *This 
press was subsequently purchased by Padre Antonio Jose Martinez and 
moved to Taos where he published various pamphlets and school manuals 
for his students. 

An uprising caused by dissatisfaction with the revised Mexican 
constitution, centralization of power, and imposition of taxes to which 
New Mexicans had not been subject before, took place August 3, 1837, 
and Lieutenant Colonel Albino Perez, unpopular since his arrival in 
Santa Fe as governor, was assassinated. 

The rebels entered Santa Fe August 10, and elected Jose Gonzales, 
a native of Taos, as governor, but General Manuel Armijo overthrew 
Gonzales and re-established the Mexican government's authority with 
himself as governor, January 28, 1838. Armijo continued in office, 


except from April 28, 1844 to November, 1845, until the end of the 
Mexican period in New Mexico. 

The year 1841 was marked by the attempt of Texas to get some 
of the profitable overland commerce going into New Mexico, and pos- 
sibly as a concealed purpose, to induce the New Mexicans to throw 
off the yoke of Mexico and thus establish the Texas boundary claim to 
the east bank of the Rio Grande. 

On entering New Mexico the members of this Texas-Santa Fe expe- 
dition were arrested, several were shot, and the others sent by Armijo 
to prisons in Mexico City. They were soon released due to pressure by 
the United States, Texas, and British Governments. Accounts of the 
prisoners* mistreatment aroused resentment adding to the strain already 
existing between the United States and Mexico. 

President Polk announced war with Mexico, May 13, 1846, and 
the United States immediately began planning to invade New Mexico, 
Chihuahua, and California. 


General Stephen W. Kearny, commanding the Army of the West, 
entered New Mexico at Raton, reaching Las Vegas August 15, 1846, 
where he absolved the people from allegiance to Mexico and proclaimed 
himself governor. On August 18 General Kearny, having failed to 
meet the expected resistance from General Armijo in Apache Canon, 
occupied Santa Fe without a shot being fired in his bloodless conquest, 
and again declared the end of the Mexican period and the beginning 
of the American. The construction of Fort Marcy, the first American 
military fort in New Mexico, was begun on August 23, on the high 
hill northeast of Santa Fe. 

On September 22 General Kearny, hastening to organize a new 
government for New Mexico as a Territory of the United States, ap- 
pointed officials including Charles Bent as civil governor, and Donaciano 
Vigil as secretary. Bent was a pioneer with influential business and 
social connections, having come to Santa Fe in 1826. He was a partner 
in the firm of Bent and St. Vrain, the largest fur trading company in 
the Southwest. 

On September 25 General Kearny set out for California, leaving 
Colonel Alexander W. Doniphan in charge of New Mexico with orders 
to march southward to assist in the conquest of Chihuahua as soon as 
Colonel Sterling Price arrived to take command in New Mexico. 
Meantime, however, Navaho raids were growing so bold that Colonel 
Doniphan swept across the Continental Divide into the very heart of 


the Navaho country in the northwest, and forced them to make a treaty 
at Bear Spring November 22, the first United States treaty with the 

Scarcely more than a month later Colonel Doniphan's forces were 
victorious at Brazito, where the only battle of the Mexican War fought 
on New Mexican soil occurred on the afternoon of Christmas Day. 
The same American troops occupied El Paso del Norte which sur- 
rendered without a struggle December 28, and on February 8, 1847 
began their advance on the city of Chihuahua. 

With General Kearny and Colonel Doniphan both out of the terri- 
tory, malcontents planned a sudden blow against American control 
before it became too firmly rooted, and called a general uprising for 
midnight of December 19. The plot was discovered and the leaders 
fled or were imprisoned. The revolutionary spirit was not subdued, 
however, and flared up anew in the Taos Revolt a month later when 
Governor Bent was murdered in his home at Taos, January 19, 1847, 
by local revolutionists and Indians from Taos Pueblo. Several other 
officials were also murdered and the homes of Anglo-American residents 

The revolt spread, and preparations were under way to march upon 
the capital itself. Colonel Price, who had succeeded Colonel Doniphan 
in command, immediately left Santa Fe with 350 men for Taos, which 
he reached on February 3. The following morning the troops sur- 
rounded Taos Pueblo and fired on insurgents gathered in the church. 
The next morning the Indians begged for peace. The revolt failed, 
ending all doubt of American control, and placed the whole Territorial 
government in the army's hands, leaving scarcely more than the name 
of civil government for the next four years. Coincidental with Ameri- 
can rule was the starting of the first newspaper in New Mexico, printed 
in English, the Santa Fe Republican, September 4, 1847. 

The close of the Mexican War resulted in the treaty of Guadalupe 
Hidalgo signed February 2, 1848, providing (i) that Mexico give up 
all claim to territory east of the Rio Grande and cede New Mexico 
and upper California to the United States; (2) that the United States 
pay Mexico $15,000,000 besides settling American citizens' claims of 
$3,250,000 against Mexico; (3) that inhabitants of the ceded territory 
become American citizens unless moving out or formally declaring 
within a year their intention to retain Mexican citizenship; and (4) 
that they be "admitted at the proper time (to be judged by the Con- 
gress of the United States) to the enjoyment of all rights of citizens of 
the United States." 

On October 10, 1848 a convention of delegates met at Santa Fe, 
and, protesting against the Texas claims to the east side of the Rio 
Grande and the introduction of slavery, petitioned Congress for a speedy 


organization of a civil territorial government. When the petition 
reached Congress it obtained no results. 

Another convention meeting September 24, 1849 adopted a regular 
plan of territorial civil government and sent a delegate to Congress to 
urge its acceptance, but he was denied a seat. 

During the same year a regular stage line was established between 
Independence and Santa Fe, making the round trip twice monthly and 
carrying the mail by yearly contract. Though irregular in the early 
years, this service was later increased to once a week and finally to 
three times a week. 

A constitutional convention met in Santa Fe in May, 1850, and 
framed a constitution for the "State" of New Mexico; this was ratified 
June 20 by a decisive vote of the people, and submitted to Congress. 
A legislature, meeting on July I elected United States senators, and 
drew up a memorial to Congress denouncing the military officials' high- 
handed methods of controlling the government, and asking admission 
as a State. 

This effort to secure statehood failed as Congress, on September 9, 
passed the compromise measures of 1850, one feature of which was the 
Organic Act of the Territory of New Mexico by which New Mexico 
became a territory with full civil government. The Organic Act also 
settled the long standing controversy with Texas over the region east 
of the Rio Grande. The claim of Texas had always been shadowy and 
uncertain, while that of New Mexicans who had occupied the territory 
for two centuries and a half was definite and beyond reasonable doubt. 
Congress organized the lands east of the Rio Grande as part of the 
Territory of New Mexico and paid Texas $10,000,000 to relinquish 
all claims. Congress also, September 27, 1850, authorized monthly mail 
routes east and the establishment of post offices. 

March 3, 1851, James C. Calhoun (appointed March 29, 1849, first 
Indian agent west of the Mississippi River) was inaugurated as first 
Governor under the Organic Act. 

The first legislative assembly meeting under the Organic Act in 
1851, fixed Santa Fe as the capital, and divided the territory into three 
judicial districts; and at its second session the territory was divided into 
nine counties. Neither session passed a tax law. 

In the summer of 1851 the Right Reverend John B. Lamy, bishop 
of the newly established Roman Catholic Vicarate Apostolic of Santa 
Fe, reached the capital and took charge of the diocese. Bishop Lamy 
instituted a series of extensive reforms and launched a program of edu- 
cation that made him famous in the Southwest. 

Congress in the spring of 1853 authorized Jefferson Davis, Secretary 
of War, to send out exploring expeditions to determine the most feasible 


route for a railroad to the Pacific coast. Two of the routes were sur- 
veyed through New Mexico, 

Later, James Gadsden was sent by the President to Mexico City 
as a special commissioner with instructions to settle the boundary dis- 
pute with the Mexican government by buying the region west of the 
Rio Grande and south of the Gila River, including the proposed rail- 
way route and all of the disputed territory. On December 30, 1853, 
he signed a treaty, the Gadsden Purchase, by which the United States 
paid Mexico $10,000,000 for all of the territory along the present 
southern boundary of the United States from the Rio Grande to the 
Colorado River. 

United States land laws were extended to New Mexico by act 
of Congress, July 22, 1854, an d the office of United States surveyor- 
general for the territory was created. Two years later the surveyor- 
general investigated Pueblo Indian land claims and recommended con- 
firmation of titles to eighteen Pueblos. Fort Wingate was established 
in 1857, n ear San Rafael, and moved in 1860 to Shashbitgo (Bear), 
now known as Fort Wingate. 

Mesilla Valley and Arizona applied to Congress in 1859 for estab- 
lishment of a new territory out of the southern half of New Mexico 
to be known as Arizona. Although the people of New Mexico fav- 
ored the measure, it was not adopted. Formation of the Territory of 
Colorado, February 28, 1861, reduced New Mexico in size, its north- 
eastern section being included in the new territory. 

The controversy between North and South leading to the Civil 
War was not of vital interest in New Mexico, nor was the question of 
Negro slavery an outstanding issue. New Mexicans were accustomed 
to native peonage and to captive Indian slavery, but in 1861 there were 
only twenty-two Negro slaves in the territory. As a conquered- prov- 
ince New Mexico had formed no strong attachment to the Union. 
But as many of the early pioneers and traders over the Santa Fe Trail, 
and many American officers in the territory were Southerners, the in- 
clination was toward the South. 

When the conflict began, numerous resignations and desertions from 
the Union Army in New Mexico took place, the men joining the South- 
ern forces. However, when the first Southern advance came from 
Texas into New Mexico popular feeling went to the Union as the long 
standing controversy with Texas had bred much ill feeling and Texans 
were intensely unpopular with the average New Mexican. 

Confederate territory reached to El Paso and the Confederate gov- 
ernment was anxious to extend it westward to the Pacific coast. As a 
transcontinental nation the Confederacy's prestige would be doubled 
and its credit and resources increased due to the California gold mines. 
Accordingly, Lieutenant Colonel John R. Baylor of the Confederate 


Army came up by Fort Bliss, July I, 1861, with 600 Texans, occupied 
Mesilla and captured Major Isaac Lynde's entire command which had 
abandoned Fort Fillmore. 

One month later, August I, Lieutenant Colonel Baylor organized 
by proclamation all of New Mexico south of the 34th parallel as the 
Territory of Arizona, which was recognized by the Confederate Con- 
gress. Governor Connelly issued a proclamation September 9 calling 
for volunteers to resist invasion "by an armed force from the State of 
Texas, " the Confederacy not being mentioned. 

Confederate General H. H, Sibley with an army of 2,300 entered 
New Mexico from Texas and marched northward for the major opera- 
tion in the Territory. At Valverde, February 21, 1862, he met U. S. 
General E. R. S. Canby with a force of about 3,800. In a desperate 
all-day battle the Confederates were victorious. The Confederate forces 
captured Albuquerque and marched on to Santa Fe, which they occu- 
pied March 10 without opposition, the territorial officials having fled. 

The Union Army, strengthened by Colorado Volunteers sent into 
New Mexico, surprised the Confederates on their way to Fort Union in 
Apache Canon, near Glorieta, 15 miles southeast of the capital, and 
a fierce engagement took place. The Confederates retreated, many 
being captured by the Union forces. Another battle occurred on March 
28 at Pigeon's Ranch, during which the Confederate supply train en- 
camped at Canoncito was completely destroyed. On discovering their 
loss, the Confederates fell back to Santa Fe, and the Federals returned 
to Fort Union. 

Failure of the advance on Fort Union ruined Confederate plans. 
General Sibley evacuated Santa Fe, April 8, retreating down the Rio 
Grande, and Federal forces reoccupied the capital three days later. 
On April 15 the Union and Confederate forces met at Peralta, where 
a skirmish ensued, and the Southerners continued their retreat. When 
the "California Column" came in from the west, July and August, 1862, 
the Civil War in New Mexico was over. 

Due to abandonment of military posts in 1861 for concentration 
of U. S. Army forces at strategic points during the Civil War period, 
the major portion of New Mexico was exposed to attacks by Indians, 
who, taking advantage of the situation, plundered settlements, murdered 
inhabitants, and drove off livestock. 

Consequently an Indian policy was developed for the Southwest. 
It included rounding up the wild tribes, Apache and Navaho, from all 
parts of the territory, moving them to the Basque Redondo (circular 
grove of woods) on the Pecos River near Fort Sumner. There, dis- 
armed and subjugated, they were to be taught farming and made par- 
tially self-supporting. 

Colonel Kit Carson, the great pathfinder and scout, was sent to 


subdue and bring in the Mescalero Apache and Navaho. Early in 1863 
he had 400 at the Bosque Redondo, and 200 more by the end of the 
year. In 1864 Colonel Carson marched directly into Canyon de Chelly, 
the Navaho stronghold, defeated the Indians and transferred 7,000 to 
the Bosque Redondo. 

The depredations of these nomadic tribes were temporarily checked, 
but the Bosque Redondo colonizing scheme did not work. The Indian 
nations were hostile among themselves, disease spread, and they faced 
starvation unless fed by the Government. The Mescalero fled from 
the reservation in 1866 and went on the warpath, resulting in a change 
of Indian policy. A peace commission, sent from Washington in 1868, 
signed a treaty with the Navaho allowing them to return to a reserva- 
tion in their own country, northwestern New Mexico and northeastern 
Arizona, the latter territory having been formed February 24, 1863, out 
of the western half of New Mexico. Fort Sumner was consequently 

Peonage, or debt servitude, not covered by the Emancipation Procla- 
mation and the Thirteenth Amendent (which applied only to Negroes), 
was formally abolished in New Mexico by Congress March 2, 1867. 
During the same year the Moreno gold district, Colfax County, was dis- 
covered, and the general incorporation act for mining and other indus- 
trial pursuits became a law. Rapidity of communication was effected 
by the arrival of daily mail from the east (1868), and the completion 
of the military telegraph line from Fort Leavenworth to Santa Fe 
July 8, 1869, an epoch-making event. 

The alleged sale by Governor William A. Pile, 1869-71, of the 
Spanish Santa Fe Archives as waste paper was the outstanding feature 
of his administration. Only about one-fourth of the records were sub- 
sequently recovered. 

With the erection of the diocese of Santa Fe into a metropolitan see 
by papal bull, February 12, 1875, the Right Reverend John B. Lamy 
became Archbishop of the Province. 

The Lincoln County War, beginning in 1876, was a bloody feud 
involving rival cattlemen and political factions with Billy the Kid 
(William H. Bonney) taking a prominent part. As Territorial officials 
instituted no effective measures to stop this outbreak, President Hayes 
on October I, 1878, appointed General Lew Wallace Territorial Gov- 
ernor for the specific purpose of ending the Lincoln County War. On 
October 7, the President ordered Federal troops to reinforce the civil 
authorities, but the war ended before they were called into action. 

The first railroad track was laid inside the Territory November 30, 
1878; the first locomotive crossed the summit of Raton Pass on De- 
cember 7. No other event was more important in transforming New 
Mexican life. A new era of progress and development was begun, the 


great cattle boom of the eighties resulting directly from the opening of 
eastern markets by rail. 

With transportation facilities available for bringing in modern min- 
ing machinery and exporting mineral products, prospectors and capital- 
ists came into New Mexico creating the first great mining boom, 
which began in 1879. Mining camps at Los Cerrillos were established 
in March, the White Oaks camp in September, and the Rio Arriba 
placer mines were located. 

During April of the same year Chief Victorio and his band of 
Apache left the Mescalero Reservation and went on the warpath, 
spreading terror throughout southern New Mexico and Arizona until 
Victorio was attacked and killed in 1883 by Mexican troops in Chi- 
huahua, where he had been driven by American forces. His death was 
followed by General George Crook's campaign against the Apache. 

An echo of the Lincoln County War and an effective check to law- 
lessness in northeastern New Mexico was the shooting of Billy the 
Kid, July 14, 1 88 1, by Sheriff Pat. F. Garrett. 

In 1885, Geronimo, one of the last outstanding chiefs of the Apache, 
fled from the San Carlos Reservation in Arizona and took up the bloody 
work of Victorio, terrorizing an even wider range than his predecessor. 
President Cleveland ordered General Nelson A. Miles to capture 
Geronimo and place all Apache on reservations. Geronimo surrendered 
on September 3, 1886. 

When the cattle boom ended, an influx of eastern farmers began, 
followed by rapid agricultural development. The Pecos Valley be- 
came a thriving agricultural center through the discovery in 1888 and 
1 890 of quantities of artesian water. The Pecos Valley Irrigation and 
Investment Company's extensive system was begun in 1889, followed 
by other extensive irrigation and reclamation projects. 

Education in New Mexico was advanced when Governor Edmund 
G. Ross signed, on February 28, 1889, a bill creating a university at 
Albuquerque, an agricultural college at Las Cruces, and a school of 
mines at Socorro. 

To eliminate confusion and uncertainty relating to title of land 
grants in New Mexico and other States within territory acquired from 
Mexico in 1848 and i853> Congress approved an act, March 3, 1891, 
for establishing a Court of Private Land Claims, which confirmed titles 
to almost 2,000,000 acres by June 30, 1904. The Pecos Forest Re- 
serve was created by order of the President January II, 1892. Seven 
national forests are now located in New Mexico. 

When the capitol building burned May 12, 1892, many public 
documents were completely destroyed. This disaster, coupled with Gov- 
ernor Pile's alleged sale of the Santa Fe Spanish Archives as wastepaper 
in 1869-70, and the destruction of the early public documents by Indians 


during the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, has made the task of New Mexico's 
historians extremely difficult and given rise to numerous controversies. 

With the declaration of war against Spain, President McKinley 
called on New Mexico, April 23, 1898, for its quota of 340 volunteer 
cavalrymen for service in Cuba as Rough Riders under Colonel Leonard 
Wood and Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. In eight days the 
entire quota was mustered into service. The Rough Riders landed near 
Santiago on June 22, in time for action two days later at Las Guasimas, 
the first engagement in Cuba. At El Caney and San Juan they won 
brilliant victories. Leaving Cuba August 7, they were discharged from 
service September 15. 

New Mexico's capitol building now in use was completed and dedi- 
cated June 4, 1900, at Santa Fe. 

Floods occurring on the Mimbres River, Grant County, August 29, 
1902, rendered hundreds homeless, causing the Governor to ask public 
aid. During September and October two years later, the most disas- 
trous floods in New Mexico's history took a toll of many lives and 
demoralized railroad traffic for two months. 

A milestone in educational development was reached in 1909 when 
the United States War Department classed the New Mexico Military 
Institute as "distinguished," this being the first national recognition ac- 
corded one of the territory's educational institutions. Oil was discov- 
ered during the same year in encouraging amounts in a well near Day- 
ton, Eddy County. 

New Mexico's attempt to attain statehood was blocked again in 
1906, when proposed joint statehood with Arizona was submitted to 
Congress and rejected by the people of Arizona, The Territory's long 
struggle culminated successfully, however, when Congress passed the 
Enabling Act and it was signed June 20, 1910, by President Taft. 
The Enabling Act provided for the admission of New Mexico and 
Arizona into the Union as separate States after each had adopted State 
constitutions. New Mexico lost no time in calling a convention of 100 
members to draw up a State constitution. It was completed November 
21, and adopted by the people January 21, 1911, but fell short of Fed- 
eral requirements for admittance to statehood. 


Certain constitutional changes asked for by Congress and President 
Taft, in August, 1911, were duly made; and, on January 6, 1912, New 
Mexico was admitted as a State into the Union the 47th State. On 
January 15, William C. McDonald was inaugurated first State Gov- 

The border town of Columbus, New Mexico, was raided March 9, 
1916, by Francisco (Pancho) Villa and 800 or 1,000 of his followers, 
who set fire to houses and killed several citizens. A punitive expedition 
of 6,000 under Brigadier General John J. Pershing crossed the border 
at Columbus less than a week later, March 15, with orders to capture 
Villa dead or alive. A clash between Mexican and American troops 
followed April 12, at Parral, Mexico, resulting in diplomatic entangle- 
ments, and the United States Government relinquished the chase. 
Villa's raids recurred in Texas during May, and the President called 
out the National Guard along the entire Mexican border. The Na- 
tional Guard was mustered out of service April 5, 1917, after Villa's 
band ceased its raids across the international border. 

Following the entrance of the United States into the World War, 
the New Mexico State legislature in a special session, opening May I, 
provided for defense of the State and assistance of the Federal govern- 
ment by creating the State Council of Defense to mobilize and organize 
New Mexico's total resources, made provision for food conservation, 
and appropriated $75,000 for war purposes. 

In June, 1,300 guardsmen were mobilized for Federal service at 
Camp Funston, Albuquerque. In September, the first detachment of 
New Mexicans, popularly known as "Battery A" (of the 1 46th Artil- 
lery), left for Camp Greene, North Carolina, and before the close of 
the year was in France the first New Mexican unit to enter the 
trenches in Europe. The State's contribution to all branches of the 
service numbered 17,157 men, larger in proportion to population than 
the average for the whole country. 

Food conservation as a war measure played an important part in 
influencing a majority of more than 16,000 to vote for the prohibition 
amendment to the State constitution, November 6, 1917. 

The development of Hogback and Rattlesnake oil fields on Indian 
lands in San Juan County during 1922-24, provided definite assurance 
of New Mexico's position as an important oil State. Artesia oil field, 
Eddy County, was also discovered during this period. 

Three miles of Carlsbad Caverns were surveyed in 1923 by Robert 
Holly, of the Federal Land Office, and Dr. Willis T. Lee, of the Geo- 
logical Survey, and later in the same year were proclaimed a National 
Monument by President Coolidge. Carlsbad Caverns National Park 
was created by President Hoover, May, 1930. In 1936, the State of 
New Mexico counted among its assets seven National Forests contain- 
ing approximately 9,000,000 acres. 

The Pueblo Indian Lands Board was created by act of Congress, 
June, 1934, to settle non-Indian claims to land within, or in conflict 
with, Pueblo Land Grants. 

In 1933, the United States and Mexican Governments ratified a 


treaty for regulating the course of the Rio Grande from El Paso to 
Fort Quitman, and for building the dam at Caballo, just below Ele- 
phant Butte Reservoir, to assist in the control of flood-waters of the 
lower Rio Grande. 

During World War II the New Mexico National Guard unit 
was entrapped on Bataan and suffered heavy casualties. The Bataan 
Memorial Methodist Hospital at Albuquerque commemorates their 

The first atomic bomb, produced at Los Alamos, was exploded at 
"Trinity Site" in the White Sands Proving grounds area July 16, 1945, 
and experimental work on rockets and other guided missiles is also being 
conducted in this area. 

In 1948 a constitutional provision denying the vote to Indians was 
ruled invalid, and in 1955 school segregation and racial discrimination 
was practically at an end. 

During the past decade annual expenditures for highways has in- 
creased, from c. $23,000,000 to $69,000,000. Bank deposits have grown 
from c. $350,000,000 to c. $713,000,000, and the population of the 
State has almost doubled since 1940 to 951,023 in the 1960 Census. 

Agriculture and Stock Raising 

DESPITE the influx of new industries and government installa- 
tions in New Mexico, agriculture still makes a major contribu- 
tion about $250 million annually to the economy of the 
State. And agriculture has changed, as in other states, to a rather exact 
science, using all the new methods which are at the disposal of farmer 
and rancher. 

Farming has been carried on in old Mexico for centuries, first by 
the Pueblo Indians who are still farmers primarily; after 1598 by their 
conquerors, the Spanish Colonists; and later by the descendants of the 
colonists, among whom farming and stock raising have always been of 
major economic importance. Although the farms were small, the herds 
of sheep and cattle were large, owing to the once unlimited free graz- 
ing area. 

With the development of agricultural areas through reclamation and 
irrigation projects, farming supplements the important industry of stock 
raising until their combined product exceeds in value the output of the 
State's other industries. Dry farming (agriculture wholly dependent 
upon rainfall) occurs in the northeastern and eastern portions of the 
State, where the average rainfall is 15.5 inches. Irrigation is used in 
the Rio Grande, Pecos, Mimbres, Gila, and San Juan River valleys 
and wherever water can be obtained from small streams. Pump wells 
are used as additional sources in Lea, Hidalgo, Roswell, Chaves, and 
Luna counties as well as large storage reservoirs as those impounded by 
Elephant Butte, Conchas, and El Vado dams. Completion of the 
Navajo Dam in the next few years will bring several thousand addi- 
tional acres under irrigation in San Juan County. The Conchas Dam 
in San Miguel County has developed considerable acreage in Quay 
County irrigated by the Canadian River. 

The State has 15,919 farms, containing 46,243,077 acres of land, 
valued in 1959 at $940 million. Corn and wheat are principal crops, 
the former (dating from pre-Columbian times) being the main crop of 
the Pueblo Indians. Chile (peppers) and frijoles (beans) are raised 
by farmers of the central and northern plateaus. Cotton, first grown 
by the Indians along the lower Rio Grande and then abandoned, is the 
major crop in the southern and eastern parts of the State and is the 
State's largest in value. Grains, sorghums, alfalfa, and fruits are also 



grown in quantity. A peculiarly New Mexican product, shipped to most 
countries in the Western World, is the pinon nut, native to the foothills 
of the rough lands. The crop in good years the trees bear heavily only 
once every four or five years has a monetary value running into hun- 
dreds of thousands of dollars. 

The 1949-58 average wheat production was 3,849,000 bushels and 
the ten-year average for corn was 1,170,000 bushels. More than 291,- 
ooo bales (500 Ibs.) of cotton were produced in 1960. Pinto bean 
production has dropped over the years, but sorghum and hay production 
has increased. The State produced more than nine million bushels of 
sorghum grain in 1960 and 688,000 tons of hay. Broomcorn sorghum 
is an important crop in Quay and Curry counties, while peanuts are 
one of the major products of Roosevelt County. Cotton land in the 
Mesilla Valley of the Rio Grande in southern New Mexico is worth 
$1,000 to $1,500 an acre. 

Characteristic of the central and northern portions of the State are 
the small irrigated farms of the Spanish-American people in small moun- 
tain valleys and mesas. Individual holdings, divided as families in- 
creased in size, have become so small that now often half of the adult 
male population of the rural farming communities are obliged to leave 
their homes for as much as half the year to seek work and wages in the 
industrial area. This native Spanish-speaking population, comprising ap- 
proximately 50 per cent of the State's total, is naturally pastoral and 
agricultural but it is gradually losing its land as more of the public 
domain, forest lands, and ancient grants, formerly freely available for 
grazing purposes, are being withdrawn from its use. Of the three 
population groups using these lands, the Anglo-American minority has 
access to and controls the largest proportion. 

Extensive experimentation and development of methods for insect 
pest control are carried out at the Agricultural Experiment Station of 
New Mexico State University in co-operation with county, State, ^and 
Federal agencies. 

The major insect menace in New Mexico comes from Mexican bean 
weevils, the wooly aphis (both aerial and subterranean forms), the giant 
apple-root borer, beetles, cotton bollworms, grasshoppers, cockroaches, 
onion thrfps, peach twig borers, codling moths, and tent and pine tree 

For the purpose of combating these, as well as garden insects and 
other pests, the Experiment Station publishes numerous bulletins giving 
methods of preventing infestations and for the treatment of trees, vege- 
tables, shrubs, and other plant life with sprays and chemical dust com- 
pounds for which formulas are furnished. 

The New Mexico State University Extension Service, with an agri- 


cultural agent in each county, co-operates with the United States Depart- 
ment of Agriculture in times of insect infestation. For instance, the 
Extension Service distributes necessary material for grasshopper control 
furnished by the United States Bureau of Entomology. The materials 
are prepared under supervision of county extension agents, and are 
delivered to the farmers. 

The livestock industry has undergone many changes in New Mexico 
since the first horses and sheep were brought into the province by 
Coronado in 1540. Although some sheep and cattle were introduced 
into the region by subsequent expeditions, they had disappeared before 
Juan de Onate came with his 400 colonists in 1598. With this perma- 
nent settlement the livestock industry in what is now the United States 
may be said to have begun. Until the rush of cattlemen into the region 
after the Civil War, sheep dominated the agricultural economy. They 
fed, clothed, and supported the people and were every man's stock in 
trade. Vast herds were owned by a relatively few rr'cos to whom the 
land grants had been made by Spain. They employed herders in great 
numbers, sometimes on a wage basis, but more often on a so-called 
partido basis, a form of share cropping in the raising of sheep which is 
as old as Spanish colonization in New Mexico Although the system 
varies, and has been modified in recent times, it remains essentially share 
cropping with certain feudal implications. The conditions that favored 
the system were a land monopoly by the few and the existence of a 
large, underprivileged group. 

After the close of the Civil War, and before the coming of the rail- 
roads into New Mexico, cowmen who were engaged in the raising of 
livestock in other parts of the West and Southwest were attracted to 
the immense unoccupied grazing lands of the New Mexican Territory. 
The only serious threat to the business in those days, as it had been to 
the Spaniards and Mexicans, was from hostile Indians. The long 
drives first to army posts in New Mexico, and later to shipping points 
on the railroads in Kansas, were made at the risk of sudden and massed 
attacks by the Apache and Comanche. The principal railroad shipping 
points in the seventies were Dodge City, Abilene, and Newton, Kansas, 
and cattle were driven to these points from the great ranges and ranches 
in western Texas and New Mexico. The subjugation of the roving 
Indians and their confinement on the reservations removed the threat to 
these cattle movements, and almost simultaneously the railroads pushed 
deeper into the territory. The great days of the Chisholm and other 
famed cattle trails were not many but they gave rise to a wealth of 
romance, lore, and legend. 

The end of the colorful cowmen, the somewhat lawless cowboys, and 
the vast herds was discernible at an early day, but prophets to see it 
were few. Stock raising as an industry in New Mexico climbed to 


lofty figures before and during World War I, but the factors that were 
to tumble it from such heights were already operating in the land. The 
public range was being opened to homesteaders ; sheep were feeding on 
ranges where cattle could no longer find enough to eat; squatters and 
farmers were taking up the water rights and planting wheat on the great 
ranges of the Llano Estacado (Staked Plains) ; the cattlemen them- 
selves found that it was more profitable to fatten cattle at the new 
rail-heads and shipping points, using the hay and grain that the farmers 
raised on the former grazing lands. Fences barred vast stretches of 
what had been anybody's range, and the cattlemen fell to quarreling 
and fighting among themselves. After World War I the bottom fell 
out of the cattle market, and many of the large operators were ruined. 

A general view of the stock industry today presents a very different 
picture. The modern cattleman is a businessman. By scientific meth- 
ods he has developed the haphazard practices of the old-time cowmen 
(who turned their stock loose on the public range and trusted to fortune 
and nature to return them a profit on it) into an efficient system in which 
the stock raiser knows the value and number of his herds, is familiar 
with their productiveness, and can figure with a fair degree of certainty 
his yearly profits. In the old days the "big" cattleman was one who 
owned from fifteen to thirty thousand head of cattle; the "big" sheep- 
man owned as many as half a million head. Today a few cattlemen 
own more than three thousand; and ten or twenty thousand sheep is a 
big flock for one man or firm. 

The large ranches in the neighborhood of Magdalena are the last 
outposts of the great ranches and the open range; elsewhere cattle are 
generally raised in small herds and fattened at shipping points on the 
railroads. In the San Juan area in the northwest, the huge crops of 
alfalfa are used to feed cattle in small herds. Oil and gas developments 
in the northwest and southeast have made that industry more profitable 
than stock raising; and in some areas sheep have driven out cattle 
altogether. Sheep are still raised in great flocks in some areas of the 
State, notably those in the north and the southwest, and by the pastoral 
Indian tribes formerly nomadic huntsmen the Apache and Navaho. 

In 1959 there were 992,386 sheep and lambs and 1,079,376 cattle on 
the farms; 11,199 horses and mules, and hogs totaled 61,578. The 
number of tractors totals 18,097; motor trucks on farms, 20,263; and 
pick-up trailers, 2,150. 


M ^xico 

Industry, Commerce, and Science 

IN THE past twenty years New Mexico has experienced profound 
socio-economic change. The personality of the population has 
shifted from rural and agrarian to urban and industrial. Further, 
much of the government activity is associated with advanced scientific 
programs especially in the field of energy. 

Person Per 
Population Urban Population Square Mile 

Total Number % of Total 

1940 53i,8i8 176,401 33-2 4-4 

1950 681,187 34^889 50.2 5.6 

1960 951,023 624,479 65.7 7.8 

Total personal income in 1960 was $1,730 million 117 per cent 
above 1950, and 770 per cent above 1940. 


Year Total (million) Per Capita 

1940 $ 199 $ 375 

1949 719 1,106 

1950 798 1,163 

1959 1,696 1,810 

1960 i>730 i, 812 


Source 1940 Ipjp IQ5Q 

Government 21.2 18.3 25.2 

Trade 18.2 19.3 15-5 

Services 11.2 10.0 15.2 

Construction 3.5 9.9 9-5 

Mining 8.8 8.0 8.3 

Agriculture 22.9 19.3 8.0 

Transportation and utilities 10.0 8.9 7.7 

Finance 1.2 2.1 4.3 




Mineral production $ 656 million 

Manufacturing value added 246 (est.) 

Agricultural marketings 228 

Transportation & utilities sales 207 

Contractor's sales 398 

Retail sales 1,362 

Wholesales 513 

Services 195 

Bank debits 5957 

From the preceding tables, it can be seen that the standard of living 
in New Mexico has increased substantially. Mineral production is the 
source of new wealth on which the State is advancing. In addition, the 
State is studying a program that looks toward encouraging a balanced 
and integrated development of all elements of its socio-economic environ- 
ment. All present indications are that New Mexico will be a major 
source of mineral wealth for its region. 

With the discovery of gold in the Fray Cristobal Mountains in 1683, 
the mining industry began. Pedro de Abalos recorded the Nuestra 
Senora del Pilar de Zaragoza Mine, which he discovered while on the 
northern campaign of Governor Cruzate for the reconquest of the prov- 
ince, following the Pueblo Indian Rebellion of 1680. Turquoise was 
mined by Aztec and Pueblo Indians before the coming of the Spaniards ; 
an old mine, the Chalchilhuith, in the Cerrillos hills near Santa Fe 
shows the workings of prehistoric Pueblo Indians who mined with stone 
hammers and axes. Many early mines are mentioned in the Spanish 
archives in Santa Fe, as it was the search for precious metals that led the 
Spaniards to the conquest of the land. Miners from Mexico found 
and opened the great copper deposits at Santa Rita, near Silver City, in 
1800. Twenty years before the great gold excitement at Coloma, Cali- 
fornia, and thirty years before the finds on Cherry Creek in Colorado, 
gold was mined near Santa Fe in the Ortiz Mountains. In 1833 the 
first gold lode or vein discovered and worked west of the Mississippi was 
on the famous Sierra del Oro, now known as the Ortiz Mine; but 
actually gold was known and had been worked in the Cerrillos (Sp., 
little hills) south of Santa Fe, in the time of Governor Don Tomas 
Velez, 1749-54. As early as the seventeenth century lead and some 
silver had been worked in this region. 

Mining regulations in the form of royal decrees, issued by various 
viceroys in Mexico, date back to the seventeenth century. The estab- 
lishment and organization of mining boards and tribunals, relating to 
silver mines in operation, was a matter of grave importance to officials 
and settlers in this area, as well as to those farther south in Mexico. 


At present nearly all of the gold found in New Mexico comes from 
base-metal ores. Practically all placer districts in the State yield small 
quantities of gold, but the amount from this source during recent years 
has been insignificant as compared with the total gold production. In 
1915 gold from New Mexico was valued at $1,461,000, a figure which 
has never again been equalled. Beginning with 1918 it dropped con- 
siderably, due to impoverishment of resources and decreased activity in 
the Elizabethtown, Mogollon, San Pedro, and Oro Grande districts. 
During the five year period from 1925 to 1929 the value of gold pro- 
duction varied between a low of $405,803 in 1926 and a high of $727,- 
162 in 1929. During the depression the value fell as low as $479,753 
in 1932. By 1934 it had increased to $954,380, in 1935 it had reached 
$1,170,225, and in 1936 production dropped to $1,156,295. About 35 
per cent of the gold represented in the last figure was produced at the 
Pecos Mine in San Miguel County. The bulk of placer gold came from 
the Hillsboro and Pittsburg districts in Sierra County. During the 
1945-49 period, the value fell from $196,140 in 1945, to $113,175, in 
1949, the Atwood Copper Mine in Hidalgo County being the only pro- 
ducer of more than 1,000 ounces of the precious metal in the State. 
For the 10 years from 1950-61 the value of gold production was ap- 
proximately $1,168,000. 

Silver production reached a peak of $1,162,208 in 1916. In 1918 
it declined considerably. From 1926 to 1929 the output varied between 
$281,383 in 1926 and $597,784 in 1929. The lowest figure for silver 
production during the depression was reached in 1932 when the output 
was $322,143. By 1934 it had increased to $686,400 and in 1935 to 
$763,242. In 1936 production was valued at $-900,941. Over 50 
per cent of the recoverable silver output in 1935 was from the Pecos 
Mine in San Miguel County. In 1949 the value of silver production 
was $344,693, principal producers being the Atwood, Ground Hog, 
and Bonney-Miser's Chest (Banner) mines. Silver production from 
1950-61 was approximately $2,552,000. 

Copper reached its maximum output in 1917 with 105,568,000 
pounds valued at $28,820,064. In 1929 and 1930 copper accounted for 
about 70 per cent of the value of New Mexico's total mineral output. 
An enormous decrease in copper production resulted from the closing in 
1934 of the Chino Mines in Grant County, which formerly produced 
over 82 per cent of the State's total output. In 1935 the total value of 
the copper mined in New Mexico was only $373,915 compared with 
$1,890,400 in 1934. In 1936 this rose to $582,544. An upsurge in 
copper production brought a peak of $32,414,158 in 1948, which dropped 
to $21,822,872 in 1949. The 1960 production of copper was listed as 
67,400 short tons (recoverable content of ores), valued a: $43,136,000. 

Zinc reached its high point in 1929 with $4,548,060. Though it 


had fallen to $3,145,392 in 1930, in that year it represented nearly 22 
per cent of the value of all metals produced in New Mexico, ranking 
next to copper. In 1935 mine production of zinc was $1,947,088; in 
1936, $2,066,800. However, the decline in zinc prices caused many 
zinc and zinc-lead mines to shut down in 1949. Production fell from 
$11,039,532 in 1948 to $7,277,808 in 1949. Production of zinc in 
1960 was 13,800 short tons (recoverable content of ores), valued at 

Lead has always held a somewhat subordinate position among New 
Mexico metals, reaching its height in 1929 with $1,402,431. In 1930 
the value of lead was only 7 per cent of the total of all metal. In 
1936 its value was $609,592. In 1949, $1,470,032. Lead is produced 
chiefly from complex ores, such as those of the Ground Hog and Bayard 
group in the Central district, and the Kelly group in the Magdalena 
district. Lead production for 1960 was 2,200 short tons, valued at 

One of the richest industries in New Mexico is that of petroleum. 
In 1936 New Mexico's output of petroleum products was 26,804,000 
barrels; the fields, mostly in southeastern New Mexico, being the Hobbs, 
Jal, Copper Eunice, and Monument in Lea County; the Hogback and 
Rattlesnake fields in San Juan County and the Artesia- Jackson-Mai jamar 
fields in Lea and Eddy counties, among others. This output was 
valued at $22,033,000. In 1945 the total value of petroleum was 
$37,610,000; in 1949, $116,960,000. In 1960, crude petroleum pro- 
duction exceeded 100 million barrels for the second consecutive year. 
The value of petroleum produced in 1960 was $312,869,000. 

At the present time the mineral resource base is estimated to be such 
that New Mexico should ultimately support a population of several 
million people estimates now range as high as ten million. Its present 
population is approximately one million. If its resources are efficiently 
developed, New Mexico will enjoy a leading growth rate over the next 
few decades. 

(Note: See page 30 for detailed information on current mineral 
production. ) 

After the annexation of the territory by the United States, accord- 
ing to the historian Ralph E. Twitchell, the only currency of any 
volume here was that distributed by the Federal government to army con- 
tractors and troops. Coin of all kinds commanded a big premium, and 
large quantities were transported across the plains by merchants and 
traders, with little loss through robbery or otherwise. Long credits 
were given by these merchants, and immense quantities of merchandise 
were handled by large firms whose headquarters were in Santa Fe. 
Today the commercial picture, with few large enterprises and countless 

Agriculture: Industry 

Sheep grazing near Cumbres Pass 

Threshing grain near the village of Tres Ritos 

Beef cattle in loading pens at the Bell Ranch 

Aerial view of the stockyards at Clovis 

Cotton fields in southern New Mexico 

Small farms near Albuquerque 

Gasoline plant near Eunice 

Elephant Butte Dam on the Rio Grande 

Open-pit copper mine at Santa Rita 

Potash stored in warehouses near Carlsbad 

Adobe brick drying in the sun 

Building a wall at Cochiti Pueblo 

Aerial view of Los Alamos 


small ones, with banking facilities in every city, county seat, and town 
is very different from that of the early days. 

After an unsuccessful attempt to organize the Bank of New Mexico 
in 1863, when the legislative assembly granted a provisional charter to 
a number of prominent citizens of New Mexico, no attempt to institute 
a bank was made until 1870. In that year JLucien B. Maxwell, having 
sold the famous Beaubien and Miranda land grant, applied for a charter 
for a national bank which was organized at Santa Fe as the First Na- 
tional Bank of Santa Fe. The original stock certificates of this bank 
bore a vignette of Maxwell with a cigar in his mouth; and "the trust- 
ing nature of the promoter of this institution," says Mr. Twitchell, "is 
well illustrated by the fact that he signed in blank more than a hundred 
of the stock certificates, so that his absence at his home in Cimarron 
might not interfere with the expected activity in stock dealings." 

The organization of banks in other parts of the State progressed 
slowly at first. Las Vegas had one in 1876 and another in 1879. 
Albuquerque followed with a new bank in 1881, and Silver City, at this 
time a roaring mining town, had a series of banks of uncertain stability. 
The Silver City National Bank, however, has weathered all the financial 
storms that have assailed the town. After the turn of the century, bank- 
ing organization proceeded rapidly, and prospered up to and through 
the World War period, when large livestock loans were made on a basis 
of prevailing prices which ran as high as $60 and $70 per head. After 
the war, when the extraordinary demand ceased abruptly and deflation 
started, prices dropped, many stockmen were impoverished, and as a 
result, many banks failed. Commerce was long in recovering from this 
blow, and the cattle industry has not yet regained its former eminence 
in the State's economic structure. 

The decline of agriculture in recent years is probably not permanent. 
The present period is characterized by transition from hand tool meth- 
ods to industrialized agricultural practices. Meat production is shift- 
ing from purely grazing to a feeding and processing industry. New 
Mexico is rapidly becoming a regional supplier of processed meat. 
Milk production is in transition from the cow barn to the modern "milk- 
ing parlor." Poultry and egg "factories" are located near population 
centers. Farm crop production is being increasingly influenced by the 
needs of the rapidly developing urban shopping centers. 

On the foundations laid in the 1940*5 and early 1950'$, the State 
acquired a new population and new goals. The State leadership en- 
couraged futuristic enterprise associated with its large uranium de- 
posits and rapid development of a forward-looking scientific complex. 
Research for development started in the early 1940*8. Los Alamos' 
laboratories have made historic contributions in the field of nuclear re- 
search. The first atomic device to control the application of atomic 


energy was tested in Socorro County, New Mexico, on what is now 
the White Sands Missile Range, and recent reports suggest that nuclear 
propulsion projects are part of the research being undertaken within the 
State. Because of its very extensive energy resources of all types, the 
State should continue to lead in the field of energy research for de- 
velopment in the coming decades. If the assumption is correct that 
energy is a prime ingredient of all socio-economic enterprise, New 
Mexico's future development will be an important contribution to the 
nation's progress. 


NEW MEXICO, fourth youngest and fifth largest of the States, 
is served well by its transportation systems. The Santa Fe and 
the Southern Pacific railways cross it; and branches of major 
lines weave in and out of canyons to mines, oil and potash fields, and 
recreation centers. Caravans of freight bus lines ply the highways on 
regular schedules, including a considerable number of oil field haulers, 
and special lines transporting petroleum and petroleum products. Nu- 
merous bus lines, both intra- and interstate, carry the traveler over the 
vast and colorful expanse of the State to almost every village and hamlet. 
For those who prefer to journey by air, transcontinental planes stop regu- 
larly at well-equipped fields. 

The history of transportation in New Mexico extends back, of 
course, into antiquity when goods were carried on human backs. Still 
later the dog became the beast of burden, but both of these methods 
still prevailed among the Indians when the Spaniards came. After 
Coronado's conquest (1540), the horse, mule, burro, and ox were in- 
troduced ; and following Onate's permanent settlement of New Mexico 
(1598) the pack train came into general use. These trains, which 
slowly made their way from Chihuahua in Mexico to Santa Fe over 
El Camino Real (The Royal Road), consisted of from five to as many 
as five hundred burros and mules, with loads securely strapped on their 
backs. Later came the carreta, with solid wooden wheels, and ox- 
timbrils, huge two-wheeled carts. 

El Camino Real was a very important road in New Mexico's early 
development. At least as early as 1581 it was traveled by three mission- 
ary friars and their escort. From Vera Cruz on the eastern coast of 
Mexico, this famous highway ran to El Paso, and thence along the right 
bank of the Rio Grande to Socorro and Albuquerque. From Albu- 
querque it climbed northward along the flank of the Sandias, ascended 
La Bajada to the mesa, and crossed the plateau to the foothills of the 
Sangre de Cristo at the village of Santa Fe. 

As early as 1609, committees representing the Church and State met 
in Mexico City to decide upon a definite method of transporting goods 
to the new province. This new service became known as the Mission 
Supply. Every three years thereafter a train was organized and sent 
to New Mexico, returning to Chihuahua with salt, copper, turquoise, 



blankets, as well as Indian slaves to be sold in the mining areas of 
northern Mexico. Until the development of Santa Fe trade with the 
East, this service, serving the settlements as well as the missions, was 
the chief means of bringing merchandise to New Mexico ; and the trade, 
which grew to enormous proportions, was carried on until the middle 
of the nineteenth century over the oldest highway in the United States. 

From Coronado's time until the dawn of the Santa Fe trade with 
the East, no important advancement was made in the type of trans- 
portation facilities used. It remained for the indomitable will of the 
eastern trader, his insatiable curiosity to learn what lay beyond, and his 
love of an adventurous life to make the Santa Fe Trail, with its eastern 
terminus in Independence, Missouri, a great and living artery of com- 
merce. Constant improvements in ways of transportation, initiated by 
these traders, encouraged and hastened the development of modern rail- 
roads and bus lines. It was in 1821 that Captain William Becknell, 
Father of the Santa Fe Trail, assisted by four companions, freighted 
goods by pack-horses from Missouri to New Mexico. In the following 
year, he left Franklin, Missouri, with twenty-one men and three 
wagons, and turned the first wagon wheels over the thick buffalo grass 
of what was to become a famous road. Becknell was also the first 
trader to follow the Cimarron route to San Miguel and Santa Fe. 
His trail-blazing marked the third epoch in the history of transporta- 
tion in New Mexico. 

Before 1821, fur traders had followed up the Arkansas River, after 
striking it at Great Bend, to Las Animas River. They then had crossed 
the divide separating the Arkansas from the Canadian, and had gone 
down the Canadian Valley east of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains. 
When the route was changed in 1822, half of it was placed within 
Mexican territory. Traders then crossed the Arkansas at the upper end 
of the Great Bend, entered Cimarron Valley, and crossed the divide to 
the Canadian in New Mexico. The way to Santa Fe was well known, 
but the annual caravan established the principal route. 

Despite danger from Indians and trouble with the Spanish and 
Mexican governments, the value of goods carried over the Trail rose 
from $15,000 in 1822 to $450,000 in 1843, and to more than $5,000,000 
by 1855. The long and dangerous trek over deserts and mountains was 
rewarded by the high prices for which eastern goods were sold, as well 
as by furs acquired for a song and carried homeward. When the Trail 
was first opened, calico sold at two or three dollars a yard in Santa Fe. 
The new route was less dangerous and twelve hundred miles shorter 
than the old trail to Mexico, and tapped a rich market no longer avail- 
able to El Camino Real. In consequence of this, New Mexico began 
to face east instead of south. 

Santa Fe was a hospitable place, and when the whips of the drivers 


were heard, everyone in the town turned out in welcome. After the 
goods were discharged at La Fonda, the old inn, liquor flowed freely 
and women were kind. Gaming tables were busy. At Santa Fe, goods 
from the East were reloaded on organized wagon trains, which there- 
upon proceeded south to Chihuahua, thereby connecting the new Trail 
with the old one to Mexico and California. The covered wagons of 
Becknell's time were replaced by the improved Conestoga and Murphy 
wagons, accompanied later by carriages and "Democrats," light one- or 
two-seated spring wagons. Until the coming of the railroads in the 
eighties, the Santa Fe Trail was one of the main highways of transcon- 
tinental travel. Its importance can be inferred from the fact that in 
1860 trade movements over the Trail involved in personnel and equip- 
ment the following: nine thousand and eighty-four men, three thousand 
and thirty-three wagons, twenty-seven thousand nine hundred and 
twenty oxen, and six thousand one hundred and forty-seven mules. 

Mules, indeed, were an important factor in the establishment of the 
route. California had a great number of mules, noted for their size 
and quality. Some of the New Mexicans took woolen blankets to Cali- 
fornia to exchange for Indian goods, but decided instead to trade them 
for mules. The appearance of these huge beasts in New Mexico "caused 
quite a sensation" (Warner, Reminiscences of Early California) be- 
cause in form and size they were so superior to those used in freighting 
over the Trail. Thereupon there sprang up a trade in mules "which 
flourished for some 10 or 12 years." 

An experiment in transportation, shared by New Mexico, was the 
introduction of camel trains by the American Army in 1855. At first 
they were a great success, making faster time than wagon or mule pack 
trains. But, before long they became of little use as the fine sharp 
gravels of the deserts cut and lacerated their tender hoofs, and turned 
them into limping cripples. In addition, they were a nuisance in the 
fact that they frightened other beasts, especially mules, which often 
brayed incessantly in astonishment and terror. 

There were other important roads, some of which were especially 
used in driving great herds of cattle to the markets. Charles Goodnight 
and Oliver Loving blazed a trail to Cheyenne. This, the Goodnight 
and Loving Trail, used in the sixties, lay up the Pecos from Fort 
Sumner to Las Vegas, up the Santa Fe Trail to Raton Pass, and by 
Trinidad and Pueblo to Denver. Cooke's Route, which opened the 
first wagon road across the continent to California, was the path of the 
Mormon Battalion in 1847. Beale's Wagon Road was one of the first 
in northern New Mexico and Arizona. Blazed in the fall of 1857, 
it followed the route near the 35th parallel surveyed by Whipple in 
1853, running from Fort Defiance in New Mexico to the Colorado. 
Another famous thoroughfare of early New Mexico was the Butterfield 


Trail which connected St. Louis and San Francisco. After entering 
New Mexico through El Paso, it ran northward along the east bank 
of the Rio Grande to Mesilla, crossing the river there and running 
toward Cook's Peak near Deming, and thence to Shakespeare, just 
below Lordsburg, and across the present boundaries of the State. "On 
its better stretches fast stage coaches could travel 165 miles in 24 hours." 

Wagon and pack trains carried freight and a few passengers, but 
credit for development of travel and mail services in New Mexico dur- 
ing the wagon era really belongs to the pony express and stagecoach. 
In 1849, the year of the California gold rush, the first monthly mail 
stage began to operate between Santa Fe and Independence, Missouri. 
Another monthly mail line, connecting Santa Fe and San Antonio, 
Texas, was of considerable importance to the area served because it 
made better time than the stage from Missouri. In October 1857, 
service on both the western mail lines was placed on a weekly schedule, 
and six-mule instead of four-mule coaches were used. During the same 
year was established the Butterfield mail stage to towns in southern 
New Mexico. This line connected with that from San Antonio. The 
original Overland Pony Express did not cross New Mexico, but an 
independent pony express from Denver to Santa Fe was established in 
1 86 1. This service over the old Taos Trail lasted only one year. 

The Butterfield system was discontinued in March 1861, when 
provision was made by Congress for the transfer of the assets of the 
Butterfield line to the Central Route; but stages on the Santa Fe, Texas, 
and several small intrastate lines continued to carry passengers and 
mail. During the next three decades improved physical equipment made 
it possible for wagon trains to cover the route in shorter time, and 
with pack trains they carried the freight until the Atchison, Topeka 
and Santa Fe Railroad descended the south slope of Raton Mountain 
in January 1879. The era of wagon transportation in New Mexico 
ended in the early eighties. 

Meanwhile, surveys had been made to find a southern rail route to 
the coast. Two of these surveys, those on the 32nd and 35th parallels, 
passed through New Mexico, and both were reported as feasible. But 
it was not until December 7, 1878, that the first locomotive came over 
Raton Pass, and it was not until after the completion of the Raton 
tunnel (2,011 feet through Raton Mountain) in the fall of 1879 that 
New Mexico was opened to railway service. Las Vegas celebrated the 
arrival of the "iron horse" July 4, 1879; and on February 9, 1880, 
Santa Fe was reached with an eighteen-mile spur from Lamy. The 
triumphant entry into Santa Fe, 853 miles from the Missouri River, 
was marked by a huge celebration. Eventually the Santa Fe Railroad 
was extended to Albuquerque and then south and west to Deming, 
where it linked with the Southern Pacific Railroad which had come in 


from California in 1 88 1. A branch of the Santa Fe was also constructed 
to El Paso; and another from Albuquerque crossed the State Line 
through Gallup into Arizona. In later years the Helen cut-off from 
Texico to Dalies created a cross-state route linking the New Mexico 
trackage in a transcontinental system. 

Almost simultaneously with the building of the Santa Fe, the Den- 
ver and Rio Grande Western Railroad was extended into New Mexico, 
entering from Antonito, Colorado, just north of the State Line* A 
branch was also built from Antonito to Chama in Rio Arriba County, 
thence to Durango, Colorado, and again southward to Farmington, 
New Mexico. In 1880 the main line was extended directly south to 
Espanola, and in 1885 to Santa Fe. During the period 1880-1910 much 
trackage was laid in New Mexico to mines, lumbering areas, and re- 
sorts, but by 1920 the smaller lines were absorbed by the three main 
systems now existing in the State. 

The coming of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe, the Denver 
and Rio Grande, and the Southern Pacific completely transformed New 
Mexican life. New towns were built. Large ranches were created, 
mines were opened, land values boomed, and New Mexico began to 
come into its own. 

On March 14, 1903, the legislature passed an act making all post 
roads public highways, though the only highway taken over during the 
territorial period was El Camino Real. It extended from Raton to 
Anthony, fifteen miles north of El Paso. With the coming of the auto- 
mobile the need of good roads was realized, and in 1913, a year after 
New Mexico became a state, the legislature authorized a $500,000 bond 
issue, the proceeds of which were allotted pro rata among the counties 
for highway building and improvement. Other funds were raised, but 
not until 1919, when the State was empowered to deal with the Fed- 
eral government, did highway building begin in dead earnest. Today 
there are approximately 62,479 miles of road, of which 12,000 miles are 
Federal and State highways. 

Four interstate airlines serve New Mexico. Eastbound and west- 
bound planes of Transcontinental Western Airways, Inc., traveling be- 
tween Los Angeles and New York, make daily landings at Albuquerque. 
Continental, Frontier, and Pioneer airlines complete the network cover- 
age of the State, making airway travel available in all directions. 


THE Indians of New Mexico have no written language. Their 
myths have passed orally from generation to generation, and 
one of the principal tasks of modern ethnologists has been to 
record and preserve them. In detail these mythic beliefs vary from tribe 
to tribe, and yet throughout the land occupied by the Pueblo and 
Navaho Indians there are fundamental similarities and uniformities that 
afford a basis of thought for a lore of a grandeur and beauty comparable 
to the great myths of the world. 

The mythic core of the Indians of the Southwest can be divided into 
three parts: the creation myths, the legends which are largely epic 
narrations, and the folktales and fables. 

The Age of the Beginning, or the concept of the origin of the uni- 
verse held by the Pueblo and Navaho, explains even thing in their 
lives the heavens, the earth with its plants and animals, and finally 
man. It explains their relation to one another and their tribal origins. 
The Pueblo and Navaho alike believe that they emerged from a series 
of worlds below the surface of the earth. The Pueblo Indians place 
the point somewhere near their present respective domains, while the 
Navaho relate that they came to the earth's surface through a sacred 
lake located in the La Plata Mountains of southwestern Colorado. 
The general story tells of world levels that are symbolic of the stages of 
development in the evolution of life. From living matter in water the 
Mist People, who filled the primal dark world, evolved through insect, 
reptile, bird, and mammal forms. Finally man, followed by his broth- 
ers the lower examples of animal life climbed to the world of sun- 
light and understanding where they were given the shapes they now 
possess. Man brought with him a tree, maize, and magic. 

Closely allied to the creation myths are the legends of the migrations 
and the parts played by gods and heroes in the early history of the 
various tribes. This period is called the Age of the Gods or the Great 
Age. All things were gigantic. Colossal birds dwelt on peaks and huge 
serpents lived in caves and canyons. The Twin Gods of War slew 
the enemy giants and beasts who preyed upon the people. Sober-faced 
Indians today will point to the lava flows, volcanic necks, and dark 
buttes found throughout the mountain regions of the Southwest, and 
say that they are the blood and bones of the monsters of this period. 



Practically every strange formation in New Mexico is associated in one 
way or another with the holy people. 

The greatest single factor, however, to influence the whole trend 
of thought of the Pueblo Indians was the cultivation of corn, and the 
stories and rituals that sprang from the development of this cereal 
formed the major portion of the second group's legends. 


Paiyatuma, the God of Dew, Dawn, and Music, brought the seven 
Corn Maidens, with their magic wands, to the land of Cibola. When 
the morning mists had cleared away and the Dawn God's piping faded, 
the people of Zuni found seven plants of corn growing in their dance 
court, and near the plants stood seven maidens lovelier than the morning 
stars. The people chanted prayers of thanksgiving to Paiyatuma, and 
they promised him that they would cherish the maidens and the sub- 
stance of their flesh. They built a bower of cedar branches for the 
Corn Maidens and they lighted a fire in the bower. All night the 
maidens danced to the music of the chants and the drum and the rattle. 
They danced by the growing corn and motioned upward with their 
magic wands, that the people of Cibola would have corn and plenty. 

But as time went on the people were not satisfied. There were 
those among the young man who looked upon the maidens amorously. 
There were those who plucked at their garments as they danced. The 
God of Dew called his daughters to his house of the rainbow. "Athirst 
are men ever for that which they have not," he said. "The people of 
Cibola must experience want." 

There followed years of trial and famine. Many were the men 
who went in search of the lost maidens. Finally four holy youths were 
sent to the Land of Summer. There they found Paiyatuma playing 
upon his flute and butterflies and birds flying around him. There also 
were the Maidens of Corn. After the proper offerings and promises 
were made the God of Dawn gave the four youths the growing plants 
with the substance of the maidens' flesh, but the maidens went forth as 
shadows and were seen no more of men. (Adapted from "Zuni Folk 
Tales," by Aileen Nusbaum.) 

Today corn that is for seed is held by the Pueblo Indians as sacred ; 
it is put into the earth reverently and watched over daily, and for those 
who remember the story the Corn Maidens come at dawn and motion 
the plants upward toward the sun. 

The Indian folk tales and fables of the third group are built around 
culture heroes and animals. There are countless stories of this nature 
told in every Indian village and campsite. The Tewa Tale (E. C. 
Parsons), "Coyote Steals Fire," is typical of this series. 



Long time ago (hao) they always took care of the fire; they did not 
let them blow it out, they always kept it up. At Yungeowinge, some 
people were living, and their fire went out. Down at Tekeowinge they 
were having a big dance, pokwashare. They said, "Where can we get 
fire? Ours is all gone. Let's go and tell Coyote to go with us. Maybe 
he can get fire." They made up a bundle of chips and rags, to burn 
well, to tie on his tail. They said, "Let's not let him know it, so he 
will bring the fire." They went down to Tekeowinge and the dance 
began, man and woman, man and woman, man and woman all around. 
One of those people was watching his fire, sitting near the fireplace. 
So Coyote old man began to dance with them. The man keeping the 
fire was watching the dancing. Coyote was turning round, turning 
round, he put his tail into the fire, it caught fire. He began to run and 
they ran after him. He was coming to Kosowe. They were pretty 
nearly catching him. There was Sawe. Coyote said, "Tiupare, help 
me ! They are nearly catching me." So Sawe put the fire on the back 
of its neck, and flew up the tree. Just then they overtook Coyote. 
Then they went back home, and when they went back, Sawe brought 
down the fire to Coyote. So Coyote brought the fire. He wanted to 
cross the river to Yungeowinge. He could not cross. He said, "If I 
cross, the fire will go out." He did not know what to do with the 
fire. He saw some PoteyL He said, "Won't you help me?" They said, 
"All right." They took the fire. They began to burn their hands and 
they said, "r-r rehro." Just the same they still say in just the same way, 
"r-r rehro." Thus Coyote took the fire to Yungeowinge. They said, 
"Thank you," and they paid him well. And after that they did not 
let the fire go out. Thus it passed at Chamita. 

Among the Pueblos sometimes the original purity of the Indian folk 
tale has been confused by Hispanic influences and accretions, but for the 
most part the bulk of folk material is amazingly free from European 

Spanish: The Spanish Colonists in the Southwest have cultivated 
their traditions as faithfully as any other linguistic group in the United 
States. From the San Luis Valley in southern Colorado, down the Rio 
Grande valley of New Mexico into Texas, may be found vigorous re- 
mains of sixteenth and seventeenth century folklore. Their musical 
repertoire includes traditional ballads brought from Spain by the early 
conquerors, religious songs with a strong flavor of the Gregorian Chant, 
and lyric canciones or songs of the past century. The philosophy of the 
common people is still contained in the old proverbios or proverbs, simi- 
lar to those Cervantes put in the mouth of Sancho Panza. In isolated 


communities where modern forms of entertainment are scarce, the folk 
tale thrives as the literary entertainment of the common people. 

The remote source of Spanish-American folk tales is undoubtedly 
Spain, but the more immediate source is Mexico. There seems to be 
surprisingly little Indian influence, although there were certain modifica- 
tions brought about by the geographical conditions and the flora and 
fauna of the new country. 

The following is a brief summary of a New Mexican folk tale gath- 
ered from oral traditions entirely. It gives a fair idea of the Spanish- 
American folk tale in New Mexico as it survives today: 

(The Three Sons) 

"Once upon a time there lived an old couple who had three sons. 
The father gave them their inheritance. The oldest son invested his 
money wisely and became rich. The second son was not as capable, 
but he managed to live quite happily on what his father had given him. 
But Juan, the youngest son, was a spendthrift. He soon became penni- 
less, and then started to seek his fortune. 

"On his way Juan met an old man who promised him that if he, 
Juan, would live with him for seven years, during which time he 
would be content with his desert home, and not cut his hair, or trim his 
nails, or shave, he would be allowed to wear a magic coat with pockets 
always filled with gold. He could spend the money or bury it, yet 
the pockets would never be empty. For nearly seven years Juan re- 
mained in the desert and every day he buried a quantity of gold pieces 
near a large cactus. He grew so ugly and dirty because of th condi- 
tions of the promise that he frightened people, and therefore he was 
arrested and put into prison. In jail he met the father of three beauti- 
ful daughters. They formulated plans to escape, Juan furnishing the 
money to pay the jailer for their release. The man promised Juan 
that he would give him one of his daughters in marriage when he had 
completed his term of seven years in the desert. 

"Soon after the expiration of the term, Juan, cleansed and groomed, 
and appearing as a very handsome youth presented himself at the house 
of the man and his three daughters. They invited him to dine. The 
youngest daughter's ring fitted him perfectly, and it was understood 
that this was the girl he was to marry. Juan went back to the desert, 
uncovered the treasure he had buried, and returning, married the beau- 
tiful girl. I believe," the narrator concludes, "that they are still living 
happily, unless they are dead." 

Although there are elements in this story that can be traced to bet- 


ter known tales, it is a characteristic Spanish-American folk tale because 
of the blend of old world origin and new world setting. 

There is the story of Juan Catorce John Fourteenth, a local vari- 
ant of the Paul Bunyan legend. There are tales of princes and peasants, 
of witches, of tricksters and saints, that enrich the store of New Mexi- 
can folklore. 

The Spanish folk song is an intrinsic part of the Southwest, No 
other group in the United States is more given to singing, with the 
possible exception of the southern Negro, than the Spanish-American 
people of New Mexico. They have today a three-fold repertoire, con- 
sisting of [i] the traditional ballads brought from Spain by the Con- 
querors, [2] the lyrical canciones or songs and the racy corridos or 
popular ballads that in the last fifty years have found their way up 
from Mexico, and [3] the religious ballads and songs called alabados. 

New Mexican folk songs have changed with social and economic 
changes. Songs of neighboring areas have been adapted to the Spanish- 
American people's own tempo and rhythm. Even the words may be 
changed a proof that the song is truly popular and capable of rebirth 
in a different soil. 

Pageants and plays are important features of the folkways of the 
country. These productions are intimately associated with the life of 
the people; and because of their oral transmission and the many local 
variations they are colored with genuine folk influences. 

The early Spaniards came with a dual mission to the new world to 
conquer and to convert. To hasten conversions the first missionaries 
utilized adaptable features of both the Christian and the pagan re- 
ligions. In the absence of a common tongue, pantomime and mimicry 
were resorted to, and the auto sacramental or religious plays* served to 
bridge the deficiency of speech. Some of the first autos to be given in 
New Mexico bore such titles as A dan y Eva and Cain y Abel. The 
second cycle of religious plays was based on the New Testament. This 
cycle began with San Jose f Saint Joseph, and was usually followed by 
Las Posadas, The Inns. Las Posadas dealt with the Nativity, beginning 
with the effort of Mary and Joseph to find lodging' in Bethlehem. 
These were usually followed by one of the two most popular of the 
Spanish-American plays, Los Past ores, The Shepherds. Los Reyes 
Magos, The Magi Kings, and El Nino Perdido, The Lost Child 
(Jesus) preceded La Pasion, The Passion, which completed the New 
Testament cycle with the death of Christ. 

In addition to these primarily instructive autos, and among the 
other old plays brought from Spain, is Los Moros y Los Cristianos, The 
Moors and The Christians, enacted on horseback. This auto was first 
presented in New Mexico by Ofiate's soldiers in 1.598. It represents 
the defeat of the Moors bv the Christians, 


Indigenous to the New World is La Aparicion de Nuestra Senora 
de Guadalupe, The Apparition of Our Lady of Guadalupe. This play 
presents the miraculous appearance of the Virgin to the Indian, Juan 
Diego, in Mexico. A purely native New Mexican play, Los Comanckes, 
The Comanches, also performed on horseback, is not of a religious 
nature, but is based on the capture by the Comanche Indians of two 
daughters of a prominent Spanish family. Although the story is 
generally given annually in Taos and Tome, a small village near Albu- 
querque, it is also performed in other Spanish-American villages. 

Today religious dramas may be found in any Spanish-American 
settlement in New Mexico where, during the Christmas season, they 
are presented by a local cast. In some instances the comic element in 
the play is the source of the greatest entertainment, for sometimes the 
best actors are cast in these roles. In the transmission of the popular 
plays from generation to generation no attempt is made to keep them 
intact ; in fact, entire scenes may be omitted or added ; and if the music 
usually associated with a similar play is particularly pleasing to a direc- 
tor, he may unhesitantly incorporate it in his own production. Thus 
are these folk plays preserved, if not in their purest form, yet as a living 
part of the folk life in New Mexico. 

Anglo-Americans. Tales of buried treasure have contributed their 
share to the stock of New Mexican legends. In the early days of the 
Spanish occupation it was believed that the padres, on being warned of 
an Indian attack, hurriedly buried their church vessels and relics in 
caves or pits near their missions, leaving crude signs or maps to mark 
the place. Another source of hidden treasure was buried loot of bandits. 
This gold and other coin was supposed to have been hidden in ruins and 
caves throughout the State. Some old-timers say that a blue light or 
flame appears at night above the location of such treasures. Be that as 
it may, the numerous excavations in church ruins and caves testify to 
the still existing credulity of treasure seekers. 

The story of the Lost Padre Mine of Isleta is one of the most per- 
sistent tales in New Mexico. It is told that a padre at the Indian 
pueblo of Isleta once possessed an exceedingly rich gold mine in which 
a considerable number of workers were employed. During an attack 
by Apache Indians the Isleta miners refused to work, and abandoned 
the mine. The padre, needing more gold, made a last trip to the mine. 
He was captured by the Apache and died in captivity. The mine has 
never been located. 

The coming of Americans from the East introduced new elements 
into the already rich folk legendry. They brought a more vivid point 
of view and traditions that had their origins in other frontier regions. 
There were the buffalo hunters, the desert rats, and the cowboys. Folk 
tales concerning the adventures of early explorers and mountain men 


ter known tales, it is a characteristic Spanish- American folk tale because 
of the blend of old world origin and new world setting. 

There is the story of Juan Catorce John Fourteenth, a local vari- 
ant of the Paul Bunyan legend. There are tales of princes and peasants, 
of witches, of tricksters and saints, that enrich the store of New Mexi- 
can folklore. 

The Spanish folk song is an intrinsic part of the Southwest. No 
other group in the United States is more given to singing, with the 
possible exception of the southern Negro, than the Spanish-American 
people of New Mexico. They have today a three-fold repertoire, con- 
sisting of [i] the traditional ballads brought from Spain by the Con- 
querors, [2] the lyrical canciones or songs and the racy corridas or 
popular ballads that in the last fifty years have found their way up 
from Mexico, and [3] the religious ballads and songs called alabados. 

New Mexican folk songs have changed with social and economic 
changes. Songs of neighboring areas have been adapted to the Spanish- 
American people's own tempo and rhythm. Even the words may be 
changed a proof that the song is truly popular and capable of rebirth 
in a different soil. 

Pageants and plays are important features of the folkways of the 
country. These productions are intimately associated with the life of 
the people; and because of their oral transmission and the many local 
variations they are colored with genuine folk influences. 

The early Spaniards came with a dual mission to the new world to 
conquer and to convert. To hasten conversions the first missionaries 
utilized adaptable features of both the Christian and the pagan re- 
ligions. In the absence of a common tongue, pantomime and mimicry 
were resorted to, and the auto sacramental or religious plays* served to 
bridge the deficiency of speech. Some of the first autos to be given in 
New Mexico bore such titles as Addn y Eva and Cain y Abel. The 
second c} r cle of religious plays was based on the New Testament. This 
cycle began with San Jose, Saint Joseph, and was usually followed by 
Las Posadas, The Inns. Las Posadas dealt with the Nativity, beginning 
with the effort of Mary and Joseph to find lodging" in Bethlehem. 
These were usually followed by one of the two most popular of the 
Spanish-American plays, Los Past ores, The Shepherds. Los Reyes 
Magos, The Magi Kings, and El Nino Perdido, The Lost Child 
(Jesus) preceded La Pasion, The Passion, which completed the New 
Testament cycle with the death of Christ. 

In addition to these primarily instructive autos, and among the 
other old plays brought from Spain, is Los Moros y Los Cristianos, The 
Moors and The Christians, enacted on horseback. This auto was first 
presented in New Mexico by Onate's soldiers in I 598. It represents 
the defeat of the Moors bv the Christians. 


Indigenous to the New World is La Aparicion de Nuestra Senora 
de Guadalupe, The Apparition of Our Lady of Guadalupe. This play 
presents the miraculous appearance of the Virgin to the Indian, Juan 
Diego, in Mexico. A purely native New Mexican play, Los Comanches, 
The Comanches, also performed on horseback, is not of a religious 
nature, but is based on the capture by the Comanche Indians of two 
daughters of a prominent Spanish family. Although the story is 
generally given annually in Taos and Tome, a small village near Albu- 
querque, it is also performed in other Spanish- American villages. 

Today religious dramas may be found in any Spanish-American 
settlement in New Mexico where, during the Christmas season, they 
are presented by a local cast. In some instances the comic element in 
the play is the source of the greatest entertainment, for sometimes the 
best actors are cast in these roles. In the transmission of the popular 
plays from generation to generation no attempt is made to keep them 
intact ; in fact, entire scenes may be omitted or added ; and if the music 
usually associated with a similar play is particularly pleasing to a direc- 
tor, he may unhesitantly incorporate it in his own production. Thus 
are these folk plays preserved, if not in their purest form, yet as a living 
part of the folk life in New Mexico. 

Anglo- Americans. Tales of buried treasure have contributed their 
share to the stock of New Mexican legends. In the early days of the 
Spanish occupation it was believed that the padres, on being warned of 
an Indian attack, hurriedly buried their church vessels and relics in 
caves or pits near their missions, leaving crude signs or maps to mark 
the place. Another source of hidden treasure was buried loot of bandits. 
This gold and other coin was supposed to have been hidden in ruins and 
caves throughout the State. Some old-timers say that a blue light or 
flame appears at night above the location of such treasures. Be that as 
it may, the numerous excavations in church ruins and caves testify to 
the still existing credulity of treasure seekers. 

The story of the Lost Padre Mine of Isleta is one of the most per- 
sistent tales in New Mexico. It is told that a padre at the Indian 
pueblo of Isleta once possessed an exceedingly rich gold mine in which 
a considerable number of workers were employed. During an attack 
by Apache Indians the Isleta miners refused to work, and abandoned 
the mine. The padre, needing more gold, made a last trip to the mine. 
He was captured by the Apache and died in captivity. The mine has 
never been located. 

The coming of Americans from the East introduced new elements 
into the already rich folk legendry. They brought a more vivid point 
of view and traditions that had their origins in other frontier regions. 
There were the buffalo hunters, the desert rats, and the cowboys. Folk 
tales concerning the adventures of early explorers and mountain men 


and Indian scouts who charted the wilderness sprang up almost over- 
night; the stories of Fremont, Kit Carson, Doniphan, and old Bill 
Williams have added color to the Anglo-American conquest of New 

Among the tales of the early plainsmen and buffalo hunters is the 
story of the hunter on the Staked Plains, who, with a party killing 
buffalo, was overtaken by a "norther" (a plains blizzard) while far 
from camp. Having scant clothing, no shelter, and no matches, and 
being bewildered by the storm, he bethought himself to crawl inside a 
green buffalo hide, wrapping it tightly about him. When morning 
came he found that the hide had frozen stiff and that he was unable to 
move or extricate himself. Several days afterward he was found and 
released by his companions. Upon being questioned as to how he 
managed to survive the experience he explained that, had it not been for 
the possession of a quart of whisky and a good set of teeth, he * 'surely 
would of froze to death." 

In more recent times an interesting source of folk stories has been 
New Mexico's bad men Billy the Kid, Black Jack Ketchum, "Buck- 
shot" Roberts, Tom O'Foliard, and other gun-fighters of the territorial 
days, when many men acted on the theory that "the law didn't come 
west of the Pecos." All through the Ruidoso country stretch the trails 
of "Beely the Keed" or "El Cabrito," as he was called by the Spanish- 
speaking people, who loved him too well to betray him. The wild 
escapades of this outlaw culminated in his "capture by shooting" by 
Sheriff Garrett of Lincoln County. He died at the age of twenty-one 
after gaining the reputation of having killed a man for each year of his 
life, leaving behind him a lasting legend of a western Robin Hood. A 
number of people in remote parts of the State believe that the Kid is 
still alive in Mexico, despite the fact that the circumstances of his death 
are well authenticated. 

Typical of the stories told of those reckless days is an incident in the 
career of Clay Allison, the notorious "Corpse-maker" of Colfax County. 
One day a desperado named "Chunk" disagreed with Allison over a bet. 
Chunk, seeking to trick Allison, invited him to dinner at the hotel. 
Taking their places at the table, each laid his pistol beside his plate, and 
when coffee was served in large mugs, they facetiously used their guns 
for spoons, each keeping a sharp eye on the other. Chunk, after stirring 
his coffee, pretended to lay his weapon aside, but instead rammed it 
under the table and fired at Allison. His bullet went wide. One shot 
from Allison, and Chunk fell forward on his plate, dead. 

The stories of these early outlaws are often charged with dry humor. 
One of the numerous yarns told about rustlers deals with one Joe 
Asque. Narrowly escaping a sheriff's posse at Lake Valley, he hid on 
Carrizo flats. At this point there was much good water, and watching 


the stock come to drink, Joe's itching rope longed for action, and so, 
choosing a string of five fat saddle horses, he headed them east. Fifteen 
miles farther he came to a wooded canyon, where he saw a wagon 
approaching with two men in it. He prepared to greet them but as the 
team came abreast it stopped, and Joe found himself gazing into the 
black hole of a Winchester. "Put them up and get down," the men told 
him. Joe, armed only with a six-shooter, obeyed. His captors tied his 
hands behind him and slipped his own rope over his head. Then the 
wagon was driven to the nearest tree, where the rope was tied to a 
branch, and Joe forced to step off the wagon, where he was left hanging 
with his toes just clear of the ground. Joe was small and light, which 
saved his life. The knot in the rope happened to be under his chin, and 
although it was hard for him to breathe, he did not actually choke. 
After some time he freed his hands, and with his pocket knife cut the 
rope. Later, in commenting on his experience, Joe said the hanging 
was not so bad, but riding his old horse bareback for a hundred miles 
to his home range certainly made him mad. 

The cowboys have left many ballads which reflect the hardy life of 
the outdoors and the camaraderie of trail and camp. Many of the tales 
of cowboy and sheepmen were composed around the campfire, where 
men talked and sang under the stars. The popular ballad, "Little Joe 
the Wrangler," first published in 1908 and claimed for various writers 
in the Southwest, was composed by N. Howard (Jack) Thorpe, a 
cowboy, around such a campfire. Others originated in small settlement 
supply stores, which also served as "hang-outs" for punchers, cowmen, 
and prospectors. There on winter nights the men sat around a big 
stove and "swapped yarns." Such a group of weather-beaten men were 
gathered one night when one of them said: "I was at the Seven Springs 
Canyon last week and things shore look bad. That old dog, Soldier, 
took over an hour to travel ten feet from the corral to the house." 

"How come?" asked several of the boys. 

"W_e_l \ t it was this-a-way. You know old Uncle Johnnie Root 
who lives there? Though he has a bunch of cattle, he is still an old 
prospector, always out to find the richest gold mine ever, and he had a 
shaft in the hill by his house. Well, a couple of weeks ago he thought 
he would drive his shaft a little deeper. So he dug up his fuse, caps and 
giant, but found the giant had bin froze. So he poked six sticks into 
the oven to thaw out, and leaving old Soldier in charge, started for the 
corral. He just closed the gate when there was a terrible noise and he 
see his roof blow straight up. Johnnie ambled over to the hole in the 
ground where his house had bin but outside of a box of crackers and a 
necktie, he couldn't find nothing. 

"Then he began to whistle for his dog, Soldier. All day he hunted 
and late in the evening he heard a whimper and spied old Soldier on 


the topmost branch of a big pine, where he had been tossed by the 
explosion. That dog was so tickled to see him that he jumped. He 
landed on his four feet all right, but that two hundred foot drop drove 
all four legs up into his body, leavin' only his paws sticking out. he 
seems to have recovered and his legs are firmly knit, but you can see if 
you go to Seven Springs, he can't step over an inch at a time and it take* 
him a hour of hard work to crawl ten feet." 

Tales of the cattle trails in the Staked Plains country, of early 
ranchmen and railroaders, help to swell the volume of New Mexico 
folklore. Though many collections of cowboy and ranch, of Spanish 
and Indian folklore have been published, there is still a vast fun4 of 
material yet to be recorded. 

Contributions to the Language 

NEW MEXICO has contributed generously to the idiomatic 
speech of the United States. The vernacular of the State took 
form and color from English, Spanish, French, and the Amer- 
ican Indian tongues. It has not only broadened the everyday speech of 
New Mexico but has enriched the American language with many words 
of universal appeal. These various language influences were effective 
during the colonization by Spanish Conquistadores and the influxes of 
French and Anglo-American trappers, traders, trail blazers, and pioneers 
who absorbed the Spanish idiom and added their own to the region. 
Later, the cattle empire made its special contributions. 

Since New Mexico was a province of Spain and Mexico for more 
than 200 years, Spanish words such as canon, lariat, stampede, and 
barbecue naturally found their way, with but slight changes, into the 
English vernacular. Many of the Spanish or Anglicized words of 
Spanish origin which are listed as belonging to the New Mexico idiom 
may be in general use elsewhere. But the first contact between Anglo- 
Americans and Spanish-speaking population occurred in New Mexico 
and also at a date earlier than in the surrounding States. Some words 
now^in common usage in the Southwest date back to the era when New 
Mexico was the home of various Indian tribes. Among these words, 
still preserved in something like their original form, are chimajd, punche 
or puncho, tegua or tewas and tornbe. 

Many other Indian words found in the regional idiom have come 
into English through a form of Mexican-Spanish that derives mainly 
from the original Aztec or Nahuatl. Examples of these are chicle, chili, 
chocolate, coyote, jacal (hacal), mescal, metate, mesquite, sotol, tamale, 
tapadero, tequila, tomate and zacaton. 

French fur trappers, as early as 1733, and continuing through Santa 
Fe Trail days, left their mark in such words as "cache," "fawche," 
"sashay," "travee," furnishing another artery of lingual exchange be- 
tween east and west. 

The Anglo-American trappers, traders, and pioneers liberally sea- 
soned New Mexico's speech, dating this period with "all set," "big 
talk," and "blaze away." Many of the words in this linguistic heritage 
are now intrenched in our national vernacular. They recall the trail 
and its life and frequently stem from Anglicized variants of the Spanish. 



Mining activity with its "high grader," "hill nutty," and "pay dirt," 
brought a small but richly expressive contribution. The era of early 
transportation used Spanish terminology. The whole pack-train outfit, 
in charge of a mozo or arriero was known as the atajo (hatajo). The 
animals, burros, mules, or horses, made up the remuda. The pack- 
saddle and equipment (the aparejo) was secured to the animals by 
cinchas and Idtigos, while the halter became a hackamore (jdquima). 

The cattle-raising era, following frontier trail days, was responsible 
for the Anglicization of numerous Spanish terms as they appear in that 
part of the present national vocabulary which deals with this industry. 
Practically all the cowboy equipment was obtained from Spanish-Amer- 
ican sources. The bronco of today and the mustang of yesterday came 
from the same source, and the names of the animals and articles used 
were also of a common origin. Fresh mounts were secured from the 
remuda or caballada, and the horse-wrangler who was generally a 
descendant of Mexican-Spanish caballerango. 

One outstanding example of a cowboy term of Spanish derivation is 
"dogie," a motherless calf. The usual explanation of the term is that it 
came from "doughie," "dough-guts," or "dough-bellies," used by cow- 
boys in referring to motherless calves with abnormally extended bellies, 
the result of being forced to subsist on a grass instead of milk diet. 
According to N. Howard (Jack) Thorpe, an old time cowboy, it was 
derived from the Spanish word dogal, "to tie by the neck." Spanish- 
American vaqueros, when milking a cow, tied the calf with a rope that 
allowed it to nurse only one teat, leaving the rest for the milker; the 
name which the milker used for the calf was "dogal," corrupted by 
Anglo-American cowboys to "dogie." 

Changes in Spanish words adopted into the English vernacular were 
not confined solely to spelling and pronunciation : sometimes the original 
words also acquired different meanings; for example, rodeo to the 
Spaniard and early border ranchman meant a roundup of livestock on 
the range. The present day application of rodeo (Anglicized to rodeo) 
means an exhibition of professional cowboy contestants before paying 

The general adoption of common Spanish words from the written 
language may be said to have begun with General Pike's Journal in 
1807, and to have continued by other chroniclers of the New Mexican 
scene, who introduced or gave baile, fandango, frijoles, hacienda, rancho, 
rebozo, senoritas, siesta, and tortillas to the eastern readers. 

The significance of the Mexican War and the American occupation 
of New Mexico (1846) included the absorption of more than a few 
Spanish words into the vocabularies of United States soldiers, as a result 
of their daily contacts with the Mexicans. 

Two outstanding contributions, gringo and "greaser'' terms re- 


spectively designating American and Mexican, came from this period. 
Contrary to common fallacy, the origin of gringo was not from the 
popular army song of the day Green Grow the Rushes O, but was a 
corruption of the Spanish word griego Greek. It was first used as 
such in Spain where Greeks employed in the Spanish Army were called 
gringos. Ultimately the word came to mean all foreigners and is com- 
monly used in this sense today in Mexico and South America. In New 
Mexico, where gringo was first used to designate all non-Spanish speak- 
ing peoples, it is today applied particularly to Anglo-Americans. 

While they were originally used to designate nationalities alone, 
gringo and greaser were later used as terms of contempt. Whipple in 
his "Explorations" (1856) records his attendance at a ball where the 
natives were "heard talking ... of gringos . . . ," and he adds in a 
footnote : ff gringos . . . Mexican term of contempt." Today in Santa 
Fe, Spanish-American school children often call each other, if freckle- 
faced, gringo salado; and in games of robbers and police the robbers are 
always called gringos. 

No etymology for the term greaser is known. It appears to have 
been coined by gringos or other foreigners of the early American occu- 
pation period to designate the Mexican workman. Stories of its origin 
vary, one contending the name was given because of their love of greas- 
ing their hair to intensify the dark color ; another is that it came from 
the excessive use of oils and fats in Mexican cookery. Another story 
also relates that in the days of oxcarts and freight wagons, there was 
always a Mexican peon assigned to grease the axles and he was called 
the greaser. The present use of either gringo or greaser is considered a 
taunt or term of contempt. 

The Santa Fe Trail freighters of the early sixties recognized two 
classes among Spanish inhabitants, the ricos (rich) and peones (poor) 
To the latter class they applied greaser contemptuously. 

The revolution in Mexico, in 1910, with Villa's raids into New 
Mexico and General Pershing's pursuit across the Rio Grande, gave 
Spanish terms a new interest, especially in the press reports, and also 
served to revive the term gringo. 

Contemporary literature relating to the Southwest, including the 
prose or poetry of Charles F. Lummis, Mary Austin, Willa Gather, J. 
Frank Dobie, Alice Corbin, Nina Otero, Harvey and Erna Fergusson, 
and N. Howard Thorpe, demonstrates how spontaneously the native- 
born or naturalized people of that region employ the language handed 
down from the Conquistadores. Many who now employ these words 
are not aware of their Spanish origin. Spanish continues to be the sole 
language of some of the State's native-born Spanish-Americans, while 
others of Spanish extraction use English and Spanish with equal facility. 



























( ah-gwar-de-an'ta) 

( al-ah-mo-gor'do ) 











Retail grocery (local usage), 
Lower. Rio abajo, lower river. 
Canal, thence irrigation ditch. 

Unburnt, sun dried bricks of 
earth mixed with straw. 

A term for whiskey or brandy. 
Round (or fat) cotton wood 

Meat balls. 
Saddle bag. 
Cotton fields. 

High. Pino alto, tall pine. 
A friend, Amigo mio t my 

Palmillo plant called soap- 
weed; soap is made from its 

Broad. Rinctin ancno, 
broad corner. 

Apache. Indian word for 

Pack-saddle and equipment. 
Sand. Llano arenoso, sandy 

Upper. Rio arriba, upper 

Mule driver. Especially for 

Wash from flood waters. 
A short-cut. 

















A ball, dance. 

A sharp descent. 

Navaho for American. 


The lasso of a cattle-thief. 

Pretty. Pueblo bonito, pretty 


A kind of burial ground. 

Indian term for Mexican 


Thickly wooded area. 


A canyon with one entrance* 

Bulk, bust (Scul.) and local!} : 

image of saint carved in wood. 

A person who illegally alters 

a brand. 

Many small rough canyons. 
































































A cowboy who tames horses 

for riding and range work. 

Wild horses. 

A witch. 

A greeting, Good day. 

Good afternoon. 

To throw (a steer) by seizing 

its horns and twisting its neck. 

A herd of horses. 
A herdsman; a wrangler of 
horses (local usage). 
A gentleman; a horseman. 
To hide away. A place of 

A wiseman or councilman of 
an Indian tribe. 

Road or highway. 

Land between. 
A song. 
A ravine. 
A saloon. 
A chant. 
Official chanters. 
Choke-berry or choke-cherry. 

Two wheel cart. 
Hill or peak. 

Brush used as kindling wood. 

A low growing brush. 
State bird of New Mexico. 
The road-runner. 
Leather protectors used by 
cowboys (abbrev.). 
Gaudy clothes of embroidered 
fabrics. Also an ill-bred per- 

'Small. Rio chico, little river. 
A city in Mexico. 
A medicinal herb; locally 
wild celery. 

The queue style in which hair 
is worn by the men of the 
Is! eta Indian tribe. 
Hurrying cattle or horses. 
Wagon used during a roundup 
for cooking and carrying food- 







































( kon-kees-tah-do'r as ) 

(Sp. ko-yo'ta) 












Cattle tick. 


A marshy place. 

Cigarette, particularly of 

cornhusk paper. 

The saddle girth. 

An Indian group usually 

named for animals, seasons or 

vegetables. Each pueblo may 

have several clans. 


A mattress. In early days it 

was placed on floor and used 

as bed. 

Dinner, food. 

How arc you? 

Friend or companion. 

Shell or flat silver discs. 

The early Spanish explorers 

of New Mexico. 

Trailsmen's term for counting 

victims of a battle. 

A cowboy. 

Dried manure chips used for 


A small species of wolf. 

Common to plains of North 

America. The prairie wolf. 

To be slightly injured by a 

knife or bullet. 


An animal. 


A mountain ridge. 

Cradle; also a kind of dance. 

Separating cattle from a herd. 



The people. Navaho name for 


Mexican dollars (pesos). 

To tie by the neck. 

Motherless calf. 

Twenty-five cents; two bits. 

To travel aimlessly.^ A drifter 

is such a traveler. 

A fence erected to stop cattle 

from drifting. 


Sweet, also candy. 

To travel a trail. To start or 


Pan used in placer mining. 











FIESTA (fe-es'ta) 


























(gra'se-as ah-de'os) 

( gr ahn-ke-ve'rah ) 


To cut ears of cattle for iden- 

Hidden. Rincdn escondido, 
hidden corner. 

Indian council chamber, like 
a kiva. (Derived from Span- 
ish stove because of the heat 
in the ill-ventilated struc- 

Bright girdles woven and 
worn by Indians. 

A gambling game. 
Trailsmen's term for hunger. 
A feast and celebration of 
carnival spirit. 
Mexican ornaments of intri- 
cate, lacy designs, woven of 
gold or silver wire. 
Cowboj'- term for gun. 
Fine gold dust. 
Trailsmen's term for fancy 

Trailsmen's term to hold fasc. 
Poor quality horses. 


A poisonous lizard. 
Bower, arbor. 
The swallow. 

Thanks to God. 
A wild grass. 

New Mexico National Monu- 

Term of contempt for Mexi- 

A term of contempt for Anglo- 
Americans or any, except In- 
dians, not speaking Spanish. 
Cowboy term for letting bridle 
reins touch ground ; horse then 
stands without tying. 
Usually a lazy cowboy who 
rides from one ranch to an- 
other without offering to work 
or pay for his food or shelter. 
Food and supplies furnished a 
prospector for interest in lo- 
cated mines. 




















KAYAKS (ki'aks) 

KIVA (ke'vah) 




(ar-mah'no mah-yor') 








Bee balm, a plant, the roots of 
which are used to obtain a 
dye for decorating pottery. 

A ranch house. 
Halter or headstall. 
Brand made by burning only 
hair. A temporary brand used 
on trail herds. 
Herd or flock. 

Roping a calf by hind legs. 
Chief brother, headman. 
Beautiful. Ojo hermoso, beau- 
tiful spring. 

One who steals rich ore from 

An eccentric miner or pros- 

The Navaho house, a crude 
octagonal structure of adobe- 
covered logs. 

Sling, locally; a loop or ring 
on lariat end to slip a rope 
through and make a large 

Deep. Arroyo hondo, deep 

Hollow. Cerro hucco, hollow 

Trailsmen's term for haste or 
diligent work. 

An accident in which a cow- 
boy is unseated from his horse 
and his foot caught in a stir- 

Little Indian; a kind of song. 
A horse broken for mounting 
from either side. 
Islet or little isle. 

A crude hut. 

Headstall or halter (same as 


Sun-dried meat. 

Journey of death. 

A big roundup, or great haste. 

Pack-saddle bags. 
Indian ceremonial chamber 
with entrance by ladder 
through roof. 



Zuni Indian gods. 

(ko-shar'a) Keres Indian for ancestral 

spirits; delight makers. 




















John B. Lamy, 1814-1888. 
Archbishop of New Mexico. 
Town pron. La'me. 
A lasso. 

A rope used to catch stock; 
made of buffalo hide or raw- 
hide in early days. Now com- 
monly of hemp, forty to 
seventy feet in length. (Sp. 

The meadows. 

A camp established on the far 
boundaries of a ranch. 
A cowboy who guards ranch 
boundaries, turning back stray 
stock and repairing fences. 
A plain. 

A low hill. Loma prieia, dark 

Spanish cattle brought into 
Texas from Mexico; so desig- 
nated because of their long 
Small bonfires. 















Century plant. Lasso ropes, 

sisal, and an intoxicating drink 

are made from it 

Volcanic rock (lava). 


Mantle or small shawl. 


An herb of the hemp family 

intoxicating in its effect when 


Aztec drama dance. 

Unbranded range stock. Name 

derived from Sam Maverick, 

a Texan, who left most of his 

cattle unbranded. 


Table. High table or table 


















A desert shrub. 

Little table land. 

Indian half-breed. 

Stone upon which corn 5s 

ground by hand. 

Fields; maize lands. 

Place of willows. 

A social division among the 


A gambling game. (Sp. forest 

or hills.) 

A meeting or chapter house of 



Headland, bluff. El morro, the 


Nickname for a burro. 
Young man, youth, man ser- 

Horses directly decended from 
Spanish mestanos brought by 
the conquistadores. An un- 
broken horse. 





Man who guards the saddle 

horses at night during a 










A wild thorny desert shrub. 
Eye, spring (of water). 
Angry cowboy ready to fight. 
Gold. Cerro oro t gold hill. 












(pah'dray) Father, priest. 

(pa'ha-ro) Bird. 

(pal-a'ver) To discuss. 

(pahs-to'ras) Shepherds. 

(pah'te-o) Inner court yard. 

(pah-tron') Boss. 

Gold bearing sand. 

(pan'yah) Rock. 

(pan-yas'co) Large rock. 

(pan-e-tan'ta) A secret religious order, prac- 

ticing flagellation and cruci- 

(paon) A poor person or servant. 

(pa' so) Mexican and other Spanish- 

American unit of currency. 












































(sahn'gra da cres'to) 

(sahn whan') 


(sahn'ta klah'-ra) 

(sahn-tah fa') 


A species of cactus; the rip- 
ened seed is used by Indians 
in ceremonials. 
Parched Indian corn mixed 
with cold water. 
Indian paper-thin bread of 
ground corn; baked on a hot 

An edible pine nut. 
A little plaza. 

A square park around which 
native towns are often built. 
A green bush. 
Pretty soon, short while. 

Porter. Also a gap between 
cliffs or fingers of lava rocks. 
Right away, quick. 
Dirty. Rio Puerco, dirty or 
muddy river. 

Bossing the range. 

Woman's shawl. 
The herd of horses used in 
a roundup. 
Rope, lasso. 
Rich; "rich people." 
Cowboy term for trustworthi- 

The chaparral bird. 
Public performance presenting 
the chief features of a roundup. 
A buffalo hunt. 
A straight iron rod used for 

Reception room or dance hall. 

Salty. Rio sal ado, salty river. 

Saint or holy. 


Saint Philip. 

Blood of Christ. 

Saint John. 

Saint Anne. 

Saint Clara. 

Holy Faith. 

Images of Saints painted on 

wood, cloth, or skins. 


SARAPE (sah-rah'pa) 



















A blanket, sometimes used by 
men as a large shawl or 

Exuberant pantomime; also to 

Cowboy term for using spurs. 

Zuni rain messenger. Zuni 
dance of the new house cere- 

Indian medicine man. 

Trailsmen's term of stupidity. 
Sipaphe, the land of; the un- 
derworld in certain creation 

A homesteader or one who 

Solitary. Pena sole dad, lone 

Squares of short biscuit dough 
fried in deep fat until puffed 
up; also called bunuelos 

Trailsmen's term for a meager 

A manner of wearing the hair 
in large loops over each ear, 
formerly affected by Hopi In- 
dian maidens. Also Indian 
handmade silver ornaments in 
the form of squash blossoms. 






Colored plaques, symbolically 
decorated with designs and 
feathers, worn by Pueblo In- 
dian women during dance. 
Cattle driven for long distance 
from range to market. 
Term applied to frontier trap- 
pers, mountaineers, and some- 
times to people of the overland 
wagon trains. 

Travois; two long poles 
strapped to a horse, one end 
of the poles dragging the 
ground; used by Indians to 
transport supplies and house- 
hold goodi. 





Ripened Russian thistle 














(vahl'sa das-pah'se-o) 






(ve-vah, ve-vah) 



A ford over a river. 
A slow waltz. 

Let's go. Am. slang: get out. 
A cowboy. 

Verdant. Ojo verdoso, verdant 

Frontier citizens organized to 
control lawlessness. 

The whip-scorpion. So called 
because it emits a vinegar- 
like scent. 
Hurrah, Hurrah. 

Hereford cattle. 

Cowboy who tends the horses 

at a ranch or on roundups. 

A Navaho dance. 
Gypsum. Cerro yeso, gypsum 

Spanish bayonet plant; state 
flower of New Mexico. Used 
for making brushes and weav- 
ing baskets. Root used for 



Tall wild grass. 


WHEN Fray Marcos de Niza planted the cross on the hill near 
Hawikuh in 1539 and claimed the country for the Spanish 
Crown a new chapter in the annals of the promulgation of the 
Christian faith was written. 

For nearly three centuries Franciscan missionaries had journeyed to 
the far corners of the earth for the purpose of harvesting souls. Martyr- 
dom was courted ; fear for personal safety was non-existent. A spirit of 
service in the Glory of God fired these zealots; and following Coro- 
nado's conquest in 1540 and his return to Mexico two years later, three 
Franciscans, Frays Juan de Padilla, Juan de la Cruz, and Luis de 
Escalona, remained as the first missionaries, and they became the first 
martyrs in the new land. When the Conquistadores failed to find 
cities or mines of fabled wealth in the region that was to become New 
Mexico, the country was saved from possible abandonment by the 
courageous Franciscan friars. In June 1581, Fray Augustin Rodriguez 
and two companion Franciscans with twelve soldiers under Captain 
Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, traveled north from Mexico to explore 
the region, learn the languages, and convert the Indians. When the 
soldiers withdrew, the friars refused to leave, and all were killed. 
Concern for their unknown fate inspired the relief expedition of Antonio 
de Espejo and Fray Bernardino Beltran in November 1582. 

The first church was built in New Mexico in the new capital at the 
old pueblo of Yunque-Yunque across the Rio Grande from the present 
village of San Juan in 1598 by Oiiate, assisted by eight priests and two 
lay brothers, religious of Saint Francis. This church was dedicated to 
San Juan Bautista. The Spaniards called their first capital San Juan, 
but moved to San Gabriel about a year later and in 1610 to the Royal 
City of Santa Fe. 

By 1617 the friars had built eleven churches and had converted 
1,400 Indians. New Mexico became primarily a mission area and its 
history was intimately linked with the Roman Catholic Church. Under 
the direction of the Superior of the College of Saint Francis, established 
in the City of Mexico, the missions of New Mexico were elevated to a 
custodia of the Franciscan Order in 1617 and were given the name of 
Saint Paul. Fray Alonzo de Benavides was appointed custodian, and 
the territory was placed under the bishopric of Durango. In Benavides' 



famous "Memorial" to the King of Spain, Philip IV, in 1630, he states 
that there were 250 persons living in Santa Fe, but only fifty of these 
were armed. 

Finding but a poor chapel in connection with the governor's head- 
quarters in Santa Fe, Benavides built a church and convent the church 
he called the Parroquia and re-established numerous missions in the 
Indian Pueblos. It was some years later that the church of San Miguel 
was built in the Indian quarters in Santa Fe called the Analco (see 

Fray Benavides was the first authorized agent of the Inquisition in 
New Mexico. But Bandelier says that "the Inquisition had no manner 
of sway or jurisdiction over the American Indians ... It never inter- 
fered nor was permitted to interfere in matters of faith or belief of the 
aborigines." However, serious difficulties arose between the governors 
and the Franciscans, the latter being accused of assuming extraordinary 
powers as ecclesiastical judges and officials of the Inquisition. 

Conflicts arose due to other causes. The resettlement of Indian 
villages in larger units with proper churches to facilitate religious train- 
ing resulted in temporary reduction of tribute for the royal treasury and 
for private owners of large land grants holding Indians in encomienda 
(the right to levy tribute). Employment of Indians at missions caused 
dissension. Colonists' claims to Indian labor often conflicted with those 
of missionaries, "conflict between Church and State characterized the 
administration of every province of the Spanish empire in America. In 
New Mexico it was the most important phase of political history dur- 
ing the seventeenth century," says France V. Scholes in Church and 
State in New Mexico in 1610-1650. 

The Pueblo Rebellion of 1680 was led by Po-pe, a Tewa Indian 
medicine-man and a native of San Juan pueblo. Po-pe and his followers 
impressed upon the Pueblo Indians that their gods had ordered the revolt 
and that all Spaniards must be expelled or killed. The religion of the 
Pueblo Indians (see Folklore and the Indians) was based upon age-old 
myths and rituals that dictated almost every act of their lives; and for 
those natives who had been converted to the Christian faith the throw- 
ing aside of the new teaching was not difficult. With the expulsion of 
the Spaniards, the pagan beliefs prevailed, and churches were desecrated 
and destroyed. It was not until De Vargas reconquered New Mexico 
in 1692 that the Roman Catholic Church was re-established. 

De Vargas was given 100 soldiers to help keep the peace. Fray 
Salvador de San Antonio was appointed Custodian; in 1695 the new 
villa and church of Santa Cruz de la Canada was built on the site of 
the old village; and in 1706 Albuquerque was settled and the church of 
San Felipe de Neri was established. 

It was during the latter part of the seventeenth century that the 


Jesuits accomplished the conversion of the Pima Indians and Father 
Kino and Father de Campos built their chain of missions in that part of 
the province of New Mexico that was later to become Arizona. 

The Franciscans, however, controlled the missions around Santa Fe 
after the resettlement of New Mexico. In the early years of the 
eighteenth century, the missions did not thrive; this was due both to 
the temporary success of the rebellion, when the Indians' belief in their 
old gods held sway, and to the controversies that raged between Fran- 
ciscans and episcopal authorities, which weakened the Church's power. 
During Spanish rule, no bishop visited the province after 1760; and 
subsequent to Mexico's independence, the Church suffered considerable 

A movement to extend religious instruction reached New Mexico in 
1828 when a college for young men was opened in Santa Fe. During 
the same year several missions were converted into parishes and pro- 
vided with secular priests following a law passed by the Mexican 
Congress expelling all native-born Spaniards. This forced many Fran- 
ciscans to leave the country. 

The Church's second period of growth in New Mexico dates from 
the occupation of the Territory by the United States in 1846. The 
Vatican elevated the Territory into a vicariate apostolic July 19, 1850. 
The Reverend John B. Lamy, a priest of the Diocese of Cincinnati, was 
consecrated bishop. Upon his arrival in Santa Fe in 1851, because he 
had nor been previously announced, Juan Felipe Ortiz, the vicario in 
charge, refused to recognize his credentials, and it was necessary for 
him to make the long journey to Durango in Mexico where Bishop 
Zubiria resigned all claim to the American portion of his diocese. Bishop 
Lamy had left the Reverend Joseph P. Machbeuf, the able lieutenant 
who had accompanied him from the East and was later to become Bishop 
of Colorado, in Santa Fe. Upon his return Bishop Lamy found that 
severe disciplinary measures had to be taken: Father Gallegos was 
removed from his parish in Albuquerque and Father Martinez of Taos, 
because of his activity in political quarters as well as opposition to 
Church authority, had to be excommunicated. 

Bishop Lamy instituted extensive reforms and carried forward heroic 
work in education. Religious conditions improved rapidly ; sixteen years 
after his arrival Bishop Lamy had repaired the majority of the old 
churches and built 85 new ones. The cornerstone of the impressive 
Cathedral of Saint Francis of Assisi was laid, July 14, 1869, in Santa 
Fe. This large stone church was built over the old Parroquia. 

The Jesuit Order was introduced in the Territory in 1867, the 
priests founding a school at Albuquerque and a college at Las Vegas in 
1877. The Jesuits launched the publication of a religious newspaper 
Revista Catolica (Catholic Review) in 1875. An act to incorporate 


the Society of Jesuit Fathers of New Mexico Was passed January 18, 
1878, by the Territorial Assembly over the Governor's veto, but it was 
later annulled by Congress as unconstitutional. 

The Diocese of Santa Fe was elevated into a metropolitan see in 
February 1875 by Pope Pius IX, and Lamy became Archbishop. Ralph 
Emerson Twitchell wrote of Archbishop Lamy, who died February 14, 
1888, that he was ". . . equally at home in the hut of the Indian, the 
cabin of the miner, or in the Vatican at the feet of the Pontiff." Willa 
Gather commemorated him as Father Latour in Death Comes for the 

The Penitentes (Penitent Brotherhood) adhering to the belief of 
atonement through physical suffering, were introduced into New Mexico 
in 1598 by Onate and the Franciscans accompanying him. This cult 
stems directly from the Third Order of St. Francis, of which Onate 
himself was a member. As the Third Order was a Franciscan institu- 
tion of lay members and, according to its constitution, could only be 
governed by priests of the order, it ceased to have canonical existence 
following the exodus of Franciscans from New Mexico in 1828. The 
centuries-old custom of religious penance was, however, too deeply 
ingrained to be given up by the native people. What was left of the 
Third Order in New Mexico carried on as local brotherhoods in 
isolated communities; and during the Mexican regime, when secular 
priests were all too few to administer to the widespread parishes, the 
members of the brotherhood themselves performed many priestly rites, 
as well as acts of mercy and charity enjoined in the precepts of the 
original Third Order, of which religious penance was only one phase. 

Following the American occupation and the elevation of New Mex- 
ico into a bishopric under Bishop Lamy, the ecclesiastical authorities of 
the Roman Catholic Church made various attempts to suppress the 
Penitentes, public penance having been banned by several papal bulls, 
some of them even antedating the introduction into America of such 
Old World customs. But in spite of opposition, the Penitente Brother- 
hood continued to exist, and still exists in the more remote communities 
of New Mexico, although the severity of their self-imposed penance has 
been considerably modified. The Brotherhood is divided into two 
classes: the Brothers of Light consisting of the Hermano Mayor, head 
of the organization, the Reader, the Healer, etc., and the penitents, 
called the Brothers of Darkness. These men, during the times of public 
penance, cover their heads with a black cap and their only clothing 
consists of short white cotton drawers. They are the flagellants and 
cross bearers and pull the Cart of Death. 

The Penitentes are most active during Lent. Their processions to 
and from local shrines and a neighboring cross-topped hill, symbolizing 
Calvary, constitute a form of primitive Passion Play. The chanting of 


the psalm "Miserere," and the plaintive notes of the pitero (small flute) 
can be heard near the mountain villages north of Santa Fe almost every 
evening during Holy Week. The Penitentes resent the intrusion of 
curious onlookers, although certain outdoor ceremonies and processions 
may be witnessed by outsiders, providing they gain permission and 
remain at a respectful distance; but the ceremonies of initiation and 
those carried on in the morada are guarded as secret. Guaranty of 
religious freedom in the State protects the Penitentes in their religious 
rites; and the Church's former unbending opposition has been modified 
to a more tolerant attitude toward what is a genuine and deeply sincere 
religious folk-survival. 

Not until after the American occupation did Protestant missionaries 
come to New Mexico. Labor as they would, however, the early mis- 
sionaries made but little progress until the i86o's when the first sub- 
stantial results were obtained. Difficulties encountered were due partly 
to natural barriers of language and customs, and partly to the relatively 
small Anglo-American population. The building of railroads into New 
Mexico, causing an influx of eastern immigrants, was of great assistance 
to all Protestant denominations. 

Baptist missionaries were first in the new field with the arrival of 
the Reverend Henry W. Read at Santa Fe in July 1849, and the first 
Protestant church in the Territory was also Baptist, being dedicated at 
Santa Fe on January 15, 1854. Following these came the Methodists 
with the Reverend E. G. Nicholson, who reached Santa Fe in 1850. 
The successful establishment of a school at Watrous in 1871 by the 
Reverend Thomas Harwood led to the opening of other Methodist 
mission schools. Then came the Reverend W. T, Kephardt, sent by 
the Presbyterian Missionary Union in 1851, but little was accomplished 
by this denomination until the Civil War period. 

During the summer of 1863, the Right Reverend J, C. Talbot, 
Missionary Bishop, held the first service of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church at Santa Fe, but a regular organization was not established 
until 1880. The same year a congregational organization was effected, 
the first church being erected in Albuquerque, which led to other 
churches in various parts of the Territory. 

Other Protestant denominations in New Mexico include: Seventh- 
day Adventists, Brethren (Plymouth), Christadelphians, Disciples of 
Christian Lutherans, Christian Reformed Church, Christian Scientists, 
and Salvationists. 

As a result of the steady increase of the Protestant population in 
New Mexico, nearly every town or village of consequence now has its 
Protestant as well as Roman Catholic church, and Indian Protestant 
mission schools are being successfully maintained in or near Indian 
pueblos and reservations. 


An influx of Mormon families into New Mexico for the purpose of 
colonization began during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. 
Among these was a group of families setting out from Utah in the 
winter of 1877-78, under the leadership of Luther C. Burnham. Trav- 
eling in covered wagons, some drawn by oxen, these religious pioneers 
were three months in making the hazardous journey, which ended with 
their settlement at Ramah. Later Burnham moved to the Fruitland 
mesa on the San Juan River, where he and nearly all the other settlers 
lived in a long fort-like adobe building for protection against hostile 
Indians. Burnham became first Mormon Bishop in the territory, which 
was known as "Burnham's Ward." 

Another Mormon settlement at Luna, six miles east of the Arizona 
State Line, was established by the families of John and George Earl 
and John and William Swapp in March 1883, and the Mormon com- 
munity of Carson was founded by W. K. Shupe in 1909. These and 
other Mormon communities maintain their religion and traditions to 
the present day. 

In Las Vegas, in 1885, was built the first Jewish temple, preceding 
by several years the one in Albuquerque. 

In that part of the State sometimes called "Little Texas," because 
the remote communities were settled by people from central Texas, 
there exists the sect of Penticostals, or Holy Rollers. These pioneers 
brought with them their equivalent of the Penitentes' emotional release 
the one through penance in physical suffering, the other in emotional 
excitation in religious fervor which gave drama and color to an ordi- 
nary drab and emotionally starved existence. It is highly problematical 
whether or not the Holy Rollers would have gained a foothold during 
the days of Indian attacks; but after the people from Texas and Okla- 
homa gained physical security and life became a grim battle with the 
land and boredom, it is easy to understand their urge for emotional 
expression. Today their three-day singing festivals are well known 
throughout southeastern New Mexico. 


PRIOR to the coming of the Franciscans, who brought with them 
the Old World concepts of education, the Indians of the South- 
west already had evolved a traditional system of instruction which 
was suited to their needs. Indian youths were taught the meaning of 
tribal dances and legends, the making of pottery, the construction of 
dwelling places, the preparation of food and herbs, and the conversion 
of pelts and hides into clothing. 

After the missionaries converted the Indians to the Christian faith, 
the neophytes attending early mission schools were taught the Mass in 
Latin. In March 1609, the viceroy instructed Governor Peralta "to 
teach all the Indians, especially the children," the Spanish language. 
They were also instructed in the handicrafts and agriculture of the 
white man. No provision was made, however, for the formal education 
of descendants of the Spanish conquistadores until August 1721, when 
public schools were established in New Mexico by royal decree. Little 
came of this, as the schools were closed shortly afterward for lack of 
funds. Not until Mexico won its independence from Spain was a 
practical movement launched toward general education for the common 
people. Meanwhile instruction of both Indians and Spaniards was left 
to the church. This led to the founding of at least one mission school 
in each Spanish settlement and similar schools in most of the Indian 

On April 27, 1822, the provincial deputation passed a law to estab- 
lish public schools in New Mexico; yet in 1832 there were only six. 
Governor Albino Perez' proclamation, July 16, 1836, relating to the 
institution of a public school system, was the first of its kind issued by a 
governor of New Mexico. The proclamation was without practical 

When the United States annexed the territory, the native peoples 
were found to be generally illiterate. The extreme isolation of com- 
munities was largely responsible for this condition, and from 1 800 until 
General Kearny's occupation of the region in 1846 education had been 
a private endeavor. Within a few years this condition began to change, 
and the promotion of parochial education was accelerated by Archbishop 
Lamy, who established at Santa Fe in 1851 the first English- school in 
the territory. The following year a boarding school for girls, the 



Loretto Academy, was opened in Santa Fe, and in 1859 a similar institu- 
tion for boys, St. Michael's College, was established there. In 1854 
the United States Congress granted the territory 46,080 acres of land 
for aid in establishing universities. Yet until 1889 there was not a 
public college or high school in the entire territory. 

The territorial legislature in 1856 provided for a school in each 
settlement to be supported by a tax of fifty cents per child. This was 
not popular, however, as peonage still prevailed and the upper class 
resented being taxed for the education of the peons. In 1889 a bill was 
passed by the territorial legislature providing for the location of a 
university at Albuquerque, a school of J mines at Socorro, and an agri- 
cultural college at Las Cruces. 

The University of New Mexico opened its doors June 15, 1892. 
Congress granted 111,080 acres of land to the university on June 21, 
1898, and later granted 200,000 acres from the total provided by the 
enabling act for the territory approved June 20, 1910. Revenue derived 
from timber sales, and from oil, gas, and other mineral leases, goes to 
the support of the university, which has been approved by the Associa- 
tion of American Universities and is a member of the North Central 
Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. Its extension division 
is a member of the National University Extension Association. The 
peak enrollment was 7,600 in the academic year 1960-61. The univer- 
sity now includes ten colleges, an extension division, graduate school 
and 39 instructional departments. 

Land grants for revenue for the New Mexico State University, at 
University Park, near Las Cruces total 250,000 acres. The college 
has charge of all agricultural activities regulatory, research, extension, 
and teaching. 

Courses at New Mexico Institute of Mining & Technology, opened 
in 1892, include mining, metallurgical and geological engineering (min- 
ing and petroleum options), and general courses. Revenue is derived 
from 200,000 acres apportioned to the school from Federal land grants. 
Its situation is especially fortunate, as field geology and mine surveying 
can be studied to advantage in the immediate vicinity. 

In 1891 the first public school law of consequence was enacted, with 
Amado Chavez as superintendent of public instruction; and under his 
supervision definite progress was made. A successor, Hiram Hadley, 
1905-07, is credited with having inaugurated the present system of edu- 

Common schools were allotted 8,464,000 acres of public lands for 
revenue from the two Federal land grants. During the present century 
advancement in education in the State has been rapid. In 1961 there 
were 676 public schools, with 148,978 scholars; and in parochial and 
private schools with 23,882. Teaching standards have risen steadily, at 


least four years of college work is now required of all applicants for 
teaching positions. Ninety-seven per cent of the revenue collected by 
the State sales tax is apportioned to the counties for educational purposes. 

Because of the existing bilingual problem more than 50 per cent 
of the school children are Spanish-speaking an educational program 
for New Mexico could hardly be patterned after that of any other 
State. In 1930 the San Jose Training and Experimental School was 
created for the purpose of giving a period of intensive training to cadet 
teachers in methods and techniques particularly adapted to the teaching 
of the non-English-speaking child. This project helped greatly, not only 
toward solving the problem of teaching the bilingual child, but also 
toward centering State and national attention on the problem. 

In the late summer of 1936 the State Department of Education, in 
co-operation with the New Mexico Educational Association, the State 
University, and the General Education Board, launched a three-year 
program for the improvement of instruction. Through the use of 
laboratory -schools it was planned to develop a special curriculum and 
technique in teaching to eliminate the high rate of retardation in the 
elementary grades, due in large measure to the bilingual problem. 

Vocational training has been introduced in some public schools, so 
that, with a less formal system of education, larger numbers of students 
will remain longer in school and be encouraged to go on to high school 
work. The program covers vocational education in home economics, 
agriculture, trade, and industrial and vocational rehabilitation. In the 
trade and industrial division most classes are held in conjunction with 
high schools. Funds made available by Congress through Federal en- 
actments for vocational education are used in connection with this work 
and are administered through the Federal Board of Vocational Edu- 
cation of the Department of the Interior. They are matched dollar 
for dollar by the State for the local schools. A development known 
as the community type of vocational school has also been made a part 
of the county school system, and practical education is given to boys 
and men lacking educational advantages. Handicraft trades have been 
featured, so that the economic level of the community can be raised. 
As a result, exportation of handicraft products has increased, providing 
a livelihood for many in villages where employment formerly had been 

State institutions in addition to those already referred to include the 
New Mexico Highlands University, Las Vegas ; the New Mexico West- 
ern College, Silver City; and the Northern New Mexico Normal School, 
El Rito, for training teachers in rural Spanish-speaking communities. 
Total grants of public lands by Congress to normal schools aggregate 
300,000 acres. 

New Mexico is one of twenty-seven States now providing junior 


colleges. The Eastern New Mexico University was originally founded 
as Eastern New Mexico Normal School in 1934 at Portales, as a junior 
college, but now offers a full college course, including a general educa- 
tional background in music, art, literature, etc. 

The New Mexico Military Institute, Roswell, opened September 
1898, was established as a junior college in 1914. It is now a two year 
junior college as well as a preparatory school. One hundred and fifty 
thousand acres of public lands were allotted to the institute by Congress. 

The College of St. Joseph on the Rio Grande, founded in 1920 in 
Albuquerque by the Sisters of St. Francis, was moved to a site five miles 
south of the city in 1946, where, more recently since 1950, new build- 
ings have been erected. St. Joseph's is a co-educational liberal arts 
college stressing teacher education. In 1947 the Christian Brothers 
obtained a portion of the Bruns Hospital site in Santa Fe and established 
St. Michael's College as a four-year institution of higher learning for 
men. By 1961, with enrollment passing the 600 mark, the College 
has embarked on a major building program which saw completion of a 
large classroom-library structure and beginning of construction of a new 
dormitory building as first phases of a long-range development program. 

Other State institutions are the New Mexico School for the Deaf, 
Santa Fe; the New Mexico School for the Visually Handicapped, Ala- 
mogordo; the Los Lunas Mental Hospital and Training School; the 
New Mexico Industrial School for Boys, Springer; and the Girl's Wel- 
fare Home, Albuquerque. Public land allotments to the deaf, industrial, 
and blind schools total 150,000 acres. 

During the school year 1960-61, the average enrollment of Indian 
children in New Mexico's public schools reached a total of 7,169, a 
figure which approximates the number enrolled in the Federal schools 
located in the State and which constitutes 3 per cent of the total public 
school enrollment. Intensified efforts are being made to remove lan- 
guage barriers, reduce retardation due to lack of opportunity, and to 
raise the educational achievement of Indian youth to a level comparable 
to that of the non-Indian population. Through scholarship programs, 
many of which have been established by the tribes themselves, qualified 
Indian high school graduates are being encouraged to continue educa- 
tional training in higher institutions of learning, and the college enroll- 
ment of Indian students has increased conspicuously. Vocational train- 
ing is also being emphasized and employment opportunities made 
available to those with abilities and preparation. 

There are also a number of private institutions colleges and prepar- 
atory schools that draw their pupils from the East and Middle West. 

Continuing in the traditions of the Franciscan friars who first brought 
education to New Mexico, the Catholic Church maintains many grade 
schools, high schools, and colleges. 


NEW MEXICO'S literary tradition begins with the orally trans- 
mitted myths, legends, and rituals of the Indians who were 
native to the soil when the Spaniards came and who still inhabit 
it. This primitive literature, unrecorded until the nineteenth century, 
extends far back in time and is still an integral feature of contemporary 

In the sense of the written or printed word, New Mexican literature 
began with the old Spanish chronicles of exploration and conquest. 
These basic sources of history rank among the great original adventure 
books of the world. In human interest and genuine literary flavor, 
these straight-forward tales of priests, conquerors, and soldiers seem 
today as fresh and modern as when they were written especially so in 
New Mexico, where so much of the landscape and terrain through 
which adventurers journeyed remains unchanged. Because of the barrier 
of language, less has been known of these Spanish narratives than of 
similar early chronicles of the eastern colonies, but fine English transla- 
tions of the most important New Mexican narratives have been made 
and are now available in book form. 

One more purely creative work of this early Spanish period is the 
first known poem conceived on the soil of what is now the United 
States. This is the famous Historia de la Neuva Mexico by Captain 
Don Caspar Perez de Villagra an epic in thirty-four rhymed cantos, 
celebrating the conquest and permanent settlement of New Mexico in 
1598 by Don Juan de Onate. 

Villagra, himself a member of Ofiate's expedition, shared in its 
hardships and glories, as recounted in his poem, culminating in the battle 
of Acoma, 1599, in which he' took an important part. His book, 
addressed to King Phillip III of Spain, was published in Alcala, Spain, 
in 1610. An English prose translation by Gilberto Espinosa has recently 
been published by the Quivira Society. 

Another phase of early Spanish literature in New Mexico is repre- 
sented in the religious plays, traditional songs, ballads, and folk tales, 
brought from Old Spain and still surviving among the descendants of 
the early colonists. 

Little distinction exists between the Spanish and Mexican regimes, 
as far as literary influences are concerned, since the old traditions, rooted 
in Spain, continued to flourish on the new soil. 



English literature in New Mexico may be said to have begun in the 
early nineteenth century with the travel books of Anglo-American and 
European visitors, whose recording of the New Mexican scene is vari- 
ously sympathetic or biased, due to the vast difference in background 
and according to the diverse temperaments of the observers. These 
books, with a few exceptions, overlap, or are subsequent to, the Mexican 
regime, 1821-46. 

An early, unwilling visitor to New Mexico (who withal seems to 
have enjoyed certain features of his stay) was Lieutenant Zebulon Pike. 
His Journal of a Tour Through the Interior Parts of New Spain covers 
his arrest and enforced march from the upper Rio Grande in southern 
Colorado through Santa Fe and on to Chihuahua in 1807. Throughout 
the journey, Pike gives intimate and vivid pictures of the manners and 
customs of the New Mexican people, their villages and settlements, from 
the point of view of an outsider. 

Written during the Mexican era and almost unknown today, is a 
small book by an author also named Pike, but not to be confused with 
Zebulon Pike. Albert Pike, of Confederate War fame, was the author 
of what is widely regarded as the best version of the words to "Dixie," 
and, in later life, was one of the founders of modern Masonry. His 
Prose Sketches and Poems, Written in the Western Country, published 
in Boston in 1834, was the result of a visit to New Mexico in 1831-33. 
His poems, a quaint mixture of Byronic and Shelleyan influences in con- 
junction with such subjects as "The Bold Navaho" or "The Vale of 
Picurfs," represent much of the same quality that is found in early 
romanticized American landscape painting. Albert Pike was, so far as 
known, the first Anglo-American poet of New Mexico. His prose 
stories and sketches convey to the reader today the same strangeness of 
scene which then impressed itself upon the sensitive young poet from 
the East. 

With the advent of the Santa Fe Trail days, the era of American 
pioneer narratives may be said to have begun. But the journals of the 
early beaver-trappers and traders preceded the later regularly organized 
trail traffic. Jacob Fowler, the Patties, and others recorded their 
adventures in manuscript to be printed then or later. Some, like Kit 
Carson, told their stories grudgingly, under pressure long after the 
event. The great book of the Santa Fe Trail is Josiah Gregg's The 
Commerce of the Prairies (1844), which is not only a saga of the trail 
from Leavenworth to Santa Fe, and from Santa Fe to Chihuahua 
but an illuminating portrayal of everything connected with it, and 
particularly valuable for its description of life in New Mexico in the 
1 830*8. Another book of pertinent interest is Wah-to Yah, or The Taos 
Trail (1850), by Lewis H. Garrard, who, as a young man bent upon 
adventure, joined a Santa Fe caravan and recorded his life on the 


prairies with zest and exhilaration. Garrard's overland trek to New 
Mexico is an interesting companion piece to Richard Henry Dana's sea 
voyage around Cape Horn to Mexican California in Two Years Before 
the Mast (1840). 

Meantime, during this period, many travel books on Mexico by 
European visitors, Wislizenus, Brantz Mayer, and others, devoted con- 
siderable space to the northern province, New Mexico. One of these 
travelers was the young Englishman, George Frederick Ruxton, who 
journeyed up the Rio Grande Valley in the fall of 1846 and visited 
Taos just a short time before the uprising of 1847. His Life in the Far 
West (1847) an d Adventures in New Mexico and the Rocky Moun- 
tains (1848) give firsthand pictures of his experiences in New Mexico 
at that time. 

Immediately after the American occupation, 1846, another class of 
travel books is found in the reports of the U. S. Army officers and topo- 
graphical engineers assigned to New Mexico and the Southwest. The 
reports of Emory, Abert, Marcy, Cooke, Johnston, Sitgreaves, and 
others, published as U. S. Senate Executive Documents, are anything 
but dull. Reading them, one is impressed by the high calibre and 
general cultural background of the young officers who wrote these 
reports. A book of more popular character and enduring literary 
interest is El Gringo, or New Mexico and Her People (1854), written 
by W. W. H. Davis while United States Attorney in the early terri- 
torial days. This book, with its detailed and intimate accounts of New 
Mexican life in the 1850*8, so far as many aspects of native life are 
concerned, has never been superseded. It was largely drawn upon by 
later writers of the native scene. Particularly interesting also is James 
F. Meline's Two Thousand Miles on Horseback (1867). Numerous 
other books of the territorial era have furnished source material for the 
many books on New Mexico's frontier life in all its varying phases. 

In any account of New Mexican writers, the name usually first 
mentioned is that of General Lew Wallace, who is said to have com- 
pleted his novel Ben Hur in 1880 in the Palace at Santa Fe, where as 
territorial governor he divided his attention between Christian gladiators 
in Rome and the affairs of Billy the Kid in New Mexico. Ben Hur 
of course owed nothing to New Mexico, but Wallace is usually men- 
tioned as the first New Mexican "author." Mrs. Lew Wallace (Susan 
E.) meantime was recording her interesting and lively impressions of 
the contemporary scene in letters to an eastern newspaper, later pub- 
lished in a small book calle'd The Land of the Pueblos (1888). 

Hardly, however, was Ben Hur off the press, when the first of the 
Billy the Kid books began to appear; notably Sheriff Pat F. Garrett's 
Authentic Life of Billy the Kid (1882), who, as the subtitle naively 
remarks, was "captured by killing." Since then the Lincoln County 


War has been continuously waged in print. Other famous gunmen of 
New Mexico have been celebrated in subsequent New Mexican frontier 
narratives, but none so much fought over or provocative of immediate 
argument as Billy. 

The last quarter of the nineteenth century was characterized by the 
advent of historians, archeologists, and ethnologists, for whom New 
Mexico presented a rich field. The first Anglo-American histories of 
New Mexico were naturally devoted to its conquest by the United 
States and were, for the most part, written by men who had shared in 
the campaigns of Generals Kearny and Doniphan and James Madison 
Cutts, Philip St. George Cooke, F. S. Edwards, J. T. Hughes, and 
others. Apparently the first American historian to turn his attention 
to the early Spanish history of the newly acquired territory was W. W. 
H. Davis, mentioned above, whose Spanish Conquest of New Mexico 
was published in 1867. Hubert Howe Bancroft's comprehensive 
Arizona and New Mexico (1889) was followed by the work of resident 
historians: L. Bradford Prince, Benjamin Read, a native New Mexican, 
William G. Ritch, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, and Charles F. Coan. 
Since then much important work in special fields has been published by 
later historians, among whom, in New Mexico, Lansing B. Bloom and 
George P. Hammond of the University of New Mexico are leading 

In uncovering New Mexico's past, historians and archeologists 
naturally had to work hand in hand, because New Mexico's history is 
closely connected with its archeological sources and with its still con- 
temporary aboriginal life. In this respect the work of Adolphe F. 
Bandelier, who was both historian and archeologist, is outstanding. 
From a literary point of view the works of such men as Bandelier, 
Frank Hamilton Gushing, and Dr. Washington Matthews are particu- 
larly valuable. Cushing's Zuni Creation Myths and Zuni's Folk-Tales, 
Dr. Washington Matthews' Navaho Legends and his transcripts of the 
great Navaho Mountain and Night Chant ceremonials^ and Bandelier's 
The Delight Makers (1890), a vivid re-creation in fiction of prehistoric 
America, gave a new and larger conception of the aboriginal scene and 
stimulated the imagination of later writers. 

One of the first to feel this influence was Charles F. Lummis, much 
of whose inspiration was gained from his association with Bandelier, 
and whose series of popular books on New Mexico, The Land of Poco 
Tiempo, Strange Corners of Our Country f The Spanish Pioneers f and 
many others are still favorite introductions to New Mexico. Until the 
turn of the century, indeed, Lummis seems to have been almost the 
only author per se in New Mexico except the cowboys. After the 
Indians and Spaniards; the Anglo-Americans who first became inti- 
mately related to the soil were the cowboys. 


They were poets first in their own right, with their improvised 
night-herding or cattle-trail songs; and then books began to be written 
about them. In 1881 Emerson Hough, as a member of the staff of the 
weekly newspaper Golden Era, at the boom mining town of White 
Oaks, gathered the material for his novel Heart's Desire (1903)* 
incorporating the well-known cowboy, prospector, and eastern magnate 
pattern less familiar then than now. Hough's novels were followed 
by his substantial books on the western frontier. In the first decade of 
the twentieth century, a real cowboy, Eugene Manlove Rhodes, who had 
been wrangling horses and punching cattle for the Bar Cross on the 
Jornada del Muerto, had his first stories published in Lummis' magazine 
Out West. In 1904 he left New Mexico for the East, with his banjo 
and a suitcase full of stories, and landed in the fold of the Saturday 
Evening Post. When he died in 1934, Rhodes had ten books to his 
credit, as well as many stories not yet collected in book form all 
authentic tales of the veritable soil and soul of the New Mexican cattle 
range. Swift-moving and keen with philosophic wit, his books will out- 
live the rank and file of mere "westerns." Rhodes is buried on the top 
of Rhodes Pass named for him before his death of which a vivid 
description is given in one of his novels, Stepsons of Light ('1921). 
The scenes and characters of his other novels, thinly veiled by fictitious 
titles, are readily discerned by old-timers. 

Cowboy songs are classed as "folk," but individual authors some- 
times become folk-poets before they know it. In 1908 N. Howard 
(Jack) Thorpe, cow-puncher and rancher, published a small collection 
of Songs of the Cowboys, including several of his own. Among these 
was "Little Joe the Wrangler," widely sung wherever cowboys con- 
gregate, as well as over the radio and on the phonograph. A second 
enlarged edition of Songs of +he Cowboys was published in 1921, includ- 
ing more of his own songs. Thorpe's Tales of the Chuck Wagon 
(1926) and other stories published in magazines reflect more than forty 
years' intimate knowledge of New Mexican life and practically every 
square inch of its terrain. 

An early novel, with the scene laid in southern New Mexico, is 
Florence Finch Kelly's With Hoops of Steel (1900). The stories by 
Thomas A. Janvier in Santa Fe's Partner (1907) furnished a lively 
record of the time when mail and passengers were transported by stage- 
coach from the railroad terminus at Espanola to Santa Fe, with one 
stop for lunch at the Bouquet Ranch at Pojoaque. 

In the second decade of the twentieth century, books on or about 
New Mexico began to appear, first slowly and then with an accelerated 
pace, until their number now is almost bewildering. These are about 
equally divided between native-born or resident New Mexican authors 
and other writers for whom the New Mexican scene presents some 


special interest. The visitor, first impressed by the composite scene, 
usually asks eagerly: "What book shall I read to tell me all about it?' 
There isn't any one book that can do this the field is too varied. The 
only answer is to refer the reader to the bibliography and let him choose 
for himself. 

Under general literature many nationally known names are included, 
indicating that New Mexico's literature, although regional in character, 
is not merely regional in interest or quality. Some of these authors 
were of established reputation before coming to New Mexico or writing 
about it; as for instance the late Mary Austin, who came to live in 
Santa Fe in 1918 and was subsequently identified with New Mexico as 
she had previously been with California; or Willa Gather, whose Death 
Comes for the Archbishop was the result of a literary sojourn. 

One interesting feature of the growth of New Mexican literature is 
the number of writers who have, so to speak, developed on the soil. It 
may be that the advent of eastern writers, during and after the World 
War, had something to do with awakening native-born New Mexicans 
to a tardy appreciation of their own soil, just as the soil itself had 
power of re-creating the imaginative vision of the newcomers. In either 
case, or both cases, modern literature in New Mexico indicates a deepen- 
ing sense of reality and individual vision. 

The poets were among the first to feel and express the spirit of the 
country. Books of verse that reflect this spirit are: Red Earth (1920), 
by Alice Corbin; Breakers and Granite (1921), by John Gould 
Fletcher; Caravan (1922), by Witter Bynner; The American Rhythm 
(1923) and The Children Sing in the Far West (1928), by Mary Aus- 
tin; Birds, Beasts and Flowers (1923), by D. H. Lawrence; Fandango 
(1927), by Stanley Vestal; Mountain against Mountain (1928), by 
Arthur Davison Ficke; Along Old Trails (1928), by William Haskell 
Simpson; Foretaste (1933), by Peggy Pond Church; Altantides (i933)> 
by Haniel Long; and Horizontal Yellow (i935)> by Spud Johnson. 
The work of these and other poets of New Mexico is represented in 
national and southwestern anthologies. 

The field of creative fiction is comparatively small but distinguished. 
Harvey Fergusson, of Albuquerque, grandson of Santa ^Fe Trail pioneers, 
had two eastern novels to his credit when in 1921 he turned to his 
native scene in Blood of the Conquerors probably the first realistic 
novel of contemporary New Mexico. He followed this with four other 
regional novels, including Wolf Song (1927), a story of Spanish and 
Anglo-American life in Taos of the Kit Carson era, in interesting con- 
trast to Willa Gather's Death Comes for the Archbishop, published the 
same year. Miss Gather's book is based on the life of Archbishop Lamy 
and the French priests, whose advent in the i85O's did so much to 
change the scene in Taos and elsewhere in New Mexico. 


Mary Austin, who had written much on the Southwest before her 
death in 1934, S ave her usual individual touch to Starry Adventure 
(I93 1 )? a novel in which the landscape itself is a spiritual force, almost 
more important than the human beings motivated by it. Her One 
Smoke Stories (1934) are brief pungent tales of native life Indian and 
Spanish. In these, as in her other work, as well as in her autobiog- 
raphy, Earth Horizon (1933), is revealed her feeling of man's close 
identification with the spiritual life of the soil. 

Paul Horgan's novels, notably No Quarter Given (1935), envisage 
the contemporary scene through the medium of characters whose psycho- 
logical problems are variously solved or complicated by the effect of a 
new environment. The Royal City of the Holy Faith (1936), in a 
different vein, presents in fictional form three separate periods in the 
history of New Mexico, centered in the Palace of the Governors in 
Santa Fe. 

Also imaginatively projected around life in the Palace is Eugene 
Manlove Rhodes' Penalosa (1936), a reprint of a chapter from his 
out-of-print book, West is West (1927). This is a dramatic picture of 
the Inquisition, of which Penalosa, during his term as Governor (1661- 
64) became a victim. 

Not precisely fictional, but in the realm of creative prose almost 
poetry is Haniel Long's Interlinear to Cabeza de Vaca (1936), which 
also recasts an old story through modern interpretive vision. 

Raymond Otis, whose Fire in the Night (1934) is a novel of Santa 
Fe's younger generation, entered a new field in his Miguel of the Bright 
Mountain (1936), the story of a young novitiate's mystical absorption 
in the rites of the Penitentes, followed by The Little Valley (1937), 
both highly sensitized portrayals of life in small Spanish communities. 

Bandelier's Delight Makers had a prehistoric background, but mod- 
ern novelists have attempted a perhaps even more difficult literary feat 
in dealing with present-day Indian life. Under the Sun (1927), by 
Dane Coolidge, and Wind-Singer (1930), by Frances Gillmor, are 
semihistoric stories of Navaho life, leading up to the present. Oliver 
La Farge's Laughing Boy; a Navaho Romance (1929), awarded the 
Pulitzer prize for that year, is a mixture of poetry and realism the 
stark aridity and commercial cheapness of "white man" civilization set 
against the age-old religious ceremonialism of Navaho life, with the 
modern Indians' struggle to bridge the two. His short stories in All 
the Young Men (1935) and his more recent novel, The Enemy Gods 
937)> carry on various aspects of the same theme. 

A new note is added to New Mexican fiction in Conrad Richter's 
Early Americana and Other Stories (1936) and The Sea of Grass 
( J 937)' The latter novel is a skillfully woven piece of romantic- 
realism, involving the lives of a single family, against the primitive 


background of the high upland range of desert grass, cut and ploughed 
and destroyed by homesteaders. 

While no one novel or story of the late D. H. Lawrence can be 
singled out as definitely New Mexican, the spirit of the country is a 
part of the texture in several. More direct impressions are recorded 
in his verse, mentioned above, and in several articles on New Mexico. 
The vivid personality of this strange genius has left its impress on the 
mountain slope above Taos, where he spent some of the later years 
of his life and where he is buried. Biographically, also, his impress 
remains in three books written about him, centering largely on his life 
in Taos; Lorenzo in Taos (1932), by Mabel Dodge Luhan; Lawrence 
and Brett (1938), by Honorable Dorothy Brett; and Not I but the 
Wind (1934), by his wife, Frieda Lawrence. 

New Mexico has probably more native drama than any state in 
the Union, with its yearly calendar of indigenous Navaho and Pueblo 
Indian dances and ceremonies, as well as Spanish folk plays the latter 
first introduced in 1598 and still performed annually. These are re- 
corded in folklore and anthropological publications. 

Modern plays on New Mexico that have been published as well as 
produced include: El Crist o (1926), a one-act folk play by Margaret 
Larkin; Night over Taos (1932), a poetic drama based on the Taos 
revolt, by Maxwell Anderson; and Russet Mantle (1936), a play of 
modern life in Santa Fe, by Lynn Riggs. 

The ever-increasing number of books on frontier life and adventure 
prove that the "vanishing frontier" is anything but vanishing, so far 
as literary popularity is concerned. New Mexico's share in this field 
includes many books of a general character, as well as several first- 
hand accounts of territorial days which pick up the thread of frontier 
life where the earlier original pioneer narratives left off. Of especial 
interest are three books on the Socorro-Datil-Mogollon section of New 
Mexico a region rich in history, romance, and beauty but apparently 
the least-known part of the State. 

Fifty Years on the Old Frontier (1923), by James W. Cook; Some 
Recollections of a Western Ranchman (1928), by Honorable William 
French; and Law and Order Ltd. (1928), the story of Elf ego Baca, 
by Kyle S. Crichton, cover approximately the same scene and period, 
from different angles and racial backgrounds. The Honorable William 
French, of French Park, Ireland, was one of a number of "younger 
son" Britishers who became ranch owners in New Mexico in the 
i88o's. Captain James W. Cook, an American, who started out as 
a guide for English sportsmen in Wyoming, became manager for one 
of them on the W. S. ranch at Alma, subsequently acquired by French. 
Elfego Baca, an enterprising scion of an old Spanish family of Socorro, 
figured as deputy sheriff in the celebrated "Frisco War," in which all 


three participated. The first two books also give firsthand accounts 
of the Apache campaign in New Mexico; and French's book, which 
goes on where Cook's New Mexican chapters leave off, includes his 
experiences with members of the famous "Wild Bunch" of Montana, 
all of whom, at one time or another, while hiding out from the law, 
found employment on French's ranch and, as French naively remarks, 
proved exceedingly able and efficient in restoring law and order on the 
ranch while there. After the departure of the "Wild Bunch," French 
became discouraged by the general lawlessness in that part of the country 
and removed to Coif ax County in northeastern New Mexico, where 
the town of French was named for him. 

In another book of the same period, Riata and Spurs (1927), 
Charles A. Siringo, the cowboy-detective, tells of tracing the "Wild 
Bunch" all the way from Montana to Alma, only to find that they had 
left Alma before he arrived. Siringo, after years of adventure, settled 
on a ranch near Santa Fe in the later part of his life, and was a familiar 
figure in the Plaza, riding his white horse, Sailor Gray, accompanied 
by his favorite Russian wolf-hound. 

The Lincoln County War of 1877-81, resuscitated by Walter Noble 
Burns' Saga of Billy the Kid (1925), came actively to the fore again 
with reprints of earlier books on the subject and with new books such 
as George W. Coe's Frontier Fighter (1934) and the Real Story of 
Billy the Kid (1936), by Ex-Governor Miguel A. Otero. George 
Coe, who fought and rode with Billy the Kid, is still living near Lin- 
coln, and Governor Otero lives in Santa Fe. These two books give 
valuable firsthand accounts of the generally misunderstood background 
of the Lincoln County War and the part that politics as well as the 
U. S. Army played in it. Much evidence supporting the true back- 
ground is also supplied in Major Maurice Garland Fulton's annotated 
1927 edition of Pat Garrett's book on Billy the Kid, mentioned above. 
Governor Otero's book includes a rare photograph of the idealistic 
young Englishman, John G. Tunstall, whose death precipitated the 
later stages of the war. 

Recent studies of frontiersmen include Stanley Vestal's Kit Carson 
(1^28) and Mountain Men (1937); and Old Bill Williams (1936), 
by Alpheus A. Favour. Bill Williams was one of the early group of 
trappers and traders who worked in and out of Taos, but his early 
life in Missouri, the circumstances of 'his coming to New Mexico as 
guide for the United States survey of the Santa Fe Trail in 1825, and 
his tragic death as a result of Fremont's disastrous fourth expedition 
are less generally known. Other pioneer characters trappers, traders, 
prospectors, cowboys, outlaws, and "lady-wildcats" are vividly por- 
trayed in books by Duncan Aikman, Frederick R. Bechdolt, Dane Cool- 
idge, Eugene Cunningham, T. M. Pearce, and N. Howard Thorpe. 


Historical accounts of the frontier, the Santa Fe Trail and cattle range, 
are given by Will C. Barnes, R. L. Duffus, J. Evetts Haley, Emerson 
Hough, William McLeod Raine, and others. 

Edwin L. Sabin's Kit Carson Days, 1809-1867, published in 1914, 
is probably the most authoritatively complete account of Carson's life 
and his period, with abundant indication of Carson's extraordinary 
military services to the Government through two wars and as Indian 
Agent. Incidents of his earlier life are simply and directly told in 
Kit Carson s Own Story of his Ltfe, as dictated to Colonel and Mrs. 
D. C. Peters about 1856-57. The original manuscript, a straight- 
forward narration of facts published by Blanche Grant in 1926, lacks 
the heroics supplied by Peters in his book, which so greatly annoyed 

Books of general descriptive interest by New Mexican writers 
include The Land of Journey's Ending (1924) by Mary Austin; 
Caballeros (1931) by Ruth Laughlin Barker; Rio Grande (1933) by 
Harvey Fergusson; The Sky Determines (1934) by Ross Calvin; and 
When Old Trails Were New (i934) by Blanche Grant. Two books 
with special emphasis on the Spanish background are Old Spain In Our 
Southwest (1936) by Nina Otero; and Brothers of Light, The Peni- 
tentes of the Southwest (1937) by Alice Corbin Henderson. 

Among popular books on contemporary Indian life may be men- 
tioned: Acoma, the Sky City (1926) by Mrs. W. T. Sedgwick; Desert 
Drums (1928), by Leo Crane; The Rain Makers (1929) and The 
Navaho Indians (1930) by Mary Roberts and Dane Coolidge; and 
Erna Fergusson's Dancing Gods (1931), an account of Indian cere- 
monials in New Mexico and Arizona. D. H. Lawrence's Mornings 
in Mexico (1927) also includes two vividly impressionistic chapters on 
Pueblo Indian dances. 

For a general introduction to Indians and archeology, Indians of 
the Southwest (1913) by Earle Pliny Goddard is an authentic and 
convenient handbook. Dr. A. V. Kidder's Introduction to the Study 
of Southwestern Archaeology (1924), Edgar L. Hewett's Ancient Life 
in the American Southwest (1930), and Indians of the Rio Grande 
Valley (1937) by Edgar L. Hewett and Adolph Bandelier present the 
results of modern research in readable form for the layman and whet 
the serious student's appetite for the many monographs and books of a 
more scientific nature on these subjects. 

Folklore, appealing alike to adult or juvenile reader, is well repre- 
sented in New Mexico literature. Indigenous Indian, Spanish, and 
Anglo-American myths, legends, and folk tales are significantly inter- 
mingled in many popular books. Among these may be mentioned: 
Indian Stories from the Pueblos (1929) and Native Tales of New 
Mexico (1932) by Frank G. Applegate; Zuiii Indian Tales (1926) 


by Aileen Nusbaum; Coronado's Children (1930) by J. Frank Dobie; 
Navaho Tales (1927) by William Whitman; Tewa Firelight Tales 
(1927) by Ahlee James; Waterless Mountain (1931) and Dark Circlt 
of Branches (1933) by Laura Adams Armer; Tay-Tays Tales (1922) 
and Tay-Tay's Memories (1924) by Elizabeth Willis DeHuff; and 
The Burro of Angelitos (1937) by Peggy Pond Church. Charles F. 
Lummis and Frank Gushing were earlier contributors to this field. For 
the erudite student, a wealth of material is furnished in the publications 
of the Bureau of American Ethnology, the Journal of American Folk- 
lore, and the American Anthropologist. 

In the publishing field, New Mexico has several book-publishing 
firms and monthly or quarterly publications. The former class in- 
cludes : The University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque ; the Quivira 
Society (publishers of translations of original Spanish narratives, edited 
by Dr. G. P. Hammond of the University of New Mexico) ; The 
Rydal Press, Santa Fe (publishers of limited editions) ; and Writers' 
Editions, Santa Fe. The last named, sponsored by a group of South- 
western writers, is incorporated as a nonprofit co-operative publishing 
enterprise said to have been unique in the United States when founded 

in 1933- 

Magazines include the New Mexico Historical Review (quarterly) ; 
El Palacio (monthly), a news bulletin and commentary on archeological 
activities; the New Mexico Quarterly, of general literary interest, pub- 
lished by the University of New Mexico; the State-published magazine 
New Mexico (monthly), featuring illustrated articles of contemporary 
and historic interest. 

Taken as a whole, perhaps the outstanding feature of contemporary 
literature in New Mexico is its largely regional character. This seems 
due less to intention than to an instinctive reaction on the part of the 
writers to the influence of the native soil and scene. Incidentally, the 
difference between sectionalism and true regionalism may be recognized 
by reference to the regional character of much great literature. The 
claim for New Mexican literature is, not that it is great, but that it 
is largely genuine and a direct product of the soil. 

(For selected titles since 1940, see page 439; since 1950, see page 


THE music of the early Indian nowhere appears to be better pre- 
served than in New Mexico, where, among the Pueblo, Navaho, 
and Apache Indians, it has been handed down by rote from one 
generation to another from prehistoric times. Since Indian music is 
not characterized by Western concepts of harmony, no comparison with 
European music is possible. To ordinary white ears, says D. H. Law- 
rence, the Indian's song sometimes sounds like a rather disagreeable 
howling around the drum. 

Singing, to the Indian, like dancing, is part of ceremony, part of 
ritual. Against the backdrop of the mesas and the mountains, in the 
center of the plaza of his pueblo, the Indian sings as he dances for 
rain, for favor in the hunt, to make the corn grow. 

Lawrence, who lived for many years in Taos, describes a Taos 
Indian dance as follows: 

"The Indian singing, sings without words or vision. Face lifted 
and sightless, eyes half closed and visionless, mouth open and speechless, 
the sounds arise in the chest. He will tell you it is a song of a man 
coming home from the bear-hunt: or a song to make rain: or a song 
to make the corn grow: or even, quite modern, the song of the church 
bell on Sunday morning. ... 

"The dark faces stoop forward, in a strange race-darkness. The 
eyelashes droop a little with insistent thuds. And the spirits of the 
men go out in the ether, vibrating in waves from the hot, dark, inten- 
tional blood, seeking the creative presence that hovers forever in the 
ether, seeking identification, following on down the mysterious rhythms 
of the creative pulse, on and on into the germinating quick of the maize 
that lies under the ground, there, with the throbbing, pulsing, clapping 
rhythm that comes from the dark, creative blood in man, to stimulate 
the tremulous, pulsating protoplasm in the seed-germ, till it throws 
forth its rhythms of creative energy into the rising blades of leaf and 

For every occasion there is a song and a dance ; the Indian repertoire 
is as extensive as that of the white man. In some ceremonies lasting 
several days, definite groups of songs are sung, with only rare instances 
of repetition. Among these are the Shalako of the Zuni, the Yebechai 
of the Navaho, and the corn dance of the Santo Domingo Pueblo, 



where as many as six hundred performers faultlessly synchronize their 
movements into a superb pageant. 

Songs of one tribe differ from those of another in various ways, 
as the native folk music of Europe differs among the nations. Not only 
does the melodic style and rhythmic composition vary, but its manner 
of execution may also be vastly different. The Pueblo songs are pitched 
in medium and low voice, while those of the Navaho are often high. 

Types of songs may also bear a tribal identity. The Eagle, Buffalo, 
Deer, Corn, Basket, and Turtle dances belong to the Pueblos. The 
Navaho, besides their healing songs in the Night and Mountain chants, 
sing round or circle dance songs. Plains Indian songs adopted by the 
Pueblo Indian differ greatly from their own in tempo and melody. 
The -Apache, in addition to their distinctive Devil and Bear dance 
songs, enjoy back and forth and circle dance songs. 

Hunting, traveling, work songs, and lullabies are found varying 
greatly in composition and interpretation in all of the New Mexico 

With the tribal ceremonies, the percussion accompaniment varies, 
rattles being used for the Navaho Night and Mountain chants and 
some of the Pueblo ceremonies, while the drum is used by the Pueblos 
in the Corn and other dances. Apache use the drum also, preferring 
soft toned ones similar to the water drum of the Indians of the Atlantic 
seaboard. Of late years the Apache use drums made of lard buckets, 
in preference to the Pueblo wooden drum, for they carry a louder, more 
resonant tone. 

With the advent of the United States Government Schools, the 
missionary activities of various religious organizations, passing of the 
patriarchs of the tribes, and with the consequent loss of ancient melo- 
dies, musicians fear the disappearance of much of this invaluable tribal 
music unless it is scientifically recorded before it is too late. 

Some such recordings have been made: notable is a collection of 
Zuni songs by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, of the Hemenway Archeological 
Expedition (1890). These were made on phonograph cylinders, from 
which, with the aid of a harmonium (small organ with metal reeds) 
Mr. Benjamin Ives Oilman recorded some of the melodies, including 
the "Song of the Rabbit Hunt," and the sacred dance of the Ko-Ko, 
and published in A Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, 
Vol. /. 

A collection of Santo Domingo Pueblo songs, by Frances Densmore, 
U. S. Bureau of Ethnology, has been published (1938) by the South- 
west Museum, Los Angeles. 

More than two thousand Navaho sacred ceremonial songs have been 
made on phonograph records under the sponsorship of Miss Mary C. 

MUSIC 143 

Wheelright. These are deposited in the Museum of Navajo Cere- 
monial Art, at Santa Fe. 

Natalie Curtis, in her The Indian's Book, has recorded many of the 
songs of New Mexico's Pueblo Indians, while composers like Thurlow 
Lieurance, Charles Wakefield Cadman, Jean Jeancon, and others have 
recorded some melodies, transposing them to fit our musical scale, but 
in the process losing much of the Indian characteristics. 

There remains much still to be done to preserve for future genera- 
tions this valuable music, not alone for the Indian, but also as a point 
of departure for aesthetic achievements in the field of true American 


Spanish music was first introduced when Cortes came to the Ameri- 
can continent in 1519, bringing with him the folk songs of the mother 
country, where for centuries trovadores and juglares had been compos- 
ing and singing romances or ballads built around the lives of their 
heroes, or dealing with subjects of love, religion, or war. 

The Spanish ballad of the sixteenth century used sixteen syllables 
to a verse and was usually assonated instead of rhymed. The sixteen- 
syllable verses were unpliable, so they eventually were broken down 
into octosyllabic meter which, with greater variety of themes, was 
employed in a subsequent composition known as the decima. This 
decima consisted of forty-four lines, a four-line introduction followed 
by four stanzas of ten lines each, with the first line of the introduction 
becoming the last line of the first stanza, the second line of the intro- 
duction becoming the last line of the second stanza, and so on. This 
stanzaic form was first used by Lope de Vega in Spain and is still 
recited as poetry in New Mexico, though not so frequently sung. 

As the spirit of conquest moved the Spaniards on to new lands, 
their songs went with them, Coronado and his men bringing them into 
New Mexico. But it was not until the first colonizing expedition of 
Juan de Ofiate, in 1598, that they became a part of New Mexican 
culture. Since the Spanish expeditions were made for the glory of 
God, as well as the acquisition of land and wealth for the Crown, the 
Franciscan missionaries were a vital part and, in some instances, the 
dominating force of each expedition. Among these missionaries, who 
had been well trained in letters and in the arts, were found some musi- 
cians of ability, and it is to them that credit for the introduction of 
European music in the New World must be given. 

From Spanish historical documents we find that the first music 
teacher was Fray Cristobal de Quinones. He is credited with having 
brought the first organ into what is now the United States ; he installed 
an organ in the chapel of the monastery at San Felipe Pueblo and 


trained the Indians to sing the church services. He died in 1609. 

At the time that Jamestown was founded and thirteen years before the 
Pilgrims set foot on the Massachusetts coast, New Mexico could not only boast 
of a music teacher who had enjoyed the benefits of a musical education such as 
the church schools of the day afforded, but was in possession of an organ. . . . 
Before 1630 many schools were in operation which included music in their cur- 
riculum. The first boys' choirs within the present United States were those 
which supplied the music for the mission churches of New Mexico. Churches 
and monasteries were supplied with organs which were transported overland 
from Mexico City, a six months' trip in those days. A century before Boston 
claims to have had an organ (1713) there were many organs in the "Great 
Unknown North," as the Spaniards termed the land of the Pueblos. As far as 
Spanish dominion extended, there was music. 

The second teacher was Bernardo de Marta, a Spaniard who came 
into New Mexico about 1600. 

One form of Spanish-American folk song prevalent at that time, 
and still heard today, is the alabado> a religious ballad, an outgrowth 
of Gregorian Chant. This form has little melodic interest, is' primitive 
and monotonous, but very moving when sung by a large number of 
voices. The Penitentes still use this form of song in their services, 
often to the accompaniment of a crude flute. It is used also at wakes. 

Other song forms which have developed within New Mexico are 
the inditctj cuando, corrida, and lastly the cancion popular. The indita 
dates approximately from the time of Maximilian and is a combination 
of song and dance. The words tell a story, the refrain is lyric and 
amorous. It is composed of eight syllable rhymed verses. The cor- 
ridoj always heroic in its subject matter, is a modern development of 
the ballad. Its music pattern is a definite one in four-quarter rhythm, 
usually with guitar accompaniment, and is never danced. It is often a 
melodramatic narrative almost always naming the day and date of the 
episode with which the poem deals. The cuando has no definite pat- 
tern and is practically obsolete now; formerly it told of adventures 
and always ended each stanza with the word cuando (when). Out 
of these earlier forms, since the first quarter of the nineteenth century, 
has developed the canciones populares, literally, popular songs, very 
singable in melody and rhythm. These date from the first quarter of 
the nineteenth century and are common to every locality. In all of 
this Spanish-American folk music very little Indian influence is felt, 
with the exception of the indita. 

Nowhere else in the United States has the study of Spanish-Ameri- 
can music been more seriously 'followed than at the University of New 
Mexico. Dr. Arthur L. Campa, Director of Research in Folklore 
and Professor in Modern Languages, with financial help from the 
Rockefeller Foundation and the late Senator Bronson Cutting, has made 

MUSIC 145 

recordings and subsequent transcriptions of a large number of folk 
songs which illustrate the different types found within New Mexico. 
Aurelio Espinosa's great contribution to research in this field has been 
widely recognized. 

With co-operation from some Latin-American organizations and 
through the public schools both children and adults are now given an 
opportunity to learn these songs and sing them under musical direction. 
Frequently a small amount of folk dancing accompanies the singing. 
Also, to those who want it t instruction is given in playing stringed 
instruments which comprise the native tipica orchestra. 


"All lonely people sing," says Margaret Larkin in Singing Cowboy, 
"and much of the cowboy *s work is done in solitude. Singing relieves 
the monotony of the night watch, or the day's ride on the range."* To 
the new frontier of the West, after the Civil War, came men and 
boys from Kentucky, Illinois, Louisiana, and Ohio; with them they 
brought their folk-tunes English and Scottish ballads, Irish reels, 
Negro spirituals, and sentimental songs of the day and to these they 
added words that told of their experiences in cow camp and cattle 

Miss Larkin says, 

There always were one or two fellows in an outfit who were said to have a 
voice, and they sang the solo stanzas while the rest of the group joined in with 
Whoopee ti yi yo, or the yell that took the place of the chorus. If there was any 
accompaniment, it was the guitar, supplemented by fiddle and an accordion at 
dances. Fiddling and singing were highly regarded accomplishments, and the 
cowboy who could do either was in demand in frontier celebrations. 

Some of the most popular cowboy songs sung on the New Mexican 
ranges were "The Strawberry Roan," "Little Joe the Wrangler," 
"When the Work's All Done This Fall," "Jack O' Diamonds," "The 
Santa Fe Trail," "By the Silvery Rio Grande," and "Ridin' Down 
That Old Texas Trail." The songs are usually sentimental, dealing 
with loneliness and death. Typical is the last stanza of "When the 
Work's All Done This Fall": 

Poor Charlie was buried at sunrise, no tombstone at his head, 

Just a little slab-board, and this is what it read, 

Charlie died at daybreak, he died from a fall, 

And the boy won't see his mother when the work's all done this fall. 

To the tune of "The Little Old Log Cabin in the Lane," Jack Thorpe, 
one of the venerable old-timers on New Mexico ranges, wrote "Little 
Joe, the Wrangler." 


It was little Joe, the wrangler, he will wrangle never more, 
For his days with the roundup they are o'er; 
'Twas a year ago last April when he rode up to our camp, 
Just a little Texas stray and nothing more. 

The song tells how they taught little Joe to wrangle horses, and then 
one day while camping on the Pecos, a storm came up, the herd stam- 
peded, and in a flash of lightning they saw Little Joe out in front of 
the herd bravely trying to head them off; the next morning he was 
found in a washout mangled to a pulp. 

Many of the songs are based on actual experiences; there probably 
was a * 'Little Joe" whose death inspired Jack Thorpe. The song was 
the way the cowboy told of an important event, and even relayed 
news. One of the most famous New Mexican songs is "Billy the Kid." 

I'll sing you the song of Billy the Kid, 
I'll sing of the desperate deed that he did; 
Way out in New Mexico long, long ago, 
When a man's only chance was his old forty-four. 

In some sections of the State, particularly in the east, old-time 
singing conventions are popular. These are well organized into local, 
county, and district groupings, and furnished by their all-day Sunday- 
singings, a recreational activity which is thoroughly enjoyed. It is an 
interesting observation that most of these groups still prefer to use 
shaped notes for sight singing, a carry-over from southern United 

Despite the basic wealth of folk music in New Mexico, the develop- 
ment of music as a fine art has been exceedingly slow. Within the 
last ten years, however, great strides have been made in music education 
through higher State institutions of public instruction and city school 
systems. In the latter there has been an especially noticeable impetus 
in instrumental instruction. Most of the schools in incorporated towns 
and cities now have orchestras or bands. In Albuquerque an annual 
program is given by the public schools in which five hundred children 
participate in band and orchestral ensemble. School credit is allowed 
in many of these places for instrumental study as well as glee club 
and chorus participation. Music departments of State institutions have 
steadily grown stronger and within the last year the University of 
New Mexico has developed its music department until it now awards 
a Bachelor of Music degree. 

A State Federation of Music Clubs exists with chapters in various 
towns of the State. Some civic orchestras exist, notably the one in 
Albuquerque, with a membership of approximately seventy pieces, and 
one in Raton with fifty pieces. In Albuquerque, a Junior Orchestra 
with twenty-five members is also maintained. In some places there are 
community choral organizations directed by competent leaders in which 

MUSIC 147 

music lovers may participate. Organizations of this character are doing 
distinguished work in Santa Fe, Albuquerque, and Clovis. At least 
four cities in the State now have thriving community organizations 
which sponsor concerts of high artistic merit by nationally known artists. 


ACHITECTURE more than almost any other art reflects the 
history and culture of the people and region to which it is 
related. The architecture of New Mexico based on forms and 
materials indigenous to the State is particularly representative, modifica- 
tions having occurred with successive invasions and subsequent changes 
in social conditions. 

Broadly speaking, the history of New Mexico divides itself into 
three great periods, accompanied by major cultural changes. The first 
of these is the prehistoric, or pre-Columbian, era extending from the 
dim horizons of antiquity to the invasion by Coronado in 1540. This 
was followed by the Spanish era which began with the conquest and 
extended through three centuries of Latin influence, including the period 
under Mexican administration, until the American occupation in 1846. 
The last period, beginning with this date and extending to the present, 
may be subdivided into two parts: the Territorial, which lasted more 
or less until the advent of the railroads, and the modern, reflecting the 
vast cultural changes due to improved technology. 

The buildings discovered by the first Spanish explorers were evolved 
by inhabitants who had lived in this country for unknown centuries. 
Built of materials found in the desert and adjoining mountain regions, 
the plans and shapes of those structures resulted from adaptation of 
materials to the needs of the builders. Since there was no influence 
present extraneous to the American continent, these edifices may be said 
to be truly American, and as their influence can still be felt in contem- 
porary New Mexican architecture, the latter possesses a unique heritage 
in the United States. 

As the Indians of the Southwest were a sedentary agricultural 
people instead of nomadic, they were, more or less, permanently attached 
to definite sites near their fields. Archeologists find that probably the 
earliest habitations were caves, and that later, although sometimes 
concurrently, houses large enough to care for the whole community 
were erected. These would correspond to modern apartment houses 
and were occupied by groups rather than by individuals due to the neces- 
sity for defense against enemies tempted by the corn stored in them. 
The necessity for defense was one of the principal factors in the plan- 
ning and form of the buildings. 



The basic unit of these structures was a rectangular cell-like room, 
a shape which permitted the greatest number of units in a given area. 
The units were arranged in terraces four or five stories high, each tier 
receding the depth of one room. Lower and inner rooms were used 
for storage, the upper and outer ones as living quarters. In certain 
instances, especially where the apartments were built around a central 
court, the outer walls were kept flush, only rooms facing the court being 
set back in receding tiers. 

By eliminating large openings in walls of the ground floor, the 
structure was easily converted into a stronghold by the simple process 
of withdrawing the ladders which provided access to the upper terraces. 

Walls were built either of stone or adobe, depending upon which 
was more easily available. When the walls were of stone, they were 
often made of tabular slabs readily obtainable from near-by ledges. The 
slabs were laid in adobe mortar, sometimes being fitted with such care, 
as at Pueblo Bonito, that little mortar was required, especially when 
the joints were filled with a mosaic of spalls which left hardly a chink 
between the main stones. 

Adobe, apparently used from time immemorial, was cast or puddled 
into place in the walls in stratified layers in a most ingenious fashion. 
The walls were then finished with a smooth coating of adobe inside 
and out. The interior of the rooms was also coated with white gypsum 
or a light colored clay and often, especially in ceremonial rooms, deco- 
rated with a contrasting color. 

Roofs were formed by placing round logs, or vigas as they are 
referred to locally, six or eight inches in diameter, at regularly spaced 
intervals across two opposite wall tops. Over these were placed smaller 
poles crossed at right angles on which long grasses, rushes, small 
branches, or split sticks were laid closely, and over all a thick layer of 
mud was spread. These roof surfaces also served as floors for the 
rooms above. 

To provide drainage the entire roof sloped gradually to openings 
in the side wall in which canales (water spouts) were placed extending 
out over the wall to carry off rain water. 

The main supporting vigas were cut and trimmed laboriously with 
primitive stone axes. Because of the work involved, old timber was 
re-used wherever possible. When a viga so used did not fit its new 
position, it was permitted to protrude beyond the exterior wall, thus 
producing a characteristic feature of Pueblo Indian architecture: the 
projecting mga. 

Wooden doors were not used, openings probably being covered with 
blankets or hides. Access to rooms on the ground floor was possible 
only through trap doors in the roof. The upper floors were reached 
by ladders or masonry steps on the exterior. Windows were simply 


small holes with no sash of any kind and were used principally to let 
the smoke out and the air in; they also were probably used to shoot 
arrows through. 

Apparently no chimneys were employed during the prehistoric era, 
fires usually being built in a sunken or raised pit in the floor, the smoke 
escaping through a hole in the roof. Rudimentary fireplaces existed, 
but they had no chimneys. 

It should be noted that the multiple-house as described is typical, 
but there were many variations of the main type. The principal fea- 
tures of this main type, however, have survived to the present day as 
buildings of stone masonry or adobe in this style are still being erected. 
The adobe's characteristic softness of outline, due to erosion and bat- 
tered exterior walls, is an important feature of the New Mexico land- 
scape. The rectangular terraced masses, flat roofs, protruding vigas, 
wood ceilings, and white exterior walls are a heritage, from time im- 
memorial, of the early inhabitants of New Mexico. 

The kivas (ceremonial chambers), usually subterranean and circular, 
had, contrary to the general rule of no chimneys, highly complicated 
ventilating flues connected with fireplaces. The great kiva of pre- 
historic times stood apart from other buildings and projected above 
ground only far enough to insure drainage. The roof in which a 
hatchway provided the only entrance to the interior was either flat or 
cribbed, and rested on pillars which rose at intervals from a continuous 
bench around the circular wall within. 

Kivas as found today do not greatly vary from this traditional plan. 
Excellent examples of the old circular type built partly above ground 
are to be found in the south plaza of San Ildefonso Pueblo, at Nambe, 
Santo Domingo, and Cochiti; San Juan, Santa Clara, and Tesuque 
have the rectangular type attached to other buildings. The kivas at 
Taos are below ground with tops and entrances slightly above ground. 
Fine examples of the prehistoric type of underground kiva are present 
in the cave in Bandelier National Monument, at Aztec National Monu- 
ment, and Chetro Ketl in the Chaco Canyon National Monument. 

The kivas which have been brought completely above ground are 
still circular within although enclosed in rectangular walls and joined 
to other unrelated buildings. Kivas are of the greatest interest archi- 
tecturally, but have not influenced subsequent architecture in the State 
as have the great pueblos, or multiple-houses. 

When the Spanish soldiers and* priests came to New Mexico im- 
portant architectural changes occurred, but these changes were due only 
to new plan requirements, improved tools, and methods of construction ; 
the materials remained the 'same until the advent of the Anglo Ameri- 
cans. Retention of the same materials accounts for the harmonious 
blending of the old and new. 


Unquestionably the greatest architectural influence was at first 
exerted by the priests who must have been persons of extraordinary 
ability and fortitude, judging by the many great churches they built 
under adverse conditions throughout New Mexico. These structures 
are still used as precedents for monumental buildings in the Pueblo- 
Spanish style. The priests brought a knowledge of European building 
methods and an enthusiasm kindled by memories of the Renaissance in 
Spain. The basis for comparisons in this category is the great church 
and adjacent monastery at Acoma. Missions at Laguna Pueblo, San 
Felipe Pueblo, and others are also noteworthy. 

As the priests started their churches, they were brought, however, 
face to face with the fact that the Indians who were to build them 
were conservative, had their own building traditions, and that the 
ancient materials imposed limitations beyond which they could not go. 
The priests may have wanted to introduce vaulted ceilings and arches, 
but it was simpler to stay within the construction methods known to 
the people and safer to avoid arches when using material so easily 
weathered as adobe. In general they even avoided the arch where 
stone was used. This practice constitutes one of the principal differ- 
ences between New Mexico and the later California missions. 

Certain changes were made, nevertheless. The plan of Christian 
churches, usually coffin shaped, narrowing at the sanctuary or else cruci- 
form, was adopted. Where adobe was used (as in the majority of 
cases) the priests introduced a novel method to the Indians, the making 
of adobes in the form of pre-cast bricks mixed with straw and sun 
dried. This became the standard method of adobe construction, the 
old method of puddling being gradually abandoned. The walls of the 
churches were greatly thickened in contrast with the rather thin walls 
formerly constructed. The spans were increased to accommodate large 
congregations, and heavier timbers were necessarily brought into use 
even though the roof construction remained essentially the same. 

One of the greatest innovations was the introduction of the iron 
axe and adze. With these tools vigas were no longer confined to the 
round form previously used but were rectangular in section; they also 
made possible the shaping of decorative capitals to crown pillars or 
columns and corbels, often in the form of pilaster caps, for support of 
the roof-beams. Finally and most important, doors, windows, and 
frames of wood could be made ; these, however, were probably not used 
generally by the Indians in their community houses until they began 
to feel safe from enemies; but at an early date the Indians began the 
use of selenite in window openings an innovation possibly suggested 
by the oriests. 

A typical mission church is characterized by massive dignity and 
simplicity, often relieved by detail of grace and charm (see Tour 6A* 


A coma). The nave was lighted by rectangular windows placed high 
in the walls, frequently on one side only. The walls of the sanctuary 
were usually carried higher than that of the nave, thus permitting 
a one-story opening above and in front of the altar which illuminated 
it from an invisible source of light. This effect produced a feeling of 
mystery and reverence in the beholder. The interior walls were invari- 
ably plastered smooth with adobe and whitened with gypsum. Designs 
were painted on them with colored earths in the form of dadoes, or 
bands at the base of walls, and embellishments usually in traditional 
Indian patterns. The vigas were richly carved in many cases, the 
designs being more reminiscent of Moorish Spain than of the Indian 
world. This was also true of the corbels supporting the ceiling beams, 
the capitals over the columns supporting the choir loft, and the beams 
of the exterior portales or porches of the mission facade or the cloister 
of an adjacent monastery. These portales, so characteristic of New 
Mexican architecture, were probably introduced by the priests but may 
have came in with secular buildings. 

Native materials and methods of construction, with the modifica- 
tions outlined above, were also adopted for secular buildings. The 
Spanish house plan was suitable for use in New Mexico due to the 
similarity in climates. The typical house of the better type was built 
around a patio with portales facing the enclosure an arrangement 
providing shelter from wind and sun and also a measure of defense 
in case of attack, an important consideration in past centuries. 

The houses were rarely built more than one or two rooms wide, 
communication being from room to room. Windows, not glazed in 
the early days, were usually small, barred with wooden grilles, and 
provided with wooden shutters on the inside. Few doors opened to 
the outside, usually one at the front and one at the back, leading to 
the corral. 

Shutters and doors were sometimes paneled and beautifully carved, 
but more often were simple hand-hewn planks held together with cross 
bars. They were not hinged, as iron was scarce, but secured to the 
frame by pivots made by extending the stile into pockets in the frame. 
Floors were of earth or covered with thin stone slabs. Fireplaces with 
chimneys came into general use, commonly being built into corners with 
the walls used as supports for chimneys. High-walled corrals for safe- 
keeping of livestock in time of trouble were usually attached to the 

Many variations of the above plan occurred, including houses with 
no portales, others with portales across the front with flanking wings. 
Some houses were two-storied, as evidenced by 'the so-called oldest 
house in Santa Fe, but certain features were common to all : the uneven 
contours of earthen walls, rectangular masses, flat roofs, wood ceilings, 


Santo Tomas, in the village of Trampas 

Old Acoma Mission at Acoma Pueblo 

Mission church at the abandoned Quarai Pueblo 

Carved pulpit in three-hundred-year-old Santo Tomas 

I*. P -~'+& >; -*" '^-*^;^*-^ 

Country chapel near Cimarron 
Chapel reredos, Chimay6 Reredos, Cristo Rey Church 

' * *i* 

- >*H 

Cristo Rey Church in Santa Fe 

Church of San Felipe de Neri in Albuquerque 

Church of San Antonio de Isleta at Pueblo Isleta 
Santuario de Chimay6 at Chimayo 

Ranches de Taos Church 


and white interior walls, characteristic of buildings in pre-Columbian 

Few architectural changes other than those already referred to took 
place during the three centuries of Latin domination. Homes of the 
wealthy hadendados or ricos up and down the Rio Grande Valley 
were finer than those of the poorer people, but the difference was doubt- 
less mainly only in size and detail. As communication with Mexico 
became more regular and established, iron, tin, glass, and other refine- 
ments of living were imported which led to slight modification of the 
buildings, but in essentials they remained the same. 

A variant in the prevailing rectangular mass was the occasional 
torreon (round tower) used for watch towers or defense. An example 
exists at Manzano, but like the round kivas of the Indians and their 
pre-Columbian watchtowers, these structures did not influence the main 
current of architectural development. 

The raising of the American flag in 1846 signaled the beginning of 
profound changes in the architecture of New Mexico. These changes 
were slow at first and keyed to the tempo of caravans crossing from the 
United States into the new Territory. As the Santa Fe Trail became 
safer for travel, increasing numbers of Anglo-Americans began to arrive 
with new materials and architectural ideas based on those of the com- 
munities from which they came. 

Millwork and brick were imported from St. Louis and Kansas City. 
The small grilled and glassless windows began to give way to double- 
hung glazed sashes often provided with slatted shutters on the outside. 
Slender, squared columns replaced the heavy hewn ones; portal para- 
pets were ornamented with wood trim. Door and window openings 
were also trimmed. Painted woodwork further helped to recall eastern 
precedents. Finally, with the introduction of brick kilns and lime 
plaster, the old adobes were capped with a protecting cornice of brick 
in ornamental patterns, and walls were coated with lime stucco. 

Nevertheless, since these changes occurred relatively slowly and were 
made with the original structures as a base, the fundamental rectangular 
mass and the old plan remained with many of the characteristic details. 

The changes described above produced a type similar in detail to 
the architecture of Monterey, California, but still fundamentally New 
Mexican as to essentials of construction. The style is extensively used 
and is known as Territorial to distinguish it from Pueblo-Spanish. Ex- 
amples of the former are present in Santa Fe, notably Sena Plaza and 
two homes near the intersection of Canyon Road and Camino del 
Monte Sol. The remodeled State Capitol, the Public Welfare Building, 
the State Supreme Court Building, and the Municipal Building in Santa 
Fe are in this same style found also throughout the State. 

Some changes, even though not always extensive, occurred in most 


houses, especially the introduction of glazed sash. Even the ancient 
communal houses of Indians felt the new influence. The Indians 
gradually began to feel comparatively safe from enemies, and the result- 
ant tendency was no longer to build terraces and fortress-like houses 
but to break up into individual smaller units where they could be nearer 
their fields. Thus the difference between an Indian pueblo and a 
Spanish-American village tended to decrease. 

In towns, especially Santa Fe, where land was relatively expensive, 
two-story buildings were common and often had a two-story porch in 
front. The Plaza at one time was almost completely surrounded by 
such buildings. In some sections, notably Las Vegas and the east slope 
of the Rockies, many houses of this type are present, further modified 
by a wood shingle roof in place of the traditional flat dirt one. 

With the advent of the railroad in 1878, two outstanding factors 
which had influenced the architecture of the State were changed. 
Builders were no longer dependent on local or native materials, and 
buildings were no longer subject almost exclusively to the native tradi- 
tion. As a result, buildings of every type and description were erected 
and the newer towns began to resemble the Middle West and the East 
reflecting Anglo-American culture rather than that of New Mexico. 

During this period many important public buildings were erected, 
including the first State capitol in Victorian Gothic style, replaced later 
by the remodeled and enlarged capitol in Territorial style. 

The tendency to build outside of the local tradition had actually 
begun, however, even before the railroad was introduced, one of the 
most notable examples being the great Cathedral of St. Francis in 
Santa Fe, a stone Romanesque structure, which replaced the original 
old, adobe Parroqma. 

Not even the venerable Palacio Real, or Governor's Palace, in Santa 
Fe escaped unscathed. This building is so old that some of its walls 
are constructed of puddled adobe, a technique typical of the pre-Colum- 
bian era, although the walls were probably built or rebuilt by Indians 
after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Nevertheless, even this building was 
trimmed and modernized to the extent of including a delicate Victorian 
balustrade across the length of the parapet 

During the first decade of the twentieth century a reaction set in 
and certain individuals began to realize that the ancient traditional 
forms not only had aesthetic values, but were admirably adapted to 
the climatic conditions of the country. Appropriately, among the first 
buildings to reflect this reaction was the Governor's Palace. Under 
the competent direction of archeologists this structure was brought back 
to a state approximating the original based upon a plan found on an 
old map in the British Museum. So successful was this venture that 
from then on the State's native architecture has been adopted increas- 


ingly. Notable examples are the New Mexico State Art Museum, the 
Laboratory of Anthropology, the Headquarters, National Park Service, 
Santa Fe, the new New Mexico University -buildings, Lovelace Clinic, 
and Bataan Memorial Methodist Hospital. 

Certain problems have arisen in adapting such rigid modern mate- 
rials as brick to forms characterized by softness of contour due to use 
of the hands instead of trowels in plastering and to the erosion of adobe. 

One solution is to lay the brick by eye instead of plumb or level 
as adobes are laid, and to clip corners where rigid lines are too harsh. 
Another solution is the adoption to a large extent of the modified Ter- 
ritorial style which permits far more rigid lines. Another legitimate 
solution is frank expression of the structural materials used. This tends 
to produce a "modern" structure but the characteristic features of the 
ancient forms can be retained in the adoption of rectangular masses, 
flat roofs, set-backs, and much of the detail. Where adobe is still used 
as it is to a large extent because of its economy and unique insulating 
qualities no such problems exist. 

That the renascence of indigenous building has proved eminently 
practical as well as fitting is borne out by the large number of public 
and private structures in Pueblo-Spanish style erected since the first 
decade of the present century. In Santa Fe and Taos, where the move- 
ment has been most persistent, any number of modern houses reveal the 
successful use of the old traditions. The Carlos Vierra house in Santa 
Fe is often cited as an excellent example of domestic architecture in 
the Pueblo-Spanish style. 

It may be the objection of some that in this article too much stress 
has been laid upon local traditional types when, as a matter of fact, 
probably the majority of buildings in New Mexico are not in the tradi- 
tion. This extensive architecture not based on the old forms does not 
harmonize with indigenous types and a detailed description of such 
buildings would not be specifically characteristic of New Mexico. No 
extraneous architecture of significant interest has appeared in the State. 
Furthermore, as nowhere else in the United States, can a style of archi- 
tecture be found which traces its descent in an unbroken line from 
aboriginal American sources ; this unique and valuable heritage is worth 

New Mexican Art 

A, MOST anywhere in New Mexico one's boot might turn up 
from the earth potsherds with fragments of the design still 
visible. These are the ancient remains of the art of the Pueblo 
Indians, a sedentary and grain-growing people, living in adobe villages 
along the water courses of New Mexico who developed the art of deco- 
rating and firing clay pottery. Even today every village has its own 
distinctive designs, despite friendly intercourse among the Pueblo tribes. 
From the day she is able to walk, the Indian girl is taught to make 
a spherical bowl by coiling layers of clay one above the other and polish- 
ing the whole to smoothness with an inherited polishing stone. Often 
to her brother falls the task of applying the designs and firing. Taking 
a slender brush of yucca fibre between his fingers, and dipping it into 
vegetable or mineral color, he applies it to the smooth surface of the 
unfired pot. So much are these strong geometric designs and sure 
whorls part of the mental configurations of the Pueblo Indian that they 
were not affected by the transplanted designs of Renaissance Spain or 
the later Machine Age. For a kiln, a circle of sturdy tin cans is 
formed, and a few strips of iron act as modern supports, replacing the 
green branches and stones of ancient use. Into this the pottery is 
placed, covered by sheep-dung to maintain a hot, even fire. 

Attempts to introduce the potter's wheel and a modern kiln have 
failed, and museum workers and private groups interested in encourag- 
ing the art have emphasized the quality of the pottery and the revival 
of authentic designs, made in the old way. Today the pottery of such 
people as Marie and Julian Martinez of San Ildefonso pueble sets 
such a high standard of skill and beauty that appreciation of the genuine 
art is increasing and the souvenir "rain god" and clay "Mexican som- 
brero" are falling into disfavor. 

At the outdoor Indian market, such as the one held during the 
summer months before the Palace of Governors in Santa Fe, a com- 
parison of the designs of the various pueblos is possible. From the 
northern pueblos of Picuris and Taos come bean pots of micaceous 
gold clay. From San Ildefonso and Santa Clara come bowls, jugs, 
and plates of luminous black and earthy red, some of them so highly 
polished as to shine like metal. On the Rio Grande the old villages 
of Santo Domingo and Cochiti produce bold black geometric designs 



on a creamy buff background. Zia draws upon its pottery conven- 
tionalized deer, birds, flowers, and seeds, naively and yet harmoniously 
arranged. From the western pueblo of Zuni comes pottery of cold 
red, with brown and white designs that unite complex triangular figures 
with rotund whorls. The close-knit geometries of the hardfired Acoma 
pottery, and the accurate cross hatching of fine-line work of the neigh- 
boring Laguna, make the pottery of the part of New Mexico lying 
between Albuquerque and Gallup one of the most interesting ceramic 
sections in the world. 

Pueblo pottery is comparatively soft and porous^ for too much heat 
is apt to warp it and destroy its color and finish. A well-fired pot rings 
clearly when tapped. In good pottery, the decorations, in black, white, 
the ochreous clays, and the Acoma types of orange, red, and yellow, 
are painted on before the pot is fired. Colors like blues, greens, and 
purples, painted on after firing, denote pottery made solely for the tour- 
ist trade. 

Navaho Weaving. It is believed that the Navaho women actually 
learned to weave from the Pueblos, even as the men learned silver- 
smithing from the Spanish colonists; but long ago they outgrew their 
teachers and forgot them, and today the arts of weaving and silver- 
smithing are Navaho arts. Although the Spaniards brought the sheep 
as well as the horse to the new country, a Spanish official recorded in 
1795 the fact that already Navaho weaving was "of more delicacy and 
taste than that of the Spaniards." 

During the nineteenth century, Navaho blankets evolved from the 
narrow horizontal striped designs of the Pueblos and became the fine 
patterns of rhythmic stripes and terraces. To her own subtle gamut 
of vegetable dyes, the Navaho woman added tropical indigo which she 
obtained by trade from the Spaniards, and sometimes combined with 
it the brilliant cochineal red of Bayeta, an imported English red flannel; 
blankets made with this flannel came to be called "Bayeta." Li the 
1850*8 a Navaho sarape was one of the most desired garments on the 
frontier; it brought $60 on the open market, and was so tightly woven 
it could hold a bucket of water. It was sought by hadendados far be- 
low the Mexican border, and the so-called "chief blanket" of broad bold 
red, white, and blue stripes was traded and treasured by Indians as 
far north as Canada. 

The Navaho loom of that Golden Age of weaving is the same as 
the loom of today: two sturdy upright poles with the necessary cross 
poles. The women commence weaving from the bottom, working 
upward, placing the weft threads through the suspended net of strong 
warp threads and "battening" down with a flat stick each thread as 
it is placed. If the battening is done thoroughly and the warp is of a 
strong, tightly-spun wool, a firmly woven blanket is the result. Dur- 


ing the pre-Civil War period the Navaho loom produced unbordered 
blankets in horizontal stripes and terraces. At this period the rhythmic 
spacing of stripes, never monotonous, was the highest achievement of 
the Navaho weaver. It has never since been equaled. For a good 
example of such a striped blanket a collector today will gladly pay 

In 1863 the free-roaming Navaho tribe was brought into its first 
sustained contact with civilization. Kit Carson was commissioned by 
the United States Government to round up the tribe, destroy its sheep, 
and conduct the remaining Indians to a forty-mile tract of farm land in 
the eastern section of the State at Bosque Redondo. For four years, 
while Indians attempted to become farmers, the army officers provided 
the women with brightly dyed machine yarns and requested rugs made 
in their own souvenir designs. That was the beginning of the modern 
bordered rug. 

In 1867 the 7,000 remaining Navahos were given 4,000 head of 
inferior sheep and sent back to their old country. Aniline dyes and 
Germantown yarns were introduced. From the i86o's to the 1890*8, 
serrated diamond patterns appeared in the blankets woven by the In- 
dians for their own use. By the end of the century traders introduced 
among them cotton string for warps and gaudy package dyes. No 
longer did the old harmonious rhythm of stripes dominate the loom. 
Instead, a central heterogeneous pattern enclosed by a rectangular bor- 
der prevailed. The clumsy thick weaving on a cotton string warp, 
poorly dyed, had one major result: the Navaho ceased wearing the 
product of his own loom. The introduction of lightweight, factory 
woven blankets for sale on the reservation relegated the Navaho loom 
to the further production of rugs for the tourist market. Symbolic 
stories and designs were conceived by the traders, colors were dictated, 
and Navaho weaving was wholly directed into the tourist channel. 
Present day blankets show the result of this forced evolution. Although 
the intricate designs a Navaho woman weaves today are far more com- 
plex than those woven by her grandmother, she has not yet learned to 
arrive at beauty and harmonious proportion through her often bizarre 

Some efforts have been made to encourage the Navaho weaver to 
return to the more simple designs and colors of the past. "Revival" 
blankets of vegetal dyes have generally not proved successful. Their 
wan colors have never duplicated the warmth and brilliance of the past. 
Better aniline dyes have been introduced; the degenerating quality of 
the wool on the reservation has called forth some effort to save the 
old Navaho sheep from extinction. The kinky wool of modern sheep 
is best suited to factory spinning. 

In the Two Grey Hills district, traders have sent wool to Boston 


for factory scouring and carding. Rugs from this section are note- 
worthy for their enduring quality. Their designs, unfortunately, are 
not comparable with their quality. Just so long as the hurrying public 
believes that a Navaho rug must be gaudy to be Indian just so long 
must both weaver and purchaser suffer. 

Present day Navaho blankets that best uphold the old tradition of 
tight weaving and dignified design are the saddle blankets still widely 
in use among all Indians and westerners. About the size of the aver- 
age bathroom rug they are purchasable for about five dollars, and one 
seldom sees among them a poor design, poor weaving, or fantastic color- 
ing. The diamond twill, the herringbone, the simple small stripe, 
characterize most of these blankets, with large yarns of tassel at the 
four corners. It is hoped that in time the grotesque designs of large 
modern Navaho rugs will be modified by the weavers themselves into 
a more unified and harmonious whole. 

Navaho Silver smithing. Itinerant Spanish silversmiths taught the 
Navaho the art of working in metal about a century ago. In 1864 
while the tribe was confined by the United States Army at Bosque 
Redondo, coils of brass and copper wire were issued to the Indians 
who lost no time in hammering the metal into bracelets. After the 
tribe's release, when silver coins began to find their way to the reserva- 
tion, the Navaho converted the white man's money into silver buttons, 
harnesses, squash blossom necklaces, and into the large flat silver shells 
(called conchas) which they strung on a leather strap and wore about 
the waist. With such ornament they could fare far and wide, cutting 
off a button when it became necessary to purchase a bag of tobacco. 
Silver jewelry became the medium of exchange. And at that time 
when the Navaho hammered his silver into artistic forms for himself 
and his family to wear the most beautiful silver was made. Today 
it may be seen in museum collections, and occasionally bought from 
traders who universally refer to the old silver as "pawn." The Indians' 
perpetual indebtedness to the trader leads to the trader's acceptance of 
Indian jewelry in pawn. The silverwork of this period is character- 
ized by its substantial weight and its boldness and simplicity of design. 

About 1900 the Navaho learned of the better silver content in 
Mexican pesos, and for thirty or more years, most Navaho jewelry 
was made of this malleable money. The early years of the twentieth 
century evolved the use of turquoise (the ancient precious stone of 
Southwestern Indians) massively combined with the white metal. 

Traders took a growing interest in the silver work, and it was intro- 
duced to early railroad tourists as souvenirs of the Indian country. To 
conform to tourist demands the jewelry was steadily reduced in cost 
(and thus in weight of silver) so that an essential quality of the old 
jewelry its substantial weight was lost. In conforming to popular 


imagination about "symbolic" Indian designs, the trader introduced 
among the Indians new dyes, swastikas, thunderbirds, etc. which had 
never been a part of the old silversmith's kit, but which are still widely 
publicized and purchased as symbolic Indian jewelry. 

Today there are three main groups of Indians working in silver: 
[i] the scattered group, of about 500 smiths, living mostly in the 
southern part of the Navaho reservation adjacent to Highway 66, who 
are strongly influenced by the traders who supply them with silver and 
designs; [2] the equally large and shifting population of young men 
(of all tribes) who work, on a weekly salary, in the benchwork system 
of city souvenir shops; [3] the young Indians who are being trained 
in the best tradition of their grandfathers at the United States Indian 

Reservation silversmiths still work with a hammer bought from the 
trader, and a piece of railroad iron picked up along the tracks for an 
anvil. Mexican pesos, no longer available, have been replaced by the 
little one-ounce slugs of silver supplied by the trader. Sandpaper, 
pliers, tongs, punches, nippers, vices, hammers, shears all are obtained 
from the trader. Where once the Indian soldered his silver work with 
silver dust mixed with his own saliva and native alum got from the 
ground, he now asks for borax at the store. To decorate the surface 
of his hammered silver, the reservation Navaho employ dies which they 
themselves have filed from bits of scrap iron. These dies are little 
design "elements" which they press into the warm silver. These small 
elements-of-the-design possess no description: in their very namelessness 
lies their authenticity. Although reservation traders have demanded 
mass-production of low-priced souvenirs in "symbolic" designs, there are 
still Navaho making traditional silver jewelry for their own and their 
family's use. Such silver is generally heavy in weight, simple in design, 
with a soft surface polish obtained by patient rubbing with buckskin. 
There are still old smiths who pour liquid silver into a sandstone mold 
to form those buckles and bowguards which they themselves wear. 
And "file" work the beautiful bracelets of pure silver, in a series of 
painstakingly filed ridges can be found in the more remote trading 
posts. Gradually the gasoline blow torch (instead of charcoal) is being 
introduced on the reservation, and it is in itself a factor to be con- 
sidered in the changing of design, for it makes possible the quick solder- 
ing of commercial silver wire, and other small surface ornaments, which 
the trader has introduced. 

Since the tremendous increase in travel, souvenir shops and souvenir- 
producing factories have sprung up in most Southwestern cities. Young 
Indian silversmiths can find employment at their trade, but it 'neces- 
sitates working in an assembly line. Here they are paid weekly salary 
to monotonously stamp out hundreds of catalogue bracelets and rings 


from large sheets of silver. They have little, if any, control over the 
design, and the amount of hand-hammering and hand-polishing that is 
required of commercial silver wire, and commercial "boxes" that hold 
the machine-polished turquoise, is at a minimum. 

With the loss of originality and the beautiful proportion that char- 
acterized old Navaho design has come a perfection of technique both 
on the reservation and in the city shop. Technically, the modern 
Indian silversmith, though less of an artist, is a more finished workman. 

The Government, in its effort to encourage traditional Indian silver- 
smithing, maintains three very good schools for Indian craftsmen in 
New Mexico. Silver working shops may be visited in United States 
Indian schools at Santa Fe, Albuquerque, and Fort Wingate. Here 
young Navaho and Pueblo boys become expert craftsmen in all the old 
skills and designs of their people working under master Navaho silver- 
smiths, and producing the finest present-day Indian silverwork. Un- 
fortunately, a large percentage of the boys on leaving school enter 
bench-work shops in the city where they have little opportuntiy to de- 
velop their hand training. 

The United States Indian Arts and Crafts Board has established 
standards for judging Indian jewelry, and sometimes the Board's stamp 
of authenticity may be found on the underside of the jewelry. To 
meet its approval a piece of Indian jewelry must [l] be hand-hammered 
of silver slugs not less than 900 fine; [2] be fashioned by hand-made 
dies which contain only one single element of design which is applied 
with hand tools; [3] contain appliqued ornaments made by hand; [4] 
contain genuine turquoise, handcut and polished; [5] be of hand- 
polished silver. 

Indian Painting. The most recent art to attain high development 
among the Indians of New Mexico is painting in water color. This 
ancient technique had its origins in the paintings on cliff dwellings, 
in the decorating of ceremonial rooms or kivas, and in the painting of 
leather shields and cotton dance kilts. 

The old-age precision with which the Pueblo Indians decorate pot- 
tery and the Navaho make their intricate sand paintings, has influenced 
the fine draughtsmanship and sense of decoration that characterizes 
Indian pictures. The art of painting a portable picture or filling a 
rectangle of paper with color and movement dates almost wholly from 
the beginning of the present century and illustrates how quickly and 
keenly this naturally artistic race can adapt itself to a new medium of 

Dr. Edgar L. Hewett and other present-day archeologists in the 
Southwest were the first to place paints and paper in the hands of 
Indians. Indifferent to European laws of perspective, placing simply 
that which was in the distance above that which was in the foreground, 


the early painters gradually evolved in draughtsmanship and complexity, 
until today a very strong and individual American Indian school of 
painting has taken root. 

In 1922 Doctor Hewett wrote: "The Indian race may attain to a 
place equal to that of the Orientals, whose art in many respects, such 
as its flat, decorative character, absence of backgrounds and foregrounds, 
freedom from our system of perspective, unerring color sense and 
strangely impersonal character, it strongly resembles." 

Three full-blooded Indian youths, painting in their own style, were 
given special encouragement. The boys were Awa Tsireh, of San 
Ildefonso, Fred Kaboti, a Hopi, and Ma-Pe-Wi, from Zia pueblo. In 
1925 the Newberry Library in Chicago showed a score of Awa Tsireh's 
water colors. In 1927 Ma-Pe-Wi, Awa Tsireh, Tonita Pena, and 
Crescendo of San Ildefonso had paintings at the International Art 
Center in New York City. 

In the United States Indian Schools as late as 1928, Indian children 
were prohibited from painting Indian subjects, until a United States 
Congressman expressed the changing sentiment, slow but sure in com- 
ing to the surface: "Who wants to go West to buy a picture painted 
by an Indian of three apples on a plate?" 

In 1929 a Sunday edition of a newspaper in Madrid, Spain, acclaimed 
a water color of a "Zuni Basket Dance" shown among the paintings of 
the Pueblo Indians in the Congress of Folk Arts held at Prague. By 
1931 Oqwa Pi of San Ildefonso was exhibiting in the Museum of 
Modern Art in New York City. 

But it was September of 1933 before the Indian Bureau in Wash- 
ington decided upon the need of a department of painting in the Santa 
Fe Indian School. The paintings of the students have been exhibited 
at the Royal College of Art in London, at the Trocadero in Paris, 
in shows all over the European and American continents. Large 
murals have been executed by the Indian youths in their laboratories 
and dining rooms; and in Government and private buildings, depicting 
ceremonial dances, scenes of the hunt, of wild life, and of typically 
Indian industries. A permanent exhibit is usually to be found at the 
Santa Fe Indian School, while adult Indians will show you their paint- 
ings in their own homes. The nominally priced pictures may be ob- 
tained from artists living in the pueblos, from the Indian Schools, the 
Santa Fe Art Museum, the better shops, and the professional galleries. 


During the period of Spanish colonization of New Mexico, Spain 
was at the height of her artistic glory. It was the period of Velasquez 
and El Greco, and among the lesser artists Ribera (who /isited Italy 


and had been converted to the style of Corregio) ; Zubaran, a painter 
of religious pictures, who leaned toward ecstatic, saintly heroes; and 
Montanez, an eloquent sensualist and head of the school of Spanish 
sculpture. In 1617 the gentle Murijlo was born in Seville, which 
became the center of Spanish art, and where the Italian Rennaisance 
took root. His pictures of the Virgin were tempered with tenderness 
such as the colonists of New Mexico found sadly lacking in the new 
province. Despite difficult transportation over the trail from Mexico, 
the first Spanish settlers imported many religious paintings and carv- 
ings. Thus the local art derived from sources in the mother country, 
and for a long time pictures like those of Murillo were models for the 
early creative efforts of New Mexican artists. 

To supply the great love the colonists felt for religious art, paint- 
ings were executed under the direction of missionary priests. These 
pictures were not rendered in the accomplished style of the Continental 
artists. They were painted on hand-hewn wood or on skins, with earth 
colors and vegetable dyes used by the Indians. There was a deliberate 
effort to cling closely to the traditions and refinement of the European 
models; but the artists were untutored. The result was a primitive 
adaptation of Spanish painting. 

In the Pueblo Rebellion of 1680, the churches were razed, the paint- 
ings brought from Europe were arrow-holed, and many possessions dam- 
aged. The reconstruction period moved the local artists toward a more 
native expression, since they could no longer rely on imported models. 
As generations passed, the minds of the artists strayed from tradition, 
and they relied more on their own conceptions, drawn from environ- 

The saintly images called santos became primitive in feeling and 
technique. A local school of art developed, with its own style and 
in the native mediums. It was an art of passionate extremes, sensual, 
yet morbidly ascetic and stoical. It was a folk art, adapted to its 
environment with simplicity of design. 

The New Mexican carvings were of several types. The bultos 
were carved of soft wood, generally the roots of cottonwood, coated 
with gesso and colored. Other bultos were made by impregnating a 
cloth or a skin with gesso and stretching it over a framework of reeds. 
The cloth was molded to the framework and decorated. The cruci- 
fixes were classed with bultos. Often a crucifix has several carved 
objects at the base of the pedestal. 

The retablos were paintings on wood, generally hand-hewn pines. 
The wood was shaped, then the surface treated, covered with gesso 
and painted. The retablos varied in size from miniatures to the large 
reredos, the back screen of an altar consisting of several retablos. Still 
other santos were painted on tin and canvas. 


The altars, when carved, followed a simplified baroque of the Span- 
ish schools. The side altars often contained locally painied saints. 
Sometimes, instead of carving, the pieces were painted to represent 
carving. The altarin the church at Laguna, rich in color, with twisted 
columns dividing the panels of Saints, is considered by many the finest 
in New Mexico. In the church at Ranches de Taos is a large retablo 
which suggests the New Mexican school in many carvings the San 
Miguel, the San Ysidro, and the agonizing Cristo on the Cross. 

New Mexicans were so strongly devoted to their old images that 
they regarded them as holy relics. Later the French priests brought 
pasty-looking French pieces. Then began an influx of Currier and 
Ives prints and European lithographs, ridiculously embellished to tease 
the Latin fancy. But the Penitentes never accepted the importation 
and their moradas contain many of the original retablos and bultos, 
safe from collectors. 

There were many carved and panelled chests (cajas). The carv- 
ings were simple geometric designs, yet often a border was used with 
birds and animals cut in repeated half-circles. There were great un- 
adorned chests for food and smaller ones for clothing, often painted 
in popular flower motifs. Often the household had only one large 
chair, reserved for the priest. Since his visits were infrequent, the 
chairs were little used and many of them passed on from father to son. 
Furniture had two styles: the formal uprightness of the Spanish 
and the grace of the Empire. There seems to be no native example of 
the rococo, such as was used in table supports in Spain. In fact there 
are no examples of tables except small ones, with supports hand carved 
in imitation of turnings. The cupboard (trastero) often possessed an 
imposing height, with paneled and grilled doors swung to a center 
fastening. A fancy carving in relief often graced the top. Hinges 
were embracing hooks of iron. 

Little dating of furniture can be done except by American occupa- 
tion. The early craftsman used the full mortise and tenon for strength 
in the soft wood. Later the hard pieces of eastern manufacture were 
brought in by wagon trains, and the craftsman discontinued this type 
of joinery, seeing it was not used in the importations. 

One of the most fascinating means of decorative embellishment was 
the use of straw laid on a coat of pitch. Used on chests and crosses, its 
golden scheme made a splendid contrast with the blackness of the pitch. 
Little of the craft has been revived, except recently at the Spanish- 
American Normal School at El Rito and on the New Mexico Art 

The Conquistadores depended upon the Indians for spinning and 
weaving. In 1804 the viceroy wfote to Mexico asking for master- 
weavers to instruct the local craftsmen. His request was granted and 


the Bazan brothers, Don Ricardo and Don Juan, came to New Mexico. 
After a short stay in Santa Fe they settled in Chimayo which became 
the center of the weaving industry. The best blankets, of handspun 
wool, colored with vegetable dyes, were done about 1850. Indigo, 
brazil wood, and cochineal were imported from Mexico; others were 
made from local plants. 

The pattern sources varied. A popular one was the zig-zag which 
Mary Austin attributes to the influence of Indian pottery. Older pieces 
use repetitive design with variations, and a color harmony resulting 
from limitations of the hues. Some patterns are derived from Mexico; 
others, from local sources, are quite primitive. 

After the American occupation the old craft gradually fell into 
discard. It has been somewhat preserved in Chimayo due to the de- 
mand for the blankets by curio companies. Commercial dyes were used 
in the i88o's as they were easier to use than the old vegetable dyes. 
The machine-spun wool was used a great deal after the turn of the cen- 
tury, when Chimayo blankets were made for the tourist trade. 

The revival of weaving came after the contemporary artists became 
interested in native crafts. The revival was slow because little informa- 
tion was available on the older practises. Vegetable dyes were occa- 
sionally used but with results far inferior in color and durability to 
those used by early workmen. Later, private enterprises bought and 
sold blankets with the result that the demand far exceeds supply. 
Weaving again became a highly perfected art; at no time have the 
standards of workmanship been lowered to meet the demand, and the 
craftsmen in the vilkges of New Mexico are again producing their 
woven materials of handspun, vegetable dyed yarn which is equal to 
the best of the former period. 

The women practised embroidery in a beautiful, decorative manner. 
Animal and plant forms were used as motifs. The art was probably 
practised less professionally than weaving, being part of the education 
of the leisure class women. Colchas (bedspreads) and altar cloths were 
thus embroidered. The long coarse stitchery, caught down with a short 
cross stitch, was executed upon handspun cloth called jerga, and com- 
posed an all-over pattern. The sabanilla or altar cloth was an all-over 

The paper flower is a very popular art in New Mexico today. 
Girls master it early in life. New flowers are made to adorn altars 
at fiesta time, and they are also used in weddings. Before the manu- 
facture of crepe paper, colored tissues were used. A hundred years 
ago chicken feathers were put to decorative uses of this kind, a practise 
that probably came from Mexico. These flowers were often arranged 
on bultos and the whole protected by cases made of tin and glass. 

The blacksmith made iron locks and hasps, spear heads, axes, knives, 


copper or brass kettles, and an occasional article of tin such as a lantern 
or a candle holder. Tin craft flourished with the importation of 
European lithographs and Currier and Ives prints. The prints were 
fragile and to protect them tin frames were worked into forms of stars, 
birds, and leaves, combined with spiral ropings made from thinly cut, 
twisted strips. 

From tin are made decorative mirrors, candelabra, flower pots, 
pitchers, crosses, and boxes with painted glass sides. The painting of 
the glass had a delicate charm of which few examples are left. Designs 
were usually in simple colors combed into waves while the paint was 
wet. These undulations often formed a background for more formal 
patterns. It is thought that tin came into use largely because of the 
use of silver by the rich. 

Iron and tinsmithing have been corrupted least of all the crafts 
by the machine age, and it is difficult to distinguish new pieces from old 
examples as to quality, design, and workmanship. 

The jewelry in gold and silver, known as filigree, emphasized deli- 
cacy of ornamentation. Much of the silver filigree doubtless came from 
Mexico, where that metal is plentiful and cheap. Although brooches, 
rings, combs, and earrings were made both in Europe and Mexico, they 
did not have such fine tracery as was turned in New Mexico. It re- 
mained in vogue until the early part of the twentieth century when the 
silver made by the Indians replaced it in popularity. 

Frank Applegate was one of the first artists to take a major interest 
in local crafts. The Spanish-Colonial Art Society, organized by him 
and Mary Austin, has been active in preserving the older objects, and 
the State Department of Vocational Education has done much to pro- 
mote the revival of local folk art. In 1932 the University of New 
Mexico became interested in the program and formed a department to 
study old pieces and their practicability for modern use. Photographs 
and drawings were made of private collections and furnished to the 
vocational schools teaching various folk crafts* These schools supply 
the State and elsewhere with an array of fascinating articles, useful 
and decorative, in the traditional Spanish-Colonial design. 

Through the arts of the native people, the contemporary artists who 
visited New Mexico found a deeper fulfillment than is afforded by mere 
"picturesqueness." During a time when it was proper to go to Europe 
for traditional background, they stumbled upon sources which made 
them feel at home in North America, the sources existing in the Span- 
ish-Americans. It gave to those modern explorers a sense of art heritage 
which they could not find in any other place in their homeland. 



In the fall of 1898 two young artists, Bert Phillips and Ernest L. 
Blumenschein, driving a camp wagon on a sketching trip from Denver 
to Mexico City, stopped at the Taos pueblo, and, fascinated by the 
paintable landscape and the colorful Indians, they sold their team and 
remained to begin the Taos Art Colony. True, a number of painters 
had been through the area before the Kern brothers who came with 
the U. S. Army in 1846; Sauerwine, painter of Indians; Remington, 
famous for his Montana cowboys and scenes from army life; but 
Blumenschein and Phillips, by their exhibitions throughout the coun- 
try, popularized the region. Blumenschein spent the winters in New 
York, but Phillips became a ranger in the Carson National Forest, and 
his paintings mirror his intimate knowledge of the country. 

Other painters followed Joseph Henry Sharp, Irving Couse from 
New York, Oscar Berninghus from St. Louis, Walter Ufer from 
Chicago. In 1914 the Taos group organized the Taos Society of 
Artists which held regular spring and autumn exhibits in art centers 
like New York, Boston, and Philadelphia. Fame of the Taos colony 
spread to the Old World, and from Russia came Nicolai Feschin and 
Leon Gaspar, from Austria Joseph Fleck, and from England came 
John Young-Hunter, the portrait painter, and Dorothy Brett. 

In 1923 a group called the New Mexico Painters was formed 
which combined both the Taos and the Santa Fe colonies, with Mr. 
Blumenschein as secretary. It included Victor Higgins and Walter 
Ufer of Taos, and Frank Applegate, William P. Henderson, Jozef 
Bakos and B. J. O. Nordfelt of Santa Fe. This organization sent paint- 
ings on circuits of the entire country. 

In 1925 Burt Harwood settled in Taos and erected an art gallery 
which housed the paintings and art objects he had collected in years of 
travel in Europe. At his death the gallery was left to the town as an 
art and community center, and named the Harwood Foundation. 
Around this central building smaller studios were erected for use by 
visiting artists. In 1930 the Harwood Foundation was taken over 
by the University of New Mexico for its summer art school, and in 
1932 it was named the Taos School of Art. 

Santa Fe followed Taos as an art center, through the efforts of 
George Bellows, Robert Henri, and Albert Groll, who lived there in 
the second decade of the century. Other Santa Fe artists were Warren 
E. Rollins, Sheldon Parsons, William P. Henderson, Gustave Baumann, 
Gerald Cassidy, Louise Crow, Kenneth Chapman, Carlos Vierra, Frank 
Applegate, and Olive Rush. In 191?, Edgar L, Hewett, with the as- 
sistance of Henri and Bellows, established the Santa Fe Art Museum 


policy, truly unique in the history of American art of free exhibition 
space to all artists. The museum itself was built largely through the 
financial assistance of Frank Springer, famous paleontologist, who had 
befriended Donald Beauregard. Beuregard's paintings now line the 
walls of the second floor of the museum, and he made the sketches for 
the murals in St. Francis Auditorium adjoining the museum, but his 
untimely death prevented his execution of them, and Kenneth Chapman 
and Carlos Vierra collaborated on the final work. 

In the 1920*5 a number of artists came to Santa Fe to settle, among 
them John Sloan, Randall Davey, Julius Rolshoven, Allan True, Ray- 
mond Jonson, Alfred E. Hayward, Albert H. Schmidt, Howard Ash- 
mun Patterson, Datus Myers, Henry Balink, Bruce Saville, Allan 
Clark, Eugenie Shonnard, and D. Paul Jones. In 1920 the Santa Fe 
Arts Club was organized; it sponsored exhibits in various parts of 
the country. Also in 1920 came five young painters who called them- 
selves Los Cinco Pint ores: Jozef Bakos, Walter Mruk, Fremont Ellis, 
Willard Nash, and Will Shuster. Thev bougrht land on the Camino 
del Monte Sol, and built adobe homes and studios, joining the colony 
of artists and writers who now live in that section of Santa Fe. They 
exhibited together in various parts of the country for about five years 
when in 1926 they joined with the Taos artists in the New Mexico 
Painters Society. 

A new group of painters came around 1930, consisting of Gina 
Knee, Charles Barrows, E. Boyd, Cady Wells, and Jim Morris. They 
formed the Rio Grande Painters, who exhibited together for a few 
years, despite the diversity of their talents and interests. 

Considerable activity developed in Albuquerque around the Art De- 
partment of the University of New Mexico and the New Mexico Art 
League. The Art League was formed in 1929 by a group of faculty 
members and students who have since then held yearly exhibits on the 
campus of the university. The University Art Department, founded 
in 1928, is headed by Ralph W. Douglass, painter and former cartoonist 
for the Chicago Daily News. The faculty consists of Raymond Jonson 
of Santa Fe, Loren Mozley of Taos (who directed the summer sessions 
in Taos), Mela Sedillo Brewster, in Spanish Colonial Arts and Crafts, 
and F. E. Del Dosso, teacher of design. 

A number of individual artists work in Albuquerque. These include 
Brooks Willis, Howard Schleeter, Gisella Loeffler Lacher, and Edma 
Pierce. Known particularly for his Indian dance designs in tempera, 
Paul Flying Eagle Goodbear, a Cheyenne Indian, has attained con- 
siderable fame. Of the artists who have come to draw upon the his- 
tory and landscape, there are Carl von Hassler, Carl Redin, Winifred 
D. Thompson, Inez B. Westlake, and Jim McMurdo. 

Scattered across the State are various artists who have attained 


national recognition. In San Patricio is Peter Kurd; Fritz Broeske 
is in Las Vegas; in Texico is Pedro Cervantez, a strong primitive, 
former student of Vernon Hunter, who spent his formative years in 
Texico and has painted some of the most significant pictures of the 

Most recent organization of artists in New Mexico is the Trans- 
cedental Painting Group, founded at Taos in the summer of 1938. 
The purpose of the movement is to carry painting beyond the appear- 
ance of the physical world, through new concepts of space, color, light, 
and design, to imaginative realms that are idealistic and spiritual. The 
members of the group are Raymond Jonson, one of the world's leading 
non-objective painters, Bill Lumpkins, well-known modernist, Ernil Bist- 
tram, one of America's leading experimenters and teachers, Robert 
Gribbroek, Lawren Harris, the famous Canadian artist, Florence Miller, 
and H. Towner Pierce. 

Despite the number of artists, the various colonies, and the groups 
that formed and reformed during the last three decades, there is no 
characteristic school of art in New Mexico. The forces of Europe and 
the East are strong in the State because most of the artists came from 
other places, and brought their training and temperaments with them. 
The painted record of New Mexico scenes has already become stereo- 
type : an adobe house making a pattern of light and shade, the terraced 
lines of a pueblo, village scenes and country landscapes at various sea- 
sons of the year, and in different lights, deep-lined Indian faces and 
scenes from the lives of Cabeza de Vaca, Onate, and Coronado. Today 
the artists of the State are trying to catch the life of New Mexico in 
free rhythms and modern moods. 

With the passing of time there are always changes in the art picture 
in New Mexico as elsewhere. Some of the more prominent artists have 
passed from the scene, although their works live on. The activity of 
the Transcendental Painting Group, mentioned above, has ceased, as has 
the New Mexico Art Project, born of the WPA days, and which had a 
strong influence in accelerating the art movement in New Mexico. 
Taos, Santa Fe, and Albuquerque still remain the centers of activity, 
where there are numerous galleries and many artists of renown. In 
Taos there are some 18 galleries and over 40 resident artists, while in 
Albuquerque, there are three major galleries plus numerous exhibit spaces 
in libraries, theaters and public buildings. Santa Fe, with its superb 
New Mexico Art Gallery on the Plaza, has many resident artists of 
prominence, and there are younger groups in Corrales and elsewhere 
throughout the State. The Fine Arts Center, being planned for the 
University of New Mexico in Albuquerque, is being built, and will add 
impetus to the campus and to the area in general. To name the many 
new artists of prominence, and to mention those named in the above 


A City, a Capital, and an Art Center 


Railroad Station: Santa Fe Station, Silver Ave. at ist Street, SW. for Atchison, 
Topeka and Santa Fe Ry. 

Bus Stations: Albuquerque Bus Co., Continental Trailways, Greyhound Lines, 
Inter-City Transit Lines, Inc., New Mexico Transportation Co., Inc., Suburban 
Bus Lines, Inc. 

City Busses: Fare 15^ regular service. 
Taxis: Fare 65^ first mile, 40^ per mile thereafter. 

Airports: Municipal Airport, 3 m. SE. of city on Yale Ave. (off Highway 66) 
for TWA, Continental, Pioneer and Frontier Lines; also Carco Flying Service 
charter lines; West Mesa Airport, Airport Road, NW. for Cutter-Carr charter 
service, Coronado Airport; Paradise Acres Airport. 

Traffic Regulations: Speed limit zoned from center of city from 20 up to 55 
m.p.h.; 15 m.p.h. at schools. Regulation traffic lights on busier corners. Sec- 
ond, Third, Fifth and Sixth Streets and Gold and Copper Avenues are one-way 
only. No L. or U turns on Central Avenue, West from ist to 8th. 
Street Numbering: Quadrant system using Central Avenue and Santa Fe R. R. 
track as axis. NE., NW., SE., SW. quadrants. 

Accommodations: Five major hotels, thirty-three small hotels; 140 tourist courts, 
19 trailer parks, several boarding houses, 10 convalescent homes. 
Information Service: Chamber of Commerce, Civic Center; New Mexico Motor 
Club, 605 Yale Blvd., SE. ; New Mexico State Police, 7013 Central Ave., NE. 
Radio-TV Stations: Include, KABQ, KDEF, KGGM, KHAM, KHFM, 
Travel Service: Bowman, Globetrotters, Shepherd. 

Theatres and Motion Picture Houses: Albuquerque Little Theatre, San Pas- 
quale Ave., SE. ; Rodey Theatre, University Campus; San Felipe Playhouse, San 
Felipe Hotel Building; Summerhouse, San Felipe Hotel Building; Sandia Base 
Little Theatre, Sandia Base (East of city), for dramatic productions. Carlisle 
Gymnasium, University Campus, concerts, conventions, etc.; New Mexico State 
Fair, Central Avenue at San Mateo, NE., fairs, races; Albuquerque High School 
Auditorium, Southern Union Hospitality Room, San Felipe Hotel Building, etc., 
for public lectures; seventeen motion picture houses. 

Athletic Fields: Zimmerman Stadium, University Campus; Lincoln Stadium, 
Coal Ave., SE.; Tingley Field, Rio Grande Park, i4th St., SW.; numerous tennis 
courts; one bowling alley. 

Swimming: Municipal Swimming Pools; Rio Grande, i4th & Iron.; Y.M.C.A., 
Central Ave. at First St., NW. ; Acapulco Swim Club, Miles Avenue, SE ; others. 
Golf: Albuquerque Country Club, 601 Laguna Blvd., SW.; Four Hills Country 
Club, Four Hills Village, SE.; Los Altos Park, Lomas & Wyoming, NE.; UNM 
Public Course, 1041 B. Stanford Dr., NE. 

Riding: Numerous private stables (consult Chamber of Commerce). 
Hunting, Fishing, Outdoor Sports: Pheasant, quail, goose, duck and rabbit hunt- 
ing in season within short driving radius of city; fresh water angling in ad- 
jacent irrigation canals in season; hiking and picnic areas in Sandia and Man- 
zanos Mountains few miles east. 

Skiing: La Mad era Ski Run, Sandia Mountains (ask Chamber of Commerce 
about road conditions). 

Baseball: Tingley Field, Rio Grande Park, i4th St., SW. Albuquerque Dukes 
Professional Team. 

Annual Events: Easter Sunrise Services of the Albuquerque Choral Club; 



Fiesta de San Felipe de Neri; Old Town Plaza and other fiestas; New Mexico 
State Fair; Indian dances and ceremonials in nearby pueblos; All Albuquerque 
Art Show (New Mexico Art League event) ; Southwest Folk Festival; University 
Homecoming Celebration ; Christmas Lighting Contests luminaries, etc.; Aspen- 
cade to nearby mountains; Snowcade in winter; Baile de Bellas Artes (first 
Saturday after Lent) (New Mexico Art League). 

ALBUQUERQUE ( Al-boo-kur-keh, 4,950 alt., 1953 est. 201,189 
pop.), New Mexico's largest city and principal banking, industrial, rail- 
road, and air lines center, owes much of its commercial development to 
an equable climate and to the rich timber, mineral, and agricultural re- 
sources in its vicinity and a growing industrial development. 

In the fertile valley of the Rio Grande, where the river sweeps in 
a broad curve from the north, the city is flanked east and west by 
tawny mesas and blue mountains. Fifteen miles to the east the Sandia 
Mountains rise 6,000 feet above the surrounding mesas to form the 
eastern ramparts of the valley. To the west, beyond the Rio Grande, 
snow-capped Cebolleta (Mt. Taylor) reaches an altitude of 11,389 
feet. Nearer the city, to the northwest, five extinct volcanic cones 
accent the horizon. Other ranges northward and to the south are dis- 
tantly visible above the reaches of the valley. 

There are two Albuquerques, the old and the new. Old Albuquer- 
que, locally called Old Town, the third villa established by the Spanish 
after their conquest of the province of Nuevo Mejico in the sixteenth 
century and their reconquest in the seventeenth, was the center of the 
trade, religion, and culture of the Spanish Province for almost two 
hundred vears, and it still retains much of the color of this earlier 
leisurely period. The new Albuquerque, today's modern business sec- 
tion, is more than seventy years old, but already it serves a wide trade area 
and is brisk with transcontinental traffic. Tne two places, so different 
in tempo and appearance, are joined by Central Avenue (US 66), where 
the architecture from Old Town eastward to the business district 
records the periods through which the towns have passed, from the low 
squat adobe Provincial days, through the Victorian era, to the modern 
downtown skyscraper. 

Cottonwoods, tamarisks, and poplars line miles of streets and park- 
ways squarely laid out; parks are numerous and neat. There are many 
beautiful houses with patios and broad landscaped lawns and gardens. 
In various sections an effort has been made to harmonize modern struc- 
tures with a semblance of territorial or Spanish-Pueblo design. The 
newer suburban districts and part of the business section follow this 
trend, though sometimes at the expense of unity of style. The older 
districts often have row after row of adobe, stucco, and brick homes. 
Frame dwellings are comparatively rare, and buildings are usually one 
or two stories in height, although in the business sections higher struc- 
tures break the skyline. 

The streets of Old Town and the outlying districts are lined with 
ancient flat-roofed houses typical of an earlier day. The plan of Old 


Albuquerque with its central Plaza was that of all early Spanish towns 
in the Province of New Mexico. The thick-walled adobe church, 
convento, and other houses facing the enclosure formed a fortlike 
protection against marauding Indians. In the eighteenth century the 
livestock was corralled there at night; at a later period the Plaza was 
used as the market place for overland freight wagons. Spanish folk- 
ways are still evident in the fiestas and bailes (native dances), and espe- 
cially on religious holidays, when participants in elaborate raiment carry 
the image of their patron saint in solemn procession and chant softly 
to violin or guitar accompaniment. Today the Old Plaza is content 
with memories, while the vigorous young town to the east marches on. 

Youth seems to predominate on the crowded streets downtown, for 
the city is a very important educational center. The business man, the 
health seeker, soldiers and airmen from nearby Sandia Special Weapons 
Base and Kirtland Air Force Base, scientists, government workers and 
retired executives jostle tourists en route east or west; and, mingling 
with them, Indians in gaudy blankets offer for sale the turquoise and 
silver jewelry and the pottery they make. Occasional cowboys in boots 
and ten-gallon hats mingle with a sprinkling of Spanish-Americans. In 
the evenings the streets are ablaze with the kaleidoscopic, changing lights. 

Although inhabited for generations by the Indians, the Rio Grande 
Valley at the site of present-day Albuquerque was first seen by white 
men when a detachment of Coronado's troops under Hernando Al- 
varado explored it in 1540. Other explorers followed, and after Onate's 
time (1598), ranches developed in this vicinity, but no towns were 
founded. The ranches and haciendas were destroyed during the Pueblo 
Rebellion (1680) when the Spanish were driven from the province and 
sought refuge in El Paso. 

Albuquerque was founded in 1706 by Don Francisco Cuervo y 
Valdes, twenty-eighth Governor and Captain-General of New Mexico, 
who removed thirty families from near-by Bernalillo and located them 
on the Rio Bravo del Norte (fierce river of the north), as the Rio 
Grande was then known, "in a goodly place of pasturage." He hon- 
ored his patron saint, Francisco Xavier, and the Duke of Alburquerque, 
viceroy of New Spain, by naming the villa San Francisco de Albur- 
querque, from which came the common appellation of the "Duke City." 
Because the villa was founded without consulting King Philip V, how- 
ever, the viceroy diplomatically renamed it San Felipe de Alburquerque, 
Felipe being Spanish for Philip. Eventually the first "r" was dropped, 
and it became Albuquerque* One of the first structures was the Church 
of San Felipe de Neri, now a landmark, erected on the north side 
of the plaza in 1706. 

Governor Cuervo y Valdes had progressive ideas regarding sanitation 
and protection which he put into practise in the new villa, with the 
result that it rapidly surpassed neighboring settlements both in size 
and in population, and soon became a place of considerable importance 
in trade routes. With a population periodically augmented by settlers 


seeking protection from possible attacks by marauding Indians, the town 
grew slowly but steadily. In 1790, the population was 5,959. 

The villa was an important military post during the Spanish and 
Mexican regimes, second in importance only to Santa Fe and El Paso 
del Norte. After the American occupation in 1846 it was one of the 
important outposts of the US Military Department until 1870, when 
it was the headquarters for General Phil Sheridan. Many famous 
American army men were stationed here during this time, among them 
Generals Rucker, Miles, Sherman, and Sibley, and the peaceful plaza 
of the old Spanish town, usually scene of the gay communal life, a 
market place by day and a fiesta scene by night, became a drill ground 
for American troops. 

Albuquerque was still an isolated frontier town during the Civil 
War, and the sympathies of the residents fluctuated. Although several 
skirmishes occurred in the vicinity, the post was alternately occupied by 
Union and Confederate forces with only a few shots fired. In 1862 
Captain Enos, with a small Union command, was informed of the ap- 
proach of Confederate General Hopkins Sibley with a large force. 
Realizing that defense was impossible, Enos loaded all available wagons 
and started them for Santa Fe, then fired the army storage houses to 
destroy remaining supplies. After his departure, Southern sympathizers 
extinguished the blaze and saved much of the provisions, which they 
turned over to General Sibley. He occupied the post without opposi- 
tion for two months, but on learning that strong Union forces were 
advancing under Colonel R. S. Canby to take the town, Sibley hastily 
evacuated, burying eight heavy howitzers, or Napoleon guns, which he 
had previously captured from Union forces. Two of these cannon, 
later unearthed, are now in Robinson Park. 

Sibley *s sudden departure left the town in confusion. Suspicion 
and jealousies were rampant, and public officials abused their power by 
"legally confiscating" property of "accused' 1 persons who had no re- 
course when, at public auctions, their effects were purchased by their 
accusers at far below actual value. 

The decade following the Civil War brought an influx of eastern 
and mid-western farmers and livestock raisers who were looking for 
cheap land, and many who were attracted by the fertile valley and high 
grassy mesas settled in Bernalillo County. 

Outside connection by telegraph first came in 1875. Completion 
of the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad (1881) gave impetus 
to the town's growth, and under direction of the New Mexico Town 
Company, a railroad subsidiary, New Albuquerque was surveyed and 
platted in November 1880. The obstinacy of a landowner near Old 
Albuquerque in the matter of a right-of-way and the desire for a road- 
bed along the higher levels near the foothills away from the river 
made it necessary for the railroad to route two miles east, and the 
location of new Albuquerque, like that of many other western towns, 
was conditioned by the route of the railroad. In the usual procedure 
of the frontier, the first city lots were sold from a railroad flatcar. 


Because of the considerable number of Union and Confederate 
veterans who remained after the Civil War, there was for many years 
ill feeling between Northern and Southern sympathizers. Further dis- 
tinctions were sharply drawn between Americans and Spanish-American 
settlers, when the latter were forced into a minor role in civic affairs. 
The new town began at once to be important commercially to a larger 
territory through connections with the East by rail and wire. A mass 
meeting to discuss incorporation was held July 28, 1884, and the first 
mayor, Henry Jaffa, was elected in 1885. In 1890 the town was in- 
corporated as a city. 

From the time .when the Conquistadores introduced a few hundred 
sheep, wool growing had been a principal industry of the region. The 
wool was brought from surrounding ranches to Albuquerque by ox- 
drawn wagons, horses, and even burros; buyers came from Boston, St. 
Louis, and Philadelphia. The earliest banking was done by merchants, 
who accepted the wool growers' cash for safe keeping and advanced 
them trade credit. As wool growing assumed increasing importance in 
the vicinity, Albuquerque became a commercial banking center. Today 
the gross annual sale of sheep and lambs is over $10,000,000. 

These early days, typical of western towns, saw colorful and some- 
times fatal events, but by degrees the unruly element was subdued, 
chiefly through the efforts of Governor Stover's Vigilante Committee. 
Albuquerque's amusement facilities ran the gamut from the neisy, 
flamboyant honky-tonk to the imposing opera house of the period. 
Among the stars appearing at the latter were Nordica, Pavlova, and 
Paderewski. Most of the saloons had faro layouts, roulette wheels, and 
poker. Faro was the most popular with miners fresh from the diggin's, 
cowboys, cattle buyers, and drummers from the East. These places, 
gleaming with glassware and polished bars, bore such picturesque names 
as The Bucket of Blood, The White Elephant, and The Free and Easy. 
The hamlet of the i88o's, ultimately lost its boisterousness as it grew 
from village to town and from town to thriving city. 

By 1870 parochial schools had been founded, but the most significant 
educational advance came in 1889, when the territorial legislature 
created the University of New Mexico. The census of 1890 showed a 
population of 3,785, but twenty years later the city had grown to 11,020. 
In 1917 the commission manager form of government was adopted. 

The expansion of irrigation projects in the valley region added to 
the wealth of the Albuquerque area and led to the establishment of 
packing plants and canning factories for agricultural products, espe- 
cially fruit. Grazing lands on both sides of the valley support thriving 
wool and livestock industries, bringing an annual income of millions of 
dollars, two-thirds of which is locally controlled. Many vineyards and 
orchards dot the valley, and from the near-by mountains come several 
million pounds of pinon nuts annually shipped all over the United 

The city's industries also include sawmills, sash and door factories, 
sheet metal, brick, and tile works, the Santa Fe Railway shops, and oil 


refinery, and oil distributing plants. At the junction of three Santa Fe 
lines one from Chicago, one from El Paso, and one from the Pacific 
Coast the Santa Fe shops and division point, with a yard trackage total- 
ing 50 miles, employ several thousand men. In addition there are many 
smaller industries, and the city is noted for its ornamental metal and 
woodwork plants; also Indian and Mexican handicrafts, trailer manu- 
facturing, car and foundry work, clothing manufacture, leather and crafts 
production. The Sandia Base Special Weapons Project has been a 
tremendous addition to the growing industry of the city. Average bank 
clearings of $1,730,475,865 indicate its financial importance, and a 
municipal airport ranking in area with the largest ports in the country 
gives the city facilities for transcontinental air traffic. 

Long ago physicians realized the benefits that Albuquerque's year- 
round climate offered sufferers from pulmonary ailments, particularly 
tuberculosis. Many millions have been invested in sanatoria and con- 
valescent homes, and the Federal Government has established hospitals 
here for Indians and for war veterans. The city's reputation as a health 
resort is significant as a factor in the business and social structure. 

There are many city schools, eight parochial schools, several denomi- 
national and preparatory schools, and a U. S. Indian training school. 
There are 120 churches of various denominations, civic clubs, numerous 
fraternal and church societies, and various women's organizations. Civic 
co-operation has established a mile-long fresh-water' bathing beach, a 
municipal zoo, a dozen parks, a Little Theatre building, and a city 
beautification plan that includes the planting of vacant areas. There 
are also choral clubs, a city band, and a civic symphony orchestra. Play- 
ground and recreational facilities have been developed in some seventy 
parks and various activities in three Community Centers. 


Situated on E. Central Ave., extending from University Ave., east 
to Girard Ave., and from E. Central Ave., north to E. Roma Ave., is 
the University, the State's foremost institution of learning. On the 
high east mesa, overlooking the city, about a mile from the business sec- 
tion, the university campus consists of 550 acres, with large shade trees, 
shrubs, and spreading lawns, against the background of foothills and the 
Sandia Mountains. The buildings are all Pueblo Indian style, domi- 
nated by the new massive University Library building^ 

The university was created as a territorial institution by act of the 
legislature on January 28, 1889, due largely to the efforts of Bernard 
S. Rodey, who has been called the father of the university and in whose 
honor Rodey Hall was named. The new institution was opened June 
15, 1892, in rented rooms as a summer school; it began regular year- 
round instruction when the first building was erected on the campus in 
September of that year. The early buildings were in general of Vic- 


torian-Gothic style, but in 1905, under President Tight's administration, 
the modified type of Pueblo architecture was adopted and the university 
buildings as a group became unique among those of American educa- 
tional institutions. When New Mexico was admitted to statehood the 
university became a State institution. A land grant of 732,709 acres, 
including the timber, oil, mineral, and other rights, was made to the 
University at the time the State was admitted to the Union. 

Growth of the University has been very rapid. The University has 
eleven fully accredited colleges, including Arts and Sciences, Education, 
Business Administration, Law, Pharmacy, Engineering, Fine Arts, Uni- 
versity College, Nursing, Medicine, and the Graduate School. Peak 
UNM enrollment was 5,498 in 1948-49, dropping to around 4,000 in 
1950. The institution expects an average of some 15,000 regular day- 
time students around 1970. 

Under the leadership of President Thomas L. Popejoy, the Uni- 
versity has constructed 26 new buildings within the past 13 years, cost- 
ing some $15,000,000. In addition to the outstanding work of several 
departments such as art, anthropology, physics, and biology, there are 
several departments devoted entirely to research : the Bureau of Business 
Research, Division of Government Research, Research and Development 
Program, and the Institute of Meteoritics. 

From a handful of graduate students in 1927, the institution now 
registers upward of 1,200 persons working for higher degrees. These 
students come from every part of the nation and from some 40 foreign 
nations. The Ph.D. degree is offered in 14 departments. 

A nine-story library houses over 300,000 volumes with another 
40,000 books in the law library. 

The Division of Foreign Studies has been active in bringing students 
from all parts of the globe to Albuquerque under the Point Four Program. 

The ROTC units, the Air Force and the Navy, enroll approximately 
1,000 students in their departments. In addition to this, the Air Force 
sends each year a delegation of special meteorology students for special 
study under the UNM department of physics. Some 120 weather air- 
men from Chanute Air Force Base finished a 40 weeks course at the Uni- 
versity in August of 1952. A second group of weather students, all of 
them college graduates and reserve officers in the Air Force registered 
for study in the fall of 1952 for a 52-week period of study. 

In addition to making its facilities available to the other 49 state" 
and foreign nations, the University runs two special colleges for towns- 
people who work during the day but can spare early evenings for study. 

The University also reaches off the campus with extension courses 
and a full-fledged summer school for artists at Taos. Crafts classes are 
also part of the Harwood Foundation, a UNM-owned building, at Taos. 

Far from being cramped by metropolitan Albuquerque, the UNM 
campus has more than ample room for expansion. On this 55O-acre 
campus, over and above the space allotted for buildings, the University 


has an i8-hole golf course which is open to the public. All regular col- 
lege sports are played on the campus. These include: football, basket- 
ball, track, baseball, tennis, golf, ice hockey, swimming, and wrestling. 
A tour of the campus following the new street names, would reach 
the following important buildings : 

1. Along Yale Avenue NE (off Central), first building on the left, 
JOURNALISM which houses all student publications, News Bureau, 
Pack Foundation, journalism department and the UNM Printing Plant. 

2. BIOLOGY, next on left, and GEOLOGY. Back of them are 
MARRON HALL and NORTH HALL, formerly residence halls for 
women and now faculty offices. 

3. CARLISLE GYMNASIUM, on left, now used by women's 
physical education classes, and ZIMMERMAN STADIUM, on right, 
now replaced by the 3O,ooo-seat University Stadium seven blocks south 
of Central on the new 1 5O-acre campus. 

4. UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, now housing more than 300,000 
books not counting the 40,000 in the library of the School of Law. 

5. The PRESIDENT'S HOME on the right which is built in the 
modified pueblo style of architecture in keeping with the other 65 per- 
manent structures on the UNM campus. 

6. The INFIRMARY on the right in the next block on Yale. 

7. Across Lomas, the METEORITICS-PHYSICS building and 
off to the left the UNM MAINTENANCE WAREHOUSE. 

8. Beginning again on Central East on Terrace, going north, first 
on the right is SARA RAYNOLDS HALL, home of home economics 
and built in the early 19205. 

9. First on the left is the ART BUILDING, formerly the UNM 

10. Next on the left is the MUSIC BUILDING and opposite on 
the right is the COLLEGE OF PHARMACY. 

11. CRAFTS ANNEX, next on left, houses departments of art and 
studios for music. 

12. STATE HEALTH LABORATORY, next on left, is on 
UNM land but is operated by the State. 

13. CHEMISTRY BUILDING, next on right. 

14. ORTEGA HALL, on left, home of modern and classical lan- 
guages, formerly the women's dining hall. 

15. Last on the left is the new ALUMNI MEMORIAL CHAPEL, 
built in honor of the UNM students who were killed in the wars. 

1 6. Beginning again on Central on University Avenue, first on the 
left is HODGIN HALL, first and oldest building on the UNM campus. 
Formerly red brick and in the Gothic style, it has been remodeled into 
the unique style of architecture of all the permanent buildings on the 
campus. Alongside Hodgin Hall is the University Theater, known 
popularly as RODEY HALL. 

17. Next on the left is a second building housing part of the Uni- 

Cities and Towns 

Aerial view of modern Albuquerque 
View of Old Town, original part of Albuquerque 

Canyon Road in Santa Fe 

The Sena Plaza in Santa Fe, circa 1840 

State Capitol in Santa Fe, completed 1953 
Governor's Residence in Santa Fe 

Carved entrance doors in old Santa Fe 

Patio and garden in Santa Fe 

Cornpr firpnlan* in thp Tanc Tnn 

Old Mesilla 

Taos Valley Art School 

Wilson Hall, New Mexico Military Institute, Roswell 
Gymnasium, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces 

Library, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque 

Pueblo-style home in the Hondo Valley 


versity Theater, the DRAMA BUILDING, formerly the structure 
known as Industrial Arts. 

18. Next on the left is part of MECHANICAL ENGINEERING 
followed in turn by CIVIL ENGINEERING and CHEMICAL 
ENGINEERING. East of these two buildings are ELECTRICAL 
and MECHANICAL ENGINEERING. Still farther east is the old 

19. Next east of Chemical Engineering is the HEATING PLANT 
which furnishes heat for all UNM buildings except the President's 

20. Last on the right on University Avenue is the ANTHRO- 
POLOGY BUILDING, formerly the old Student Union Building. 

21. Turning east on Roma, first on left is the building for KNME- 
TV, educational television, and the Speech Department. 

22. First on right is the ADMINISTRATION BUILDING, 
housing all the executive offices, extension, Registrar, and business office. 

23. To the left, just before crossing Yale, is CLARK HALL, home 
of the Bureau of Business Research. Then comes the President's Home 
and back of it, still on the left, is the UNM SCHOOL OF LAW 
with the UNM LIBRARY on the right. 

24. At the corner of Cornell and Roma on the east side is HOKONA 
HALL, new residence hall for 630 women students. 

25. Turning south on Cornell, first on the left is MESA VISTA 
HALL, home of 450 men students. First on the right is the new NEW 
MEXICO UNION, taking the place of the old SUB student union 

26. Some 200 yards east of Mesa Vista is the newest residence hall 
for men students, CORONADO HALL, on Girard NE. 

27. Last on the left on Cornell before arriving at Central is 

28. West of Mesa Vista and the New Mexico Union on the left on 
Ash is MITCHELL HALL, classroom building. Opposite Mitchell 
Hall on the right is YATOKA HALL, home of the College of Busi- 
ness Administration. 

29. Off the campus proper are the GOLF ADMINISTRATION 
CLUB HOUSE and the OBSERVATORY for astronomy and 
meteoritics, both on land adjoining the public golf course. 


17. OLD TOWN PLAZA, W. Central Ave. (US 66), N. 2 
blocks on San Felipe Road, is the central portion of the original land 
grant made by the King of Spain, when Governor Cuervo y Valdes 
founded the villa in 1706. Here it was, according to old archives, that 
the Governor, his secretary, and witnesses plucked up stones and grass, 
flung them to the four points of the compass, at the same time shouting: 
"Long live the King!" The plaza was originally surrounded by an 


adobe wall; in 1881, it was enclosed by a picket fence, and in 1937 
the present stone wall was erected as a WPA project. The plaza has 
always been the center of communal life in Old Town and the scene 
of many historical events. Four flags have flown from its tall flagpole 
as Spain, Mexico, the Confederacy, and the United States claimed the 

18. CHURCH OF SAN FELIPE DE NERf, NW. corner of 
Plaza, except for a remodelled facade and other minor changes, stands 
exactly as it was built by Father Manuel Moreno and thirty families, 
who came with Governor Cuervo y Valdes when he founded Albuquer- 
que in 1706. It was built originally to withstand firebrands and bat- 
tering rams, such as were used during Indian uprisings. Thus the win- 
dows are twenty feet from the ground and the adobe walls are more 
than four feet thick. The original ceiling support is still used. 
Around a spruce tree trunk is built a spiral stairway leading to the 
choir loft. Hand-carved confessionals, altars, and various images and 
statues of unknown age produce an Old World medieval mood. In 
some of the side rooms are the original floors, worn thin and splintered. 
In the parish registers, dating from its founding, an almost complete 
record of the church in old Spanish script is found. According to these 
records, consecutive Sunday services have been held in the ancient 
edifice without missing a single Sunday since the church was opened 
by Father Moreno (1706). 

CHURCH, NE. corner of Plaza, built shortly after the church, was 
used for more than a century as the abode of the Franciscan mission- 
aries in this region. At times, while Albuquerque was a military post, 
soldiers were quartered in the building. It has been brick-faced and a 
second story added in recent years. At present it serves as the parish 

20. The CASA DE ARMIJO, E. side of Plaza, once belonged to 
the wealthy Armijo family. A greater portion of the building is ap- 
proximately two centuries old, the front section having been remodeled 
from time to time. During the Civil War the old Casa became the 
headquarters for both Union and Confederate officers. At present it 
is occupied by artists, writers, and crafts shops; still retaining its 
Spanish dignity, for the carved wooden doorways, deep-sunk windows, 
and an ancient patio lend charm to thick adobe walls. 

21. HUNING CASTLE, 1424 W. Central Ave., now a private 
day school, was for many years an impressive landmark. It was in- 
spired by castles in Hanover, Germany, the native land of the builder, 
Franz Huning. Mr. Huning, grandfather of Erna and Harvey Fer- 
gusson, New Mexico authors, was a prominent figure in the progress 
of Albuquerque. Emigrating from Germany he reached St. Louis in 
the gold rush 'days of '49 at the age of eighteen, joined a freighting 
caravan and traveled overland to Santa Fe, later coming to Albuquer- 
que. His home, the "Castle," was a show place in territorial days. 
The main walls of the building are five feet thick. The finished lumber 


was freighted from Illinois, some materials were brought from Eng- 
land, 'and the castle was five years in the building, due mainly to slow 
travel over the old Santa Fe Trail. 

22. The VINCENT WALLACE HOUSE, 1429 W. Central, 
across the street trom the old Huning Castle, is one of the two first 
residences built in new Albuquerque (1882). Vincent Wallace was a 
relative of General Lew Wallace, author of Ben Hur and governor of 
the Territory of New Mexico. It is believed that Lew Wallace wrote 
portions of his historical novel in this house, and here also, the famous 
composer Puccini wrote sections of the scores of La Boheme and The 
Girl of the Golden West. 

23. ROBINSON PARK, W. Central Ave. and 8th St., (1880) is 
a triangular area of greenery and huge shade trees providing a restful 
spot near the business district. It was reserved as a park when the 
townsite of new Albuquerque was laid out. Two brass howitzers 
(cast in Boston, 1853), captured and later buried by Confederate Gen- 
eral Sibley in old Albuquerque, until recent years stood in the park, 
where there is now a fountain built in tribute to John Braden who gave 
his life, in Territorial days, to save the lives of a group of children caught 
in a fire on a Fourth of July float. Braden managed to stop the run- 
away horses, but died from severe burns. 

24. The RIO GRANDE PARK AND ZOO, S. on Laguna Blvd., 
facing Tingley Drive along the Rio Grande (admission free), is an 
8o-acre landscaped area containing many beautiful trees. There are 
playgrounds for children, tennis courts, several wild fowl ponds, and 
a representative collection of animals and birds native to the Southwest 

25. The MUNICIPAL BATHING BEACH, Laguna and Ting- 
ley Drives, just west of Rio Grande Park, is an artificial lake of 
constantly changing, pure water, diverted underground from the Rio 
Grande, with depths from two to fifteen feet. There are modern hous- 
ing facilities, with lifeguards in attendance along the three miles of 
white sand beach. 

26. THE HARVEY INDIAN MUSEUM, adjoining the Al- 
varado Hotel, Gold Ave. and 1st St. (8:30-6 adm. free), may be en- 
tered through the hotel, or from the corridor facing the railroad at the 
Santa Fe Railroad station. Housed in a California Mission type of 
building, the museum occupies several large rooms and contains fine 
examples of authentic early Indian arts and crafts from Mexico and 
New Mexico. Indian craftsmen demonstrate silversmithing and Na- 
vaho weavine. 

27. The U. S. VETERANS' HOSPITAL, end of Ridgecrest Drive, 
almost a small village in itself, is built so that the ensemble is a fair 
reproduction of the Taos Indian pueblo. The massive buildings, with 
recessed story-levels, constitute a striking landmark on the high mesa 
several miles east of the city. The capacity is 574 beds. 

28. The U. S. INDIAN HOSPITAL, 1 m. NE on Dartmouth 
Ave., an imposing modern structure surrounded by trees, shrubs, and 


velvety lawns, is devoted to the Government's medical aid for Indians. 
The capacity is 150 beds. 


Albuquerque Tijeras Canyon Sandia Crest Bernalillo Albu- 

US 66; Rim Drive; US 85. 65.5 m. 

This drive, which can be made in five hours or less* passes into the 
rugged Sandia Mountains to an observation point (two miles above 
sea level) where a vast panorama of the State can be seen. Several 
public camping and picnicking grounds along the route. Crest Road 
open from May to November. 

ALBUQUERQUE. From Central Ave. and ist St., m., pro- 
ceed eastwardly on Central Ave. (US 66), entering TIJERAS CAN- 
YON (5,800 alt.), at 10.1 m., and continuing through TIJERAS 
VILLAGE (770 pop.) 15.1 772. 

At 16.2 is junction with NM ip (L) which tour follows for 5.9 m. 
perfect sandstone dome with an incline from the surrounding cliffs 
which form a natural corner. On the walls of the formation are nu- 
merous pictographs of prehistoric origin. 

FOREST PARK 18.5 m. (R) is a mountain resort, privately owned, 
where meals, cabins, and saddle horses are available. 

At 22.1 77z. is the junction with NM 10 (R). Proceed (L) on 
Loop Drive through Tejano Canyon past TREE SPRINGS, 27.6 m., above 
which point is the winter sports region where ski and toboggan tourna- 
ments are held. 

At 29.6 7/7. is junction (L) with Sandia Crest Road (8,652 alt.). Up- 
ward over this road through forests of aspen to SANDIA CREST OBSERVA- 
TION POINT, 34.2 m. (10,678 alt.). Leave car at parking level and 
walk 20 yards to top. Most of the mountain ranges in the State visible 
from this point. 

Returning, retrace to junction (L) with Loop Drive 42.5 m. t de- 
scend into Las Huertas Canyon and proceed to BERNALILLO 51.2 
772. (see Tour Ib) and junction with US 85 (L). Proceed south- 
westwardly to Albuquerque and junction with US 66 at 4th St. and 
Central Ave., then (L) over Central Ave. to point of beginning, 65.5 m. 

OPTIONAL RETURN : Retrace route from Observation Point 
to Albuquerque. 


Isleta Indian Pueblo, 12 m. (see Tour 11) ; Sandia Pueblo, 13.4 m.; Cibola Na- 
tional Forest, 16 m.; Coronado State Monument, 18.6 m.; Santa Ana Pueblo, 
29 m.; San Felipe Pueblo, 29 m.; Zia Pueblo, 37 m.; Jemez Pueblo, 51 m.; Santo 
Domingo Pueblo, 40 m.; Laguna Pueblo, 51 i. (see Tour 6b) ; Acoma Pueblo, 
67 m. (see Tour 6 A). 

Santa Fe 

Railroad Stations: Cor. E. of San Francisco and Shelby Sts. for busses to Lamy 
for all trains of Atchison, Topeko and Santa Fe Ry. 

Bus Stations: Union Bus Depot, 126 Water St., for Southwest Greyhound Lines, 
New Mexico Transportation Co., Intercity Transit Lines, Chama Valley Lines; 
Cor. E. San Francisco and Shelby Sts .for Indian Detours, Inc.; Union Bus Depot 
for Santa Fe Trailways. 

Airport: Municipal Airport, 10 m. SW. city off Albuquerque Road (ITS 85); 
taxi fare $1.00. Daily flights by Continental. 

Taxis: 50^ upward, according to distance and number of passengers. 
City Bus Service. 

Traffic Regulations: Turns permitted either direction at intersections except 
one-way sts. ; vehicle on the right has the right-of-way; parking limits desig- 
nated on st. signs and orange curbs; one-way to R. around the plaza except on 
N. side; make way for police and fire cars. 

Accommodations: Hotels, tourist camps, boarding houses; dude ranches in en- 

Information Service: Chamber of Commerce, 112 Shelby St.; New Mexico 
Tourist Bureau, State Capitol Building. 
Radio Stations: KVSF (1310 kc.) ; KTRC (1400 kc.). 

Theatres: Five motion picture houses on San Francisco St., and two drive-in 
theatres nearby; occasional plays by Santa Fe Players and other groups. 
Annual Events: Santa Fe Fiesta, three days, Labor Day week-end; Corpus 
Christi, ist Thurs. after Trinity Sun.; De Vargas Memorial Procession, follow- 
ing week; Annual Horse Show; New Mexico Kennel Club Dog Show, spring; 
Feast Day of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, Dec. 12 ; Feast Day of St. Francis 
of Assisi, Oct. 4; Rodeo de Santa Fe, July. 
Skiing: At Santa Fe Basin, 16 miles, in winter. 

SANTA FE (6,996 alt., 34*676 pop.), capital of New Mexico, started 
life in 1609 with the florid title of the Royal City of the Holy *'aith ot 
Saint Francis La Villa Real de la Santa Fe de San Francisco. It has 
been a capital continuously for more than 300 years, and^the flags of 
four nations Spain, Mexico, the Confederacy, and the United States- 
have flown over its ancient Palace of the Governors, a building which 
still stands along the north side of the plaza and whose history is the 
history of Santa Fe and New Mexico. It is the oldest capital within 
the boundaries of the United States. 

Never an industrial city, and even now sixteen miles from the 
main line of the railroad, Santa. Fe nestles in the little valley of the 
Rito de Santa Fe where it emerges from the foothills of the Sangre 
de Cristo Mountains on the east. To the south are the Sandia Moun- 
tains; in the west is the Jemez Range. Surrounded by those snow- 
covered mountain pealcs, in a land of vast distances and deep colors, this 



spot, from ancient times, has been a magnet for travelers. Today its 
major industry is the tourist and vacation trade. The summer nights 
are cool, and in winter the noon hours are warm. Snow lies on the 
high mountain peaks of the Sangre de Cristo until late in June. In 
July the summer rains bring mountain freshness to the valley. The 
average annual rainfall is 13.72 inches. The year-round average mean 
temperature is 48.9 degrees F. (winter average low 29.3 degrees, sum- 
mer average high 68.7 degrees.) 

The charm of the Royal City is quickly felt. The ancient narrow 
streets and the brown adobe houses are thick with deeds and memories. 
In the evening the fragrance of pinon smoke fills the air, for Santa Fe 
is a city of fireplaces. It is a town of patios where hollyhocks nod, 
where towering cottonwoods spatter with shade, here a crumbling gate- 
way, there an ancient wall whose adobe bricks show through the broken 
earthen plaster. From the eminence of a near-by hill is visible, sun- 
washed in the daylight, thick on the floor of the valley and scattering 
to the foothills, clusters of flat, rectangular adobe houses along winding 
roads ; and in the center of town, above the roof tops and the occasional 
smokestacks and the arms of the cottonwoods, the glistening dome of 
the State capital. From the same hill at night the town's glimmering 
lights are a handful of stars flung across the valley. 

Santa Fe has seen much history in its crooked streets and venerable 
plaza ; it has seen wars 'and rebellions, Catholic feasts and devout pro- 
cessions; Spanish men-at-arms, soldiers of Mexico, the Confederacy, 
and the Union; the bull-whackers and caravans of the Santa Fe Trail; 
Spanish women in black shawls, and the Indians from the near-by pueb- 
los wrapped in blankets; for here are blended, as nowhere else in the 
United States, the full rich patterns of three distinct cultures Indian, 
Spanish, and American. 

The settlement was founded in the winter of 1609-10 by Don Pedro 
de Peralta, third governor of the Province of Nuevo Mejico, at a spot 
known to the Pueblo Indians as Kuapoga, or "the place of the shell 
beads near the water." Ruins, almost obliterated when the Spaniards 
came, showed that it was once the site of a Tano Indian village. To- 
day's dwellers, in digging foundations for their homes, frequently un- 
earth remnants of the prehistoric past in the form of pottery fragments, 
implements, and human bones. 

When Peralta came to Santa Fe, he built the palacio for a fortress, 
laid out the plaza, and planned a walled city. At various places today 
the ruins of the ancient wall may still be seen. In the Palace, built 
the year the town was founded, sixty Spanish governors ruled the vast 
territory over a period of 212 years, and maintained the Spanish border- 
Jan ds against invasion from the north. From the time of its founding 
to the present day, the town has been a continuous seat of government. 

By 1617, with only forty-eight Spanish soldiers and settlers in the 
province a province which extended from the Mississippi to the Pa- 
cific, from Mexico as far north as people roamed the Franciscan 
friars had built eleven churches, had converted 14,000 Indians to the 


Roman Catholic faith, and had prepared as many more for conversion. 
Throughout the Spanish times Santa Fe was the center of both the 
explorations and the missions to the Indians. From Chihuahua through 
El Paso del Norte came caravans and settlers on a route which came to 
be known as El Camino Real, The Royal Highway. But trouble with 
the Indians continued throughout the seventeenth century, for though 
they nominally accepted conversion, they persisted in their old forms of 
worship. Bancroft says that in 1645 there was a rising of the Indians 
near Santa Fe because forty of their 'number had been flogged and 
hanged by the Spaniards for refusing to give up their faith. From 
year to year conditions grew more serious until, in 1680, under the San 
Juan Indian, Po-pe, the northern Pueblos revolted. The Spanish 
colonists who were not killed by the Indians sought refuge in the Palace 
of the Governors where they were besieged; and though they succeeded 
in beating off the Indians, they saw that it was impossible to continue 
to hold the town. They abandoned it and fled to El Paso del Norte. 

For twelve years the Indians held Santa Fe; they occupied the 
Palace of the Governors, had their own Indian governor, and turned 
the chapel into a kiva where they worshipped their gods in their old 
way. Then, in 1692, De Vargas, the newly appointed governor of the 
province, marched on Santa Fe and made a peaceful entry. He spent 
the rest of the year subduing the Indians of the northern province, and 
returned to Mexico. The next year when he returned to Santa Fe, he 
brought with him a little statue of the Virgin, called La Conquistador a. 
Pausing before his entry on the spot where Rosario Chapel now stands, 
he made a vow that yearly homage would be paid to "Our Lady of 
Victory" in remembrance of her aid. This vow, fulfilled without 
omission in the streets of the Royal City today, is known as the De 
Vargas Procession. 

Since then, in many ways, the Catholic faith of the Spaniards has 
colored the life of the town. In June, on Corpus Christi Sunday, the 
Blessed Sacrament is carried beneath a golden canopy for public venera- 
tion, an event decreed by Pope Urban IV. The De Vargas Procession 
follows on the next Sunday, in which the statue of La Conquistadora is 
carried to Rosario Chapel. A novena of Masses is said between this 
procession and the returning of the" statue to the Cathedral of St. 
Francis, her permanent abode. Since 1875 Santa Fe has been the seat 
of a Holy See. Archbishop Lamy, the "Bishop Latour" in Willa 
Gather's Death Comes for the Archbishop, built the Cathedral of St. 
Francis in 1869 on the site of the old adobe Parroquia. Today Santa 
Fe, the City of the Holy Faith, remains one of the great centers of 
Catholicism in North America. 

When Mexico gained independence from Spain in 1821, and the 
flag of the new republic was raised over the Palace of the Governors, 
the plaza was named La Plaza de la Constitution. Always the social 
and commercial center of life in the town in Spanish Mexican times, 
the plaza was "an open space of mud dirt," the marketplace for Indian 
wares and garden produce. Here the captains and the ricos had their 


homes, while their servants lived across the river in a little settlement 
called Analco, an Aztec word meaning "on the other side of the water," 
clustered about the old chapel of San Miguel. After the entry of Gen- 
eral Kearny, the Americans planted trees and alfalfa in the plaza, and 
so it remained for many years; in recent times flagstones have been laid 
among the old trees. During the Mexican regime, the governors con- 
tinued to live in the Palace. 

On the 1 8th of August, 1846, General Kearny marched his United 
States troops into Santa Fe, and after taking supper with the Mexican 
Lieutenant-Governor, hoisted the American flag over the Palace of the 
Governors, and, in a bloodless victory, New Mexico became a province 
of the United States. From that time down to the present the Stars 
and Stripes have flown above the ancient Palace, except for two weeks 
during the Civil War when Santa Fe fell into the hands of the Con- 
federates. On February 18, 1862, after the Confederate victory at the 
battle of Valverde, the Southern forces under General Sibley marched 
to Albuquerque and then to Santa Fe, where valuable Federal supplies 
had been concentrated. The Union forces retreated to Fort Union, 
and in the ensuing battle at Apache Canyon, the Federal army chased 
the Confederates down the Rio Grande, and re-entered Santa Fe. 

Mexican Independence in 1821 opened Santa Fe trade with the 
States. Before this time all the trade had been with Chihuahua in Mex- 
ico by way of the Camino Real, and the Spanish governors guarded this 
trade route jealously against encroachment from the North. But the 
Mexican governors were lenient and American traders, following Wil- 
liam Becknell, "the father of the Santa Fe Trail," were unmolested. 
On November 6, 1822, Becknell brought a wagonload of goods from 
Missouri for which he had paid $150 and sold for $700, thereby discov- 
ering rich profit in the overland trade. Despite the hardships of the 
journey, the danger from Indians along the way, and the exorbitant 
imposts as well as bribes the trade flourished. 

Gregg, in his Commerce of the Prairies, describes the entrance of a 
caravan into the Royal City: 

The arrival o the caravar always was productive of great excitement 
among the natives. "Los Americanos! Los Garros! La entrada de la cara- 
van a!" were to be heard in every direction. Crowds of women and boys flocked 
around to see the newcomers. . . . Each wagonner must tie a brand new 
"cracker" to the end of his whip, for on driving through the streets and the 
plaza publica everyone strives to outvie his comrades in the dexterity with 
which he flourishes this favorite badge of authority. 

The caravans were unloaded at La Fonda, the inn at the end of the 
Trail, under the eyes of dark girls who hid their faces in- lace mantillas, 
lounging soldiers from the barracks, and expressionless Indians wrapped 
in blankets. After the travelers were refreshed there were bailes f 
gambling halls, and bar rooms, where men laughed, danced, gambled, 
and sought friendly black eyes smiling behind shawls. 

In 1849 a stage line was established over the Santa Fe Trail be- 
tween Independence, Missouri, and Santa Fe. In the sixties the Santa 


Fe Trail was mostly a military road connecting Missouri and New 
Mexico. In the seventies, with the coming of the railroads, the freight- 
ers and stagecoaches fcegan to disappear, and by the eighties the old 
Santa Fe Trail was dead. 

In 1879 the Santa Fe Railroad crossed Raton Pass and came down 
toward Santa Fe. But it was found that a main line through the town 
would necessitate an expensive stretch of road uphill from Glorieta 
Pass to Santa Fe, so the Santa Fe junction was placed at Lamy, then 
eighteen miles south of the town ; today the only connection with Santa 
Fe that the road maintains is a freight track. Passengers travel by 

The coming of the railroad in the eighties brought a period of pros- 
perity to the town. It was during the next thirty years that the con- 
glomerate of architectures which face the plaza was built up. Today 
the ancient Palace of the Governors still stands guard over the north 
side of the plaza. On the other three sides are store fronts on the 
street level of one- and two-story brick buildings of the style of the 
nineties, which rub elbows with Spanish-Pueblo buildings and even 
with the pseudo-Greek temple of the town's only bank. It was only 
in the last decade that the town became conscious of the unique type 
of architecture which is its heritage and returned to the authentic 
Pueblo style. Variations upon the Pueblo style are the Art Museum 
built in 1917 and the new La Fonda built in 1929 at opposite corners 
of the plaza. 

With statehood in 1912 New Mexico's capital began a new chapter 
in its history. Federal as well as new State buildings were erected, 
schools were built, and a permanent population of government employees 
came to live in the town. Between 1880 and the admission of New 
Mexico to the Union, the population had been static, hovering between 
five and six thousand. But by 1920 it had jumped to 7,236, by 1930 
it was 11,176, and today it is said to be over 30,000. In recent years 
the town has experienced a minor building boom. 

The native, Spanish-speaking population, which composes fifty per 
cent of the townspeople, separates the colorful from the drab ; expensive 
mansions stand shoulder to shoulder with primitive adobe houses on 
the same sunny hillsides, following the same simple lines. Spain is 
stamped upon the town, for to Spain the Royal City was tied through 
two centuries by the Chihuahua Trail. The cowboys who clicks along 
the sidewalk in his high-heeled boots inherited his trade, his horses, 
his outfit, his vocabulary, and his methods from the Spaniards; the old 
man who takes his siesta on a bench in the plaza may count among his 
ancestors a Spanish don who owned a rancho as big as Delaware. The 
low, flat-roofed houses, the masses of rectangular walls, and the small 
windows are Spanish architecture modified by the aboriginal Indian 
culture which found expression in adobe building. And in the rooms 
of the Palace stalk the ghosts of conqueror, peon, and slave. Today 
children on the street still chatter in Spanish, and families still bear old 
Conquistador names like Delgado, Otero, Ortiz, and Sena. 


Although painters, musicians, and novelists have come since 1900 
to absorb the beauty of the town and its surroundings, archeologists 
are credited with having discovered the ancient city for the nation as a 
whole, for it is located in the center of one of the most interesting cul- 
ture areas on the continent. These scholars came and dug in the ruins 
and lived with the Indians, and at least one of them, Adolph Bandelier, 
left writings which are minor classics in the field. His The Delight 
Makers is a fictionalized story of the life in the prehistoric cliff dwell- 
ings of the near-by Rito de Los Frijoles. 

Santa Fe has many celebrations during the year, due in part to the 
love of song and dance of the Spanish population, and in part to the 
fondness of local artists and writers for a good time. Christmas Eve 
bonfires are lighted in front of the Cathedral, around the plaza, and 
before many of the houses; lights are placed around the roof tops. 
But the town's gayest scenes come in September when the community 
fiesta, ordained by the Marques de la Pefiuela in 1712 to commemorate 
the reconquest of New Mexico by De Vargas, turns the ancient square 
into a carnival ground. For three days the place is given over to street 
dancing, native and Indian markets, tribal dances by Pueblo Indians, 
and parades. The original purpose of the celebration is recalled by a 
solemn march to the Cross of the Martyrs and in the historical pageant 
in which De Vargas rides again, entering the city and planting the cross 
and the royal banner once more in the plaza before the Palace of the 
Governors while the Alcalde, in brocaded satin coat, reads the ancient 

In season and out, on the streets and in the stores and homes, one 
meets people from everywhere in the world, drawn here by a rich his- 
toric past, a wealth of archeological material, the blended cultures of 
three races, and the flood of sunshine on mountain, valley, and desert. 


i. THE PLAZA, bounded by Palace Ave. on the N., San Fran- 
cisco St. on the S., Washington Ave. on the E., and Lincoln Ave. on 
the W., is the center of town, and from it most of the streets radiate. 
It is a peaceful old square, with trim flagstones, walks, and benches, and 
pleasant arching trees. In Spanish times it was much larger and in- 
cluded the whole block now occupied by the post office and the build- 
ings along the east side; it was then unpaved, a lake of dust in dry 
times, a sea of mud in wet ; it was the market place for the produce of 
the Rio Grande Valley, sold by Indians and Spaniards. When the 


Americans came, they enclosed it in a white picket fence, planted it to 
alfalfa, reduced it to its present size, and built two-story adobe buildings 
with portals supported by spindly columns on the three sides confronting 
the Palace. It was at the Plaza that the wagon trains ended their 
strenuous journeys over the Santa Fe Trail, and here the ox-drivers, 
cowboys, and gamblers caroused in and out of the eight saloons that 
at one time graced the square; here criminals were locked in stocks or 
flogged in public view; here Billy the Kid once sat in chains. Today, 
except for the Palace, the Plaza is surrounded by an odd assortment 
of buildings ; some ugly remnants of the early railroad days which now 
house business establishments ; others, more recent, built in the more in- 
digenous Pueblo and Spanish styles. In the center of the square is the 
SOLDIERS' MONUMENT, erected after the Civil War by the citizenry, 
which reads on the south side, "To the heroes of the Federal Army, who 
fell at the battle of Valverde, fought with the rebels, Febuary (sic) 
21, 1862." On the west side the word "rebels" occurs again, a designa- 
tion of the enemies of the Republic which probably does not occur on 
such an inscription elsewhere in the country. A granite slab marker de- 
noting the end of the Santa Fe Trail, erected by the D. A. R. of the 
Territory in 1910, is a few paces east of the monument. In the north- 
east sector of the square rests a pair of old cannon, dating from the 
American occupation. Along the north sidewalk near by stands the 
marble marker designating the spot where General Kearny, on August 
19, 1846, read his proclamation of the "peaceful Annexation of New 
Mexico." The bandstand which stands directly opposite the entrance 
to the Palace is the eminence from which, on summer Sunday evenings, 
the Conquistadores band holds forth to the delight of as many Spanish- 
speaking people as can crowd into the plaza. 

Plaza (Open week days, g-12 and 1-5, Sundays, 2-4, adm. free), is 
an adobe structure that has reputedly stood since the winter of 1609-10, 
After a number of renovations, it was finally restored to its present 
state in 1909, from some old plans found in the British Museum. 
Originally the Palace was the most imposing and important part of the 
royal presidio, an all-purpose fortress built by the followers of Don 
Pedro de Peralta. It extended east and west along the north side of 
the plaza for a distance of 400 feet, and north and south more than 
double that distance. The whole area was surrounded by an adobe 
wall, and all the buildings within this enclosure were known in ancient 
Spanish times as Casas Reales, or Royal Houses. These included the 
palace proper, quarters for the soldiery, and several buildings used for 
governmental purposes. A pair of low towers stood at either end on 
the plaza side ; the west tower was used for the storage of powder and 
military equipment and the east tower housed a chapel for the use of 
the garrison. Adjoining and connecting with the tower at the west 
end were the dungeons. A portal, or covered porch, under which many 
an Indian and Spanish prisoner of war was hanged, extended the whole 
length of the building along the south facade in much the same manner 


as the present. The two ends of the building were shortened and the 
towers removed during the later Spanish occupation. 

In the great Pueblo Revolt of 1680, the presidio was besieged for 
five days by a force of 3,000 northern Pueblo Indians. The Spanish 
governor of the time, Don Antonio Otermin, heard of the rebellion in 
time to strip the churches of sacred images and to summon all loyal 
persons to the shelter of the presidio: but his precautions availed little. 
With a force of barely 150 armed men he led the colonists in a surprise 
attack upon their besiegers, cut his way out of the city and left all to 
the Indians, who burned much property of the hated oppressors. Church 
buildings were razed and their contents burned ; the Palace was cleared 
of archives and furnishings, which were also burned in the Plaza, and 
the building itself was made over into a pueblo, the chapel desecrated 
and turned into a kiva. So great was this blow to Spanish prestige and 
power that twelve years passed before a successful attempt to recon- 
quer the province was made. With the arrival of Captain-General De 
Vargas and his successful assault on the walled pueblo that the Indians 
made of the Casas Reales, the next 130 years of Spanish rule from the 
Palace began. The building was restored, but the friars refused to use 
the profaned chapel for Christian purposes until De Vargas reminded 
them that the Moors in Spain had similarly desecrated the churches. 
Unrest among the Pueblo tribes persisted for some years, and el palacio 
was the scene of endless councils seeking a plan for the subjugation of 
the Indians, Intrigue among his own officials caused the imprisonment 
of De Vargas, but he was later exonerated by his king and reappointed 
governor of the province in 1701. He died in Bernalillo and was buried 
in Santa Fe in 1704. 

The story of the Palace during the eighteenth century is a narrative 
of military activities and a monotonous succession of Spanish governors, 
28 in number. The Mexican regime, which lasted for 25 years, quar- 
tered its governors in the Palace, as Spain had. Until 1907, when 
the present executive mansion was built, the Palace was occupied by 
American Territorial governors from the time of General Stephen 
Watts Kearny's peaceful conquest of the region from Mexico in 1846. 
By act of the New Mexico Legislature in 1909, THE MUSEUM OF NEW 
MEXICO was established and located in the Palace. Since that date it 
has also been the headquarters for the SCHOOL OF AMERICAN RESEARCH 
of th? Archeological Institute of America and the HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

The architecture of this building represents the earliest application 
of Spanish methods and ideas to indigenous materials and limitations. 
Arches are notably absent, for the adobe bricks of which the walls are 
made were believed incapable of supporting the arch construction. The 
use of flat roofs and vigas, or roof beams, was borrowed directly from 
the Indians. Indeed, the whole structure, with the exception of doors 
and windows and the covered portal along the front, which were Span- 
ish innovations, is constructed in the aboriginal style of Pueblo building. 
The existence of "puddled" adobe walls, a method similar to the modern 


practice of pouring concrete between forms, an example of which is 
shown under glass in the Territorial Room, has given rise to the con- 
jecture that parts of the building were pre-Spanish. This work might 
have been done, however, during the Indian occupation of the premises 
after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. The molding of adobe into bricks 
was a process unknown to the Indians until after the coming of the 

The building is a hollow rectangle with a grassy patio in the center. 
In the east rooms, on the right of the entrance hall, where murals by 
Carl Lotave are shown, are exhibits by the Historical Society of New 
Mexico of every era in New Mexican history. The TERRITORIAL 
ROOM (1846-1912), is the first one encountered east of the entrance. 
Here are displayed among many objects of the American occupation, a 
painting by the late Gerald Cassidy of the Santa Fe Plaza as it was 
thought to have looked about 1850, a portrait bust of Lew Wallace, 
Territorial Governor in 1878, and the chair he used while working on 
the novel, Ben Hur. Paintings and photographs on the walls show the 
appearance of the early plaza and palacio. Also displayed is a piano 
brought across the plains over the Santa Fe Trail by oxcart in 1871. 

In the MEXICAN ROOM (1822-1846), adjoining on the east, are cases 
displaying textiles of the period, hooked rugs, Mexican blankets of 
wool, and colchas, or counterpanes, distinctly a New Mexican achieve- 
ment. On a sheet of hand-woven cloth was worked an all-over pattern 
in wool with tapestry stitch, in free designs usually taken from native 
pottery. Other objects manufactured or in use during this period are 
also shown here. 

A narrow hallway east of this room contains the portraits of all the 
territorial and state governors who have held office since Kearny's entry 
in 1846. 

The ECCLESIASTICAL ROOM, occupying the southeast corner of the 
building, contains the collections of the Spanish Colonial Arts Society, 
consisting of religious objects from the entire historical period of Santa 
Fe. A display of early Spanish ecclesiastical paintings on skins, canvas, 
and thin slabs of wood, santos or retablos, are shown, together with a 
carved stone retablo, and many bultos, or images carved in the round. 
A beautiful old reredos, from a former church at Llano Quemado, a 
village near Ranchos de Taos, stands against the south wall. 

The LIBRARY extends from this corner north to the northeast cor- 
ner of the building. It contains the collections of the Genealogical 
Library of the Stephen Watts Kearny Chapter of the D. A. R. and 
the combined libraries of the Museum of New Mexico, Historical So- 
ciety of New Mexico, and the School of American Research. Note- 
worthy are the books of the Benjamin Read Historical Collection. The 
most valuable items in this collection, a group of forty-one Spanish 
documentos ineditoSj are now stored in the vault. A fine portrait of 
New Mexico's first poet, Don Caspar de Villagra, by the late Gerald 
Cassidy, hangs on the north wall. Rooms along the north wing are 
occupied by offices and are not open to the public. 


""' Gonnfictino StfB6ts 


West from the Ecclesiastical Room is the LATE SPANISH COLONIAL 
ROOM (1693-1821) where objects of local manufacture used during 
that period are exhibited. This adjoins the EARLY SPANISH COLONIAL 
ROOM (1539-1680), where the earliest historical objects are displayed. 
The crude articles shown indicate the early Spaniards* poverty in 
tools. In this room are also some archives bearing the signatures of De 
Vargas and the Duke of Alburquerque. Portraits, by Gerald Cassidy, 
of the Duke of Alburquerque and Juan Bautista de Anza, Spanish gov- 
ernor from 1778 to 1789, hang on the east wall of this room. 

The remaining exhibition rooms are given over to Indian displays. 
In the PECOS ROOM adjoining are found pottery and artifacts from the 
ruins of Pecos pueblo, until 1838 an occupied Indian village. In the 
PUYE ROOM to the west are more specimens of pottery and artifacts 
from the great cliff dwellings at Puye, excavated by the Museum of 
New Mexico from 1907 to 1911. On the walls above the cases are 
mural paintings by Carl Lotave, depicting the ruins and their environ- 
ment. Paintings by this artist also adorn the walls of the RITO DE LOS 
FRIJOLES ROOM adjoining. Here are displayed remains recovered from 
the ruins in the Bandelier National Monument. In this room, formerly 
divided by a partition, Governor Lew Wallace is said to have worked 
on the last three chapters of Ben Hur, 

In the southwest corner of the Palace is the HALL OF ARCHEOLOGY. 
General archeological exhibits here reveal examples of the Classic period 
of Pueblo culture, which varies in different localities from 1000 to 
1600 A.D. 

The first room in the west wing is the CHACO CANYON ROOM con- 
taining specimens gathered by the Museum excavators in the area in 
1920, 1921, and 1922, and by the University of New Mexico since 
1929. Three plaster reproductions of typical kivas of the region stand 
against the east wall. Many photographs of the ruins hang on the 
walls, and cases filled with objects of archeological interest repay in- 

The last room on this side is the MIMBRES AND CHIHUAHUA 
ROOM, exhibiting pottery and artifacts from the Mimbres area in south- 
west New Mexico and the Chihuahua section lying south of it, largely 
in the Mexican State of that name. 

The rooms on the left of the main entrance, originally the public and 
private offices of the governors, are the executive offices of the Museum 
and Historical Society. The fireproof vault recently completed to 
house the priceless collection of archives dating from the De Vargas 
occupation in 1693 adjoins the private office of the director. These 
archives have had a checkered history, some of them reputedly having 
been sold at one time by a Territorial governor for wrapping paper 
and only a part of them recovered. 

on the NW. corner of the Plaza, at Palace and Lincoln Aves. ( Open 
week days, p-$, Sun., 2-4, adm. free.) Dominating the northwest 
corner of the Plaza, the museum building was erected in 1917 on the 


site of the old Ft. Marcy military headquarters building, which had 
been used for military purposes since early Spanish times. Like the 
Palace across the street, it is administered jointly by the State of New 
Mexico and the School of American Research of the Archeological In- 
stitute of America. Funds for its construction, in the amount of $120,- 
ooo, were raised by public subscription and individual donations, 
matched by the State Legislature. Since the people own the building, 
the Museum offers any artist the use of its exhibition space, making it 
free to the exhibitor and the visitor. 

The New Museum, as it has come to be called, is an architectural 
composite of six of the ancient Spanish missions built by Franciscan 
friars. Designed by the firm of Rapp & Rapp, of Santa Fe, with a 
number of local artists as consultants, the towers and balcony were 
inspired by the church at Acoma; the missions in the pueblos of San 
Felipe, Cochiti, Laguna, Santa Ana, and Pecos contributed details of 
the exterior. 

Built around a grassy patio with cloistered walls, the museum has 
gallery space for more than 200 pictures. The entrance hall displays 
examples of Indian art in all its forms, including the latest development, 
water-color paintings by such outstanding Indian artists as Awa-Tsireh, 
Fred Kabotie, Ma-Pa-Wi, Tonita Pena, and Otis Polelonema. The 
galleries forming the east wing are given over to monthly exhibits by 
resident and visiting artists. The long room on the north houses the 
museum's permanent collection, with works by such nationally known 
artists as Gerald Cassidy, Birger Sandzen, Donald Beauregard, J. H. 
Sharp, John SlOan, W. Herbert Dunton, Julius Rolshoven, George 
Bellows, Frank Sauerwine, W. H. Holmes, Carl Lotave, Cartaino 
Scapitta, and Bush-Brown. The annual Fiesta exhibition in Septem- 
ber fills all the available gallery space. 

4. ST. FRANCIS AUDITORIUM, like an old chapel turned to 
different uses, occupies the entire west end of the museum building. 
Here are found the mural paintings depicting scenes from the life of 
St. Francis of Assisi, sketched and planned by the artist Donald Beaure- 
gard and finished, after that artist's untimely death, by" Kenneth M. 
Chapman and Carlos Vierra. 

Upstairs over the east wing is another gallery which contains the 
first gift to the permanent collection, a group of paintings by Donald 
Beauregard, given to the museum by Frank Springer, its principal bene- 
factor. The room over the north side is used by the Women's Museum 

5. The CITY HALL, on the corner of Washington Avenue and 
Marcy Street, one block N. of the plaza, was erected in 1937 with 
Federal aid. Designed by John Gaw Meem, of Santa Fe, it is a 
Spanish-Colonial two-story structure, built of hollow tile and plaster. 
The north wing houses the mayor's office, the council chambers, and 
other city government offices ; the south wing is used by the police de- 
partment, and on the second floor of this wing is the city jail. 


6. The FEDERAL BUILDING, at the N. end of Lincoln Ave., 
two blocks from the Plaza, was started before the Civil War. The 
first appropriation of $20,000 was made by the Congress in 1850, and 
four years later $50,000 additional funds were appropriated for ^ its 
completion.. The money was sufficient, however, to raise the building 
only one story and a half. The Civil War interrupted both the work 
and the funds to carry it on, and it was not until the late eighties that 
enough money to finish the structure was appropriated. The building 
now houses the U. S. District Court rooms and other federal offices. 
Recently a new wing was added; also an underground sprinkling system 
was installed. 

7. The KIT CARSON MONUMENT stands in front of the 
Federal Building at the S. entrance. Although Kit Carson's grave is in 
Taos, this memorial was erected by the members of the local post of the 
Grand Army of the Republic. 

8. The SCOTTISH RITE CATHEDRAL, at the corner of 
Washington Ave, and N. Federal Place, is a large red stucco building 
of Moorish design. The structure contains a lobby, classrooms, banquet 
hall and kitchens, an auditorium, and a completely equipped stage. 
Occupying the entire space above the proscenium arch is a mural paint- 
ing representing Boabdil delivering the keys of the Alhambra to Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella. 

9. OLD FORT MARCY AND THE GARITA, dominating the 
city from this hilltop, are now only a group of mounds. Here, however, 
was erected in 1 846 by the Volunteer American soldiers of the American 
Army of Occupation an elaborate system of earthworks for the protec- 
tion of the town. The fort was named for Captain Marcy of the U. S. 
Army, the discoverer of the headwaters of the Canadian River. The 
site affords a splendid panorama of the city and surrounding country. 
The Garita, somewhat lower on the slope, was a diamond-shaped prison 
with towers at the corners. It was a Spanish stronghold for prisoners 
condemned to hang, later used by the Americans for a guardhouse. 

10. ALLISON- JAMES SCHOOL, NE. corner Federal Place and 
US 64, under the direction of the Board of Domestic Missions of the 
Presbyterian church, was established here in 1866. It is a coeduca- 
tional institution for Spanish-American children of junior and senior 
high school age. The six buildings on 18 acres of land, valued at 
$195,000, are California Mission style. 

u. The CROSS OF THE MARTYRS, crowning a low northern 
summit of the city, W. of US 64, was erected by community effort in 
recent years to commemorate the slaying of twenty-one Franciscan mis- 
sionaries in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. 

12. The CHURCH OF SANTO ROSARIO, or Rosario Chapel, 
stands in a sandy plain to the S. of Griffin St., about two miles from 
the plaza. It is said to be a part of the chapel which De Vargas raised 
in his camp after the reconquest of Santa Fe in 1692. The image of 
the Virgin, La Conquistadora, which De Vargas reputedly brought 


with him at the time and which he credited with his victory, is carried 
annually to this chapel in the early summer and left for a week. 

of Rosario Chapel, stands on historic ground. This Catholic school is 
an order established by Mother Catherine Drexel of Philadelphia for 
the education of Indian children in the West and Negro children in the 

14. The NATIONAL CEMETERY, across the road from St. 
Catherine's Indian School, is the burial place of New Mexico veterans 
of every American war. 

15. The PUBLIC LIBRARY, 121 Washington Ave. (Hours, noon 
to g> Sat. from 10 to 0) was started in 1907 by the Santa Fe Women's 
Board of Trade. The collection of belletristic and Southwestern litera- 
ture comprises more than 25,000 volumes, kept up to date by regulat 
purchases. Reading rooms with tables are provided. The building was 
remodelled in the Territorial style in 1932. Decorations of the entrance 
hallway are in true fresco by the Santa Fe artist, Olive Rush. 

1 6. SENA PLAZA, one block E. of the Palace, on Palace Ave., is 
a successful restoration of the old Sena home (circa 1840) in the original 
spirit of a typical and old building, constructed around a patio. The 
architectural style is Territorial, distinguished by the slender posts 
supporting the portal, and the coping of brick surmounting the walls. 
It is now an office building. W. P. Henderson was the architect. 

17. The U. S. POST OFFICE, on the W. side of Cathedral Place, 
was built in 1921 under the supervision of James A. Wetmore, architect, 
with local consultants. It is a good example of the Spanish-Pueblo 
style of architecture applied to a modern building, and is significant as 
one of the few Federal buildings done in local architectural style. The 
structure houses the U. S. Land Office, the Weather Bureau and'other 
offices in addition to the postal department. 

18. ST. VINCENT'S HOSPITAL, 210 E. Palace Ave., half a 
block E. from Sena Plaza, founded by Archbishop Lamy with the aid 
of the Sisters of Charity of Cincinnati, an all new hospital at a cost of 
$35OO,ooo was completed in 1952. Designed by J. G. Meem, it is in 
the traditional Santa Fe style. 

19. The CATHEDRAL OF SAINT FRANCIS, opposite the 
Post Office, stands as an enduring monument to Archbishop Lamy, his 
priests, and the Catholic people of New Mexico. The cornerstone was 
laid in 1869, eighteen years after Archbishop Lamy arrived in Santa 
Fe. The site chosen by him was occupied first by the church and 
monastery erected in 1622 by Friar Alonso Benavides and destroyed by 
the Indians in 1680, and a second church, or Parroquia, was built there 
in 1713. In constructing his cathedral, Archbishop Lamy, whose statue 
stands at the entrance to the cathedral, built the new walls around this 
old second edifice and used it during the construction operations so that 
not a Mass was missed while the cathedral was rising. The sacristy in 
the rear of the cathedral is an actual part of the old Parroquia. The 


native sandstone used in the walls has a richness of color which adds to 
the beauty of the cathedral's Romanesque lines. The height of the 
middle nave is fifty-five feet, the ceiling is arched in the Roman style 
and made of a very light volcanic stone obtained from the summit of a 
hill about twelve miles from Santa Fe. The interior of the cathedral 
is dominated by the high altar, under which Archbishops Lamy, Sal- 
pointe, and Esquillon lie bu'ried. Tradition has long placed the remains 
of the great re-conqueror, De Vargas, under the cathedral altar, but 
late researches indicate that he lies elsewhere. 

To the left of the altar in the Sacred Heart Chapel is the STATUE 
OF LA CONQUISTADORA, over two hundred years old, which is carried 
through the streets of Santa Fe to Rosario Chapel in the annual De 
Vargas Procession in June. The chapel to the right is dedicated to 
San Antonio, where a painting done by Pascualo de Veri in 1710 de- 
picts Christ at Gethsemane. 

Back of the high altar, through the sacristy and behind a locked 
door which will be opened upon request, is the MUSEUM where one of 
the finest pieces of ecclesiastical art in America was formerly kept. This 
is the stone reredos, removed from the old Military Chapel, La Cas- 
trense, which stood in the middle of the block on the south side of the 
Plaza until about 1850. It was given by Don Antonio Marin del 
Valle and his wife in 1760. The rare beauty and grace of the old stone 
carving can now be appreciated for it has been removed from its former 
cramped surroundings to the Cristo Rey (Christ the King) Church 
completed early in 1940. The museum contains also a collection of 
primitive paintings and caivings in wood from old churches, and a 
carved stone panel of Our Lady of Light, to whom the military chapel 
was dedicated. Two friars who came to New Mexico more than three 
hundred years ago lie buried beneath board markers set into the east 
wall of this room. These are the only known graves of the fifty-three 
Franciscans who came with the Conquistadores. 

20. LA FONDA, San Francisco and Shelby Sts., at the SE. corner 
of the Plaza, stands on the site of the old Fonda, or Inn, the adobe 
building which served for hotel purposes from the beginning of the 
American occupation in 1846 and marked the end of the Santa Fe Trail. 
The old structure was the most notable landmark of the Trail days, 
and was the rendezvous of Spanish grandees, trappers, traders, pioneers, 
merchants, soldiers, and politicians. Like most of the buildings of the 
time it was one-story high and built around a central patio, with a large 
corral and stables on the south. During the American military occupa- 
tion, Santa Fe, centered at this inn, was noted for the brilliance of its 
society. The patronage of the old place dwindled as more modern 
accommodations were provided, and the building fell into disrepair. A 
large part of the old building stood until 1925, when a modern hotel, 
financed by a group of Santa Fe citizens, was raised on the site. Three 
years later the structure was purchased by a private company, enlarged, 
redecorated, and remodelled, but the old name was retained. 


21. LORETTO ACADEMY, S. of La Fonda on College St., Is 
one of the oldest educational institutions in the West. The first build- 
ing of the academy was erected in 1853; today there are five buildings, 
one of which, the chapel, is severely Gothic. Above the altar in the 
chapel is a golden statue of the Virgin, and a spiral staircase, winding 
apparently without support which has given rise to mystic legends 
about its construction leads to the gallery above. Today the academy 
is devoted to the education of Catholic girls of grammar and high 
school age* 

22. SAN MIGUEL CHURCH, SE. corner College and De 
Vargas Sts. (adm. 2$$), is one of the oldest churches standing in the 
United States. Built about 1636 for the use of the Indian slaves of the 
Spanish officials, the church was all but destroyed by the Indians in the 
Pueblo Revolt of 1680. De Vargas partially restored it when he re- 
captured the province in 1693; and later, in 1710, it was completely 
restored by the Marques de la Penuela, the Spanish governor at the 
time. The exterior of the building has changed its appearance many 
times since, but the walls are the same, and the back of the church 
retains its original massive lines. After ringing thrice at the door, one 
is admitted by a Brother who will point out the ancient beam carved 
with this legend : El Senor Marques de la Penuela hizo esta fabrica, el 
Alfres Real Don Augustin Flores Vergara, su criado, A no de 1710 
(The Marques de la Penuela erected this building, the Royal Ensign 
Don Augustin Flores Vergara, his servant. The year 1710.) 

The church contains among others, large rectangular paintings of 
the Annunciation by Giovanni Cirnabue on the altar. The color of 
these ancient pictures remains rich and beautiful in spite of their age, 
and in one of them are two narrow holes said to have been made by the 
arrows of hostile Indians when the painting was being carried in an 
outdoor procession. 

San Miguel church is now used only by the Christian Brothers and 
the students of St. Michael's College, which adjoins it on the south, for 
their chapel. It is opened for public worship only on St. Michael's Day 
and on Holy Thursday. 

23. ST. MICHAEL'S COLLEGE, facing College St. between De 
Vargas and Manhattan Sts., was founded in 1859 by the Christian 
Brothers as a Catholic school for boys. It was incorporated by the 
Territorial Legislature in 1874, and in 1887 the present dormitory was 
built, a quaint building, with long narrow windows, grey shutters, 
balcony, and pegged railings. The later additions are modern brick 
buildings. The gymnasium is one of the largest and best equipped in 
the State, and the auditorium has a seating capacity of 2,000. 

24. The SUPREME COURT BUILDING, on the NE. corner 
of De Vargas and Don Gaspar Sts., houses the Supreme Court, the 
State Law Library, the offices of the Attorney General, and the State 
Treasurer. It is a Spanish-Colonial building, with well-kept gardens 
in the rear, and was built in 1937 at a cost of $320,000. All of the 
windows are trimmed with bronze and adorned with the Zia sun 


symbol. This is one of the many completely air-conditioned buildings in 
the State. The architect was Gordon F. Street. 

25. The STATE CAPITOL BUILDING, on Galisteo St., at 
Montezuma, stands on the site of the first State capitol, which was built 
by the authorization of the Territorial Legislature in 1 884, after a long 
struggle to keep the capital at Santa Fe. It was a towering Victorian 
structure of stone, surrounded by a low stone wall and open, treeless 
fields. This building burned to the ground in 1892 and another struc- 
ture, composed of two wings and a large central dome, was built in 
1900. Between the years 1950 and 1953 this building was entirely re- 
modeled and enlarged in the Spanish-Territorial style of architecture. 
It houses the principal offices of the State government as well as the two 
houses of the legislature. 

across from the capitol on the W. side of Galisteo St., was built with 
FERA funds and dedicated in 1935. John Gaw Meem was the archi- 
tect. Paintings by WPA artists adorn the corridors. The architecture 
of the building is interesting as a successful adaptation of the New 
Mexico Territorial style to modern usage. 

the SW. corner of Grant and Johnson Sts., two blocks west of the 
Palace, was built at a cost of $202,000, including equipment and 
architect's fee, and dedicated on January 7, 1940. Forty-five per cent 
of the cost was a grant from PWA, the remainder being owners' fund 
(bond issue). Designed by John Gaw Meem, it is a large two-story 
structure in modified Spanish-Pueblo style. 

(Open Q to 12 and I 104:30 weekdays, ex. Mon., and 2 to $ Sun., adm. 
50$ weekdays, Sun. Free), 2 m. SE of the Plaza on Camino Lejo, off 
the old Pecos Road, is "an interpretation in modern form of a Navaho 
Ceremonial Hogan." Its purpose is stated as follows: "It is planned as 
an integral background for the exhibition of sand paintings and as a 
repository for the myths, music, poetry, sacred lore, and objects connected 
with the Navaho religion ; the intention being to perpetuate for the gen- 
eral public, for research students, and for the Indians themselves, this 
great example of a primitive people's culture." The house is the gift 
of Miss Mary Cabot Wheelwright, and was designed by William P. 
Henderson as a synthesis of the types of Navaho ceremonial hogans. It 
contains the most important and complete collection of reproductions of 
Navaho sand paintings in the world* 

Museum of Navaho Ceremonial Art. (Admission is free at all times. 
The laboratory hours are 9-12 and 7-5 and it is open daily to visitors 
except Saturdays and Sundays.) The laboratory, on a fifty-acre site, 
was organized in 1923 when a small group of enthusiastic citizens 
of Santa Fe, fearful that in another decade the opportunity might be 


gone forever, started to assemble by gift and purchase a collection of 
Indian pottery of the Southwest which would demonstrate scientifically 
and chronologically the development of the art from earliest Spanish 
times to the present. Under the name of the Indian Arts Fund, they 
incorporated their organization, maintained and even increased the 
collection through many financial vicissitudes. This remarkable ac- 
cumulation of pottery, and the idea which brought it into being, became 
the nucleus of the Laboratory of Anthropology when the latter institu- 
tion was incorporated in 1927 as a privately conducted scientific and 
educational institution, dedicated broadly to the purpose of research in 
every phase of man's activities in the Southwest, from earliest prehistoric 
times to the present. Built in 1931, in the early Spanish-Pueblo style 
of architecture, the buildings include a museum, lecture hall and labora- 
tory unit, a garage-storage unit, and the director's residence. Designed 
by John Gaw Meem, the architect's plans include numerous other units, 
to be added as occasion requires. 

Four halls, equipped with the latest type of cases, are devoted to 
exhibits resulting from the research of staff members and to displays of 
choice specimens illustrating the archeology and ethnology of the South- 
west. These rooms are on the left of the entrance hall and from them 
the lecture room opens. On the right of the entrance is the LIBRARY 
planned to hold 10,000 volumes, with a reading room open to the 
public. The 4,000 items already catalogued are devoted almost ex- 
clusively to the general subject of Anthropology, with particular refer- 
ence to the history of man in the Southwest. Offices of the staff occupy 
the remaining space on the main floor. 

Important as a museum feature of the laboratory are the great 
collections of Pueblo pottery, Navaho and Pueblo textiles, silver, bas- 
ketry, and the arts and crafts of other tribes. Each specimen has been 
carefully selected to show some, particular phase in the development of 
Indian art in the Southwest. These, owned and used co-operatively by 
the Laboratory and the Indian Arts Fund, Incorporated, are shown to 
visitors under the guidance of museum attendants who also supervise 
their use by pupils of Indian schools, adult Indian crafts workers, and 
by artists, writers, students, and all who can in any way promote an 
interest in the revival and improvement of native arts. 

The bulk of these collections is kept on the lower floor, where storage 
space and vaults are provided for safekeeping. Also on the lower floor 
are the workrooms of the research staff where studies in progress include 
an archeological survey of the Southwest, studies of Southwestern 
Indian Art, Technology of Southwestern Ceramics and the Dendro- 
chronology of the Rio Grande area. This latter work consists of tree- 
ring dating of ruins by analysis of wood remains. 

The laboratory offers to the fullest extent possible its facilities and 
co-operation of Federal, State, and private institutions and agencies con- 
ducting studies in the Southwest. 

QUARTERS, located near the Laboratory of Anthropology on the 


old Pecos Road, is one of the largest all-adobe structures in the United 
States, With its- patio, it covers an acre of ground, and more than 
200,000 adobe bricb were used in its construction. It houses the offices 
of Region III of the National Park Service, which includes New 
Mexico, Arizona, Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, and the southern parts 
of Colorado, Utah, and Nevada. 

31. CRISTO REY CHURCH (open 6:30 a.m. to 7:00 p.m.), 
upper Canyon Road, is the largest adobe structure in the nation, weigh- 
ing over fifteen million pounds, with walls from two to seven feet- thick. 
Its world famous stone reredos, dating from 1761, were moved here 
from the older part of St. Francis Cathedral, hand-carved from native 
stone, an excellent example of earlv native ait. 

32. CAMINTO DEL MONTE SOL takes its name from a conical 
hill near-by, called Monte Sol t so named because of its prominence and 
position, where it catches the first and last rays of the sun. The street 
was once known as the center of the artist colony. Houses of artists 
lined the street on both sides and were, for the most part, built by the 
late Frank Applegate, beloved artist and writer. At 439 Camino del 
Monte Sol is the MARY AUSTIN HOUSE, which is now the property of 
Arsuna, an art center. 

33. EL CAMINO DEL CA5k3N is an ancient thoroughfare 
extending R. from the Alameda, following the Santa Fe River into the 
mountains for 10 or 12 miles. In pre-Spanish days it is said to have 
been the Indian trail from the lower Rio Grande Valley to Taos. The 
road has been closed to traffic, however, beyond the eastern city limits 
in the interests of public health, for the area contains a reservoir for the 
city water supply and the drainage which flows into it. Turning left 
at the point where the Camino del Monte Sol joins it, on the return to 
the Plaza, one passes many fine native adobe houses which often enclose 
garden patios, 

34- GUADALU^, CHURCH, on the corner of Agua Fria and 
Guadalupe Sts., is the spiritual and social center of a very old section 
of Santa Fe, a region which has been little affected by the change of 
modern times. Deeply shaded by trees, the doorway is decorated by a 
panel of Mexican tiles depicting the Virgin of Guadalupe, the patron 
saint of Mexico. Although the present church is relatively new, having 
been restored in 1880 and again remodeled in 1918 after a fire, its 
history goes back to the early I SOD'S, when the original Guadalupe 
Church was built. Its present style suggests that of the California 
missions, particularly because of the stone walls which surround it and 
the many trees within its enclosures. Over the high altar is a copy of 
the original painting of Our Lady of Guadalupe, and beside it are 
paintings so old that their subjects are no longer discernible; fine old 
carved vigas and corbels adorn the high ceiling. 

35- The GOVERNOR PEREZ MONUMENT, about 2 m. W. 
of the Plaza on Agua Fria St., is a limestone marker erected by the 
D.A.R., on the spot where Governor Albino Perez was assassinated in 
1837. Enclosed by an iron rail, the stone commemorates a rebellion 


evoked by a vicious system of taxation under Mexican rule. Taxes 
were levied on each vehicle bringing foreign merchandise into the city, 
on each animal employed by foreign merchants to carry such goods, and 
a tax of 25 $ per head on all sheep and cattle sold in the city. En- 
couraged by General Manuel Armijo of Albuquerque, a rich man of 
great power, the citizens rose in revolt against the tyranny of the 
system. The Governor, resisting, met defeat north of Santa Fe and 
fltd to the Palace, to make good his escape from the city on the following 
day. His enemies overtook him in flight near Santa Fe, however, and 
he fell before the lances of the Indians. He was decapitated, and his 
head, impaled on a spear, carried triumphantly to the plaza. 

^36. AGUA FRIA RANCHES, an area W. of Santa Fe on Agua 
Fria St., was formerly a prosperous ranch community with farms 
plentifully watered by the Santa Fe River. With the growth of the 
city, however, the water needed for irrigation was diverted for city 
uses, and the Agua Fria District passed as farming land except for the 
few who were able to dig wells and pump water. It will be noticed 
while driving west on the old road that the ranches become scattered 
and the buildings are for the most part in need of repair. Names on 
the mail boxes that dot the roadside are mostly Spanish, and some recall 
the great names of the Conquistadores. 

^37. The OLD SCHOOLHOUSE RUIN, on the S. side of Agua 
Fria 4.4 m. from the Plaza, is the site of a prehistoric Indian settlement. 
Although a number of late adobe houses have been built on the site, the 
mounds can be seen extending a considerable distance eastward. Here 
is ample evidence that Indians had settled the little valley long before 
the coming of the Spaniards, for slightly beyond, on the other side of 
the Rito de Santa Fe, partly excavated and plainly visible from the 
road, is Pueblo Pindi. 

38. PUEBLO PINDI, a ruin, was named Pindi (Tewa Indian 
turkey) because of the profusion of turkey bones, eggshells, and turkey- 
pens found on the site* A tree-ring analysis shows the pueblo to have 
been occupied for about seventy-five years, at the end of which time the 
inhabitants are thought to have moved across the river to the above- 
mentioned schoolhouse site. Part of the pueblo has been washed away 
by the river, which often runs in flood during the summer rains, but 
enough remains to indicate that the pueblo once stood three or four 
stories high in places, with massive blocks of rooms terraced like the 
present pueblo of Taos. Two hundred rooms were excavated, five 
kivas were uncovered, and several plazas located. It is estimated that 
there may have been as many as 250 rooms in the pueblo originally. 

39. AGUA FRIA CHURCH, 5 m. from the Plaza of Santa Fe on 
the Agua Fria Road, was the center of the old village of Agua Fria. 
The church is still used by the people of the district, who celebrate their 
fiesta on June 24th. The Feast of San Isidro, their patron saint, is 
celebrated on May 15, and San Pedros Day on June 29. The place 
is gay, too, at Christmas time, when the church is garlanded with paper 
flowers and festooned with red Christmas bells. Small bonfires burn all 


about on Christmas Eve, just as they do in the city only five miles 
away but it seems far more remote than that. The old wood carver, 
Celso Gallegos, has his house here. He has earned a small portion of 
fame for his saints and figures fashioned from knots of pine and juniper. 
Spreading cottonwoods line the ditches, now too often dry. 

from the Plaza on the R. of Cerrillos Road (Albuquerque highway), 
was started in 1899 with a Congressional appropriation of $31,000. Its 
1 06 acres were donated by citizens of Santa Fe. Since the school is 
supported by the Federal government, no tuition is charged, and the 
enrollment is limited to 400 Indian boys and girls. The students do 
institutional work to pay for their room and board. Indian children 
from the Southwest, principally the Pueblo, Navaho, and Apache, are 
here given the opportunity to appreciate and understand the best of their 
own inheritance, and to borrow from the white man's civilization those 
things which prove advantageous and useful to them after leaving 

The school emphasizes arts and crafts, including painting, designing, 
weaving, beadwork, basketmaking > potterymaking, silversmithing, and 
woodcarving. On the grounds is the Charles F. Lummis Indian Hospi- 
tal, where Indians from the pueblos and reservations in northern New 
Mexico receive free medical treatment; it is also headquarters for the 
public health work of the U. S. Indian Service in this area. 

the S. side of Cerrillos Road, about 1.5 m. from the Plaza. The build- 
ing, erected with WPA funds, and designed by W. C. Kruger, was 
finished in 1936. The structure contains cells, a fingerprint room, 
dormitories for officers, offices, and a target practice pistol range. 

N. side of Cerrillos Road, about I m. from the Plaza, is a State institu- 
tion, founded in 1887. With the aid of WPA funds the school has 
been enlarged since 1935 with three new buildings, one devoted to 
agricultural training, another to administration, and a third for a dining 
hall and library. 

south of Santa Fe, on State Highway 10. Construction on new peni- 
tentiary was begun in 1953, and completed in 1956, replacing the orig- 
inal penitentiary built in 1884, when a bill authorizing its location in 
Santa Fe was passed by the territorial legislature. 


Bishop's Lodge, 3 m.; Circle Drive, views of Rio Grande Valley, 2 m.; Tesuque 
Indian Pueblo, 10 m.; Nambe Indian Pueblo, 23 .; San Ildefonso Indian Pueblo, 


25 m.; Bandelier National Monument, cliff ruins in Rito de los Frijoles Canyon, 
45 m.; Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory, 35 m.; Santa Cruz, 26 m.; Chimayo, 
32 m.; Truchas, 38 m.; San Juan Indian Pueblo, 30 m.; Santa Clara Indian 
Pueblo, 28 m.; Puye Cliff Dwellings, 40 m.; Taos and Taos Indian Pueblo, 75 m.; 
Turquoise Mines, 15 m.; Cochiti Indian Pueblo, 30 m.; Santo Domingo Indian 
Pueblo, 30 m.; San Felipe Indian Pueblo, 40 m.; Apache Canyon, 20 m.; Pecos 
Pueblo Ruin, 30 m.; Pecos River Valley, for fishing, mountain scenery, 35 m~; 
Hyde Park, for skiing, 7 m.; Santa Fe Ski Basin, 16 m.; horseback trails to Hyde 
Park, Little Tesuque Canyon, over the divide to Cowles, Lake Peak, Windsor 
Trail, and other trails mostly unmarked ; services of guides desirable. 


Bus Station: North Plaza, for Continental Trailways and Valley Transit lines. 

Taxis: One taxi line; Sight-seeing service, year-round. 

Traffic Regulations: Slow traffic in narrow, winding streets at intersections; 

one-way traffic around central plaza ; one-way streets indicated. 

Accommodations: Five hotels, 10 motor courts; 5 guest ranches. 

Information Service: Hotels and motor courts; Chamber of Commerce Visitors' 


Motion Picture Houses: One. 

Swimming: Ponce de Leon Hot Springs, 7 m. SE. of city, outdoor pool bathr 


Riding: Inquire locally about horses. 

Fishing: Canyon of Rio Grande River, 15 m. S.; Hondo Canyon, 14 m. NW.; 

Taos Canyon, 3 m. E. ; other small streams in vicinity. 

Pack Trips: Guides and equipment available for two-day to two-week trips 

through mountains; inquire locally. 

Skiing: Agua Piedra Recreational Area, 27 m. S. 

Annual Events: King's Day, Buffalo or Deer Dance, Jan. 6; Good Friday, 

Passion Play at Talpa Penitente Chapel; Indian Fiesta, Corn Dances, May 3; 

San Antonio Day, Corn Dance, June 13; San Juan Day, Corn Dance, June 24; 

Santiago Day, Corn Dance, July 25; Spanish-Colonial Fiesta, July 25-26; Santa 

Ana Day, Corn Dance, July 26; Fiesta of San Geronimo, Sept. 29-30, and 

County Fair Fire Dance, Oct. 1-2; All Saints' Day Procession, Nov. i; Night 

Procession with pine bonfires, Dec. 24; Deer Dance or Matachines,. Dec. 25. 

Indian Dances every Mon. and Fri. night; Spanish-Colonial Folk Dances, 
Wed. nights, June is-Sept. i. 

TAOS (pronounced to rhyme with house) is in reality three towns 
the Spanish town (Don Fernando de Taos), the Indian Pueblo (San 
Geronimo de Taos), and the old Indian farming center (Ranchos de 
Taos (see Tour So) all separate entities, yet from the beginning 
closely knit together in interest. 

In the vicinity of these three villages are other smaller settlements, 
from one to five miles apart, all properly members of the Taos com* 
munity, representing extensions of Spanish colonization in the middle of 
the eighteenth century; the melodious Spanish names, such as Talpa, 
Canon, Placita, Cordoba, Prado, and Cordillera, suggest their Old- 
World character. The two principal villages, the Indian pueblo of San 
Geronimo and the Spanish Don Fernando de Taos, the latter generally 
called simply Taos, lie close against the base of a section of the Sangre 
de Cristo Mountains rising abruptly east. Because of the difficulty of 
approach no railroads have been built to them. Visitors enter Taos over 


TAOS 213 

highways through beautiful canyons by bus or motorcar ninety-nine 
miles southwest from Raton, or seventy-five north from Santa Fe. But 
whether they enter the plateau through the Cimarron Canon with its 
pine trees, its eastern approach, or through the Rio Grande Canyon 
with its huge igneous rock cliffs, its southern portal, the ascent is almost 
as thrilling as Prometheus' cerulean adventure must have been to him 
when he climbed up into the land of the gods. 

The first impression upon emerging on to the plateau is that of the 
freshness and purity of the rarefied atmosphere, the clearness of the 
light, making all colors pure and luminous, and the quietness, with the 
little villages lying peacefully, seemingly asleep, the tall, blue mountains, 
screen-like, behind them. 

Many towns are situated near great mountains; but most of them 
are right in the mountains, or so close under them that they do not have 
the wide panorama that Taos commands, which prompted D. H. 
Lawrence, on his first visit, to write : "I think the skyline of Taos the 
most beautiful of all I have ever seen in my travels around the world." 

In appearance like scattered stones carelessly thrown at the foot of 
the mountain backstop, the light-colored houses square and hard as 
stones, but not made of stone are fashioned of mud (adobe). The 
thick layer of creamish, tannish, or reddish mud filling all the cracks 
makes the houses as snug as birds' nests. Every year or two they must 
be replastered with mud mixed with sand and straw. More straw is 
used in Taos than in other places in the State, giving the houses a golden 
glint in the sunshine. Nevertheless, they have a gloomy look. They 
seem to be crouching close to the ground for protection from some 
unknown thing, and seem little taller than the hollyhocks screening 
their tawny walls. 

Don Fernando de Taos (7,050 alt., 2,309 pop.), of which 80 per 
cent is Spanish-American and 20 per cent Anglo-American, is the seat 
of Taos County, where three languages and three races, Indian, Spanish, 
and Anglo-American, intermingle; it is also the home of the Taos art 

The village is a small trading center for the surrounding ranches. 
Its flat-roofed, one-story stores cluster around and front upon three sides 
of the small plaza, or town square, where the life and much of the 
history of the village centers. Parked in solid flanks facing the shops 
(parking against plaza enclosure used to be prohibited) are automobiles 
of residents, of ranchmen and tourists, trucks from near-by ranches and 
from distant cities, freight-laden, sometimes interspersed by horse-drawn, 
covered wagons from the pueblo or the ranches close bv. 

The plaza sleeps undisturbed in the sun, the old well in the center 
and the bandstand ordinarily giving no sign of life. Life and interest 
in the town's activities are evident along the uneven sidewalks, fronting 
the stores where white-robed Indians lean against a sunny corner to 
watch the Anglos pass or to visit among themselves, Spanish-speaking 
residents from near-by ranches here to barter produce for manufactured 
necessities, and sightseeing tourists peering in curio windows. Artists 


laden with sketch-easel and paint box, or new canvases to hang in the 
gallery, thread their way among the others, or stop to arrange a posing 
date with one of the Indians. 

In the plaza, the heart of Fernando de Taos, as of every Spanish 
town, the light skin of the English-speaking residents, the dusk of the 
soft-spoken Spanish, and the blanketed bronze of the Indian prove 
exciting contrasts in the brilliance of the New Mexico sun. Occupying 
today the spot around which the first small group of settlers built their 
homes, the plaza is still the center of communal life, and the oldest walls 
of the earliest houses are now hidden behind modern buildings. Some 
of the rooms in La Fonda (hotel) on the south side were in use in 
1832 as the Bent and St. Vrazn Store, but the long portales which were 
built over the sidewalks after the fire of 1932, when many buildings 
had to be restored, give to the plaza a quaint, old-time look. Two roads 
have recently been paved to the village limits and despite many pro- 
tests the plaza, too, was oiled. 

Relatively bare of trees in Spanish times, except in the vicinity of 
water courses and ditches, the town now has many beautiful ones. 
Those in the plaza are of recent planting, their predecessors having been 
destroyed by the fires that razed the buildings at various times in recent 
years. The rows of cottonwood trees over-arching Pueblo Road were 
planted by an Anglo-American citizen in the 1890*8 for in almost 
every instance in New Mexico it has been the Anglo-American who has 
been the planter of trees for their own sake. 

The citizens have had the wisdom to preserve the architectural tradi- 
tions of the village, to keep the walls of their houses low and the roofs 
flat, to use the native materials, adobe and crude pine beams. Conse- 
quently, Fernando de Taos is distinctive, its buildings and dwellings 
almost uniformly appropriate to the land, the beauty which nature has 
bestowed only occasionally marred or spoiled by extraneous architectural 
intrusions. Some oi the modern interpretations of the Spanish-Pueblo 
style are wild in detail, but the whole effect is preserved by adherence 
to the fundamental structural principles. 

Fernando de Taos has surrendered less to the powerful current of 
Americanization than any town of its importance in New Mexico. 
Nowhere in the State do the three cultural elements, Indian, Spanish- 
American, and Anglo-American live in such close proximity and, in the 
main, with such tolerant disdain for one another. The Indians work 
for wages in the town, tinker with the white man's automobile in some 
garage, but they go home to the pueblo at night to immerse themselves 
in the timeless, Pueblo traditions. 

Fernando de Taos is thought to have been named for Don Fernando 
de Chaves, one of its leading citizens in the seventeenth century, but 
also it has been called Fernandez de Taos and San Fernandez de Taos. 
Since 1884, however, when a young postmaster, finding too many 
different addresses going through his hands, despairingly suggested to 
Washington that the town be listed as "Taos," the shorter term has 
been used, though Don Fernando de Taos is the legal name. 

TAGS 215 

Don Fernando de Taos was incorporated as a village in 1932, and 
since then has acquired a water system, electricity, a sewage disposal 
plant and fire trucks. In later years fire has been the scourge of Taos; 
a series of disastrous conflagrations levelled two sides of the plaza on 
successive occasions; and on December 15, 1933, tne Don Fernando 
Hotel, which occupied the southwest corner, burned. Without adequate 
fire protection it was impossible to stop these blazes which at the time 
threatened the very existence of the town. 

Fernando de Taos has no factories. A large percentage of the 
population is occupied in local trade or in the creative arts, the native 
crafts including carding and spinning, weaving, tin work, wood-carving 
and the making of Spanish-Colonial pine furniture. 

The Loma (Spanish hillock) west of the plaza, once the village 
pasture, overlooks the village and a great expanse of Taos valley south. 
Here many of the artists live, in low-built adobe houses crowding in 
with the one- and two-room Spanish-American homes. In appearance 
a black gash of studio window is often all that distinguishes them. 

Above a history full of revolutionary bloodshed and sturdy insistent 
pioneering, Fernando de Taos has held its head. For security against 
enemies, the Spaniards who first settled the valley early in the seven- 
teenth century built their houses close to the Indian pueblo which had 
been discovered in 1540 by their compatriot, Hernando de Alvarado, 
whose followers had been so attracted to the valley that within a few 
years some of them returned. Later, colonists from Onate's little com- 
munity at San Gabriel on the Rio Grande, forty miles south, sought the 
fertile lands and plentiful waters of the region around the pueblo. The 
Indians were friendly and the settlers, most of whom had been soldiers 
in Onate's command, set up their homes and farms unmolested. 

In succeeding years the Indians, becoming alarmed at the growth of 
the Spanish community in their midst and displeased at the frequency 
of intermarriages between the girls and boys of the two races, decided 
in council to ask the Spaniards to move "a league away" from the con- 
fines of the pueblo which the newcomers did with good grace. Thus 
the two villages separated. 

For long, however, the interests of the Spanish town and the Indian 
pueblo lay close together: they needed the mutual protection of arms 
on the one hand and of numbers on the other, for the roving tribes of 
Apache, Ute, Comanche and Navaho Indians made frequent attacks 
upon both, seeking food and captives for slaves and uniting the destinies 
of the two for about three hundred years. As settlement increased and 
the need for farm lands became greater, small groups settled near their 
farm centers, bringing into being small villages clustering about the 
first villages. 

Although Fray Pedro de Miranda built a church on the edge of the 
pueblo before 1617 for the combined settlements, bad blood appeared 
between the Indians and the Spaniards, and in 1631 this priest and two 
Spanish soldiers forfeited their lives. This ill-feeling increased until in 
1650 a great revolt against Spanish rule was planned from the Taos 


Pueblo only to come to naught because the Hopi, far away in Arizona, 
refused to join in the plot. However, thirty years later (1680), led by 
Po-pe of San Juan, who made his headquarters at Taos Pueblo, the 
Indians successfully rebelled and cast the Spanish from the land_ (see 
History). It was not until Captain-General De Vargas, after his re- 
conquest in 1692, marched up the Rio Grande to Taos, visiting all 
pueblos on the way, that the settlement was re-established on the old 

Fernando de Taos was endangered by the hostility and attacks of 
the Apache, Ute, Navaho and Comanche, the latter particularly causing 
trouble. In 1760 a band of them attacked the town and carried away 
fifty women and children who were never recovered. Soldiers were 
sent after them and four hundred of the Indians were massacred. From 
that time on the Comanche left the town alone and there was never 
another Comanche raid in Taos Valley. However, the rear walls of 
the houses in Don Fernando were joined together to form a rectangular 
fortress, with only two gates through which cattle and sheep were 
driven at evening. 

An agricultural settlement, Don Fernando became early in its 
history a trading center. During the eighteenth century its annual trade 
fair was the meeting-place of the Plains and Pueblo Indians, traders 
from Mexico and Old Spain, and hadendados and villagers from all 
over the Southwest. The fairs rapidly outgrew the new policy of seek- 
ing the friendship and trade of the Plains Indians, for whom Taos 
Pueblo had always been the nearest source of supplies of blankets, corn, 
and later of Mexican goods. A motley array gathered there each sum- 
mer, and Taos became the busiest village in the province. Gradually 
French trappers came, and after 1802, when Thomas Jefferson con- 
cluded the Louisiana Purchase and all the center of the continent fell 
into the possession of the United States, the American trappers swarmed 
into New Mexico. From 1815 to 1837 the "Mountain Men" (as they 
wer called) trapped fur-bearing animals, fought Indians, and opened 
new lands. These trappers, a race of men apart, who did so much for 
the development of Fernando de Taos, were solitary, courageous, and 
hardy, preferring the life of hardship on mountain trails to the soft 
amenities of civilization. They were men of action, whose speech was 
as picturesque as their dress. Many nationalities were represented 
among them: French, French-Canadian, English, and American. Their 
names are clues to the complex of natures and nationalities found in 
Don Fernando de Taos in the middle of the nineteenth century: the 
Robidoux Brothers, Bill Williams, Christopher (Kit) Carson, Milton 
Sublette, Bautiste LaLande, the Bent brothers, Ceran St. Vrain, Richens 
Wootton, Jedediah Strong, and others. 

Contemporaneous with these mountain men and traders was a 
Spanish priest, Padre Antonio Jose Martinez, born in Abiquiu, who 
came to Fernando de Taos in 1826 and for forty years championed the 
cause of his people and strove to bring enlightenment and education to 
their lives. Single-handed, he fought ignorance and superstition, started 

TAOS 217 

a school for boys and girls, the first co-educational venture in the South- 
west. He operated a printing press, said to be the first brought to New- 
Mexico, and published a paper called El Crepusculo (the dawn), and 
further advanced his people's interest by serving in the first general 
territorial assembly at Santa Fe. Although unfrocked by Archbishop 
Lamy in 1854, after a quarrel, Padre Martinez never forsook his own 
people, fighting to the last to improve them. It has never been settled 
whether in the violent times after American annexation he favored or 
resisted the new regime. He was accused of helping to foment the 
uprising of 1847, which resulted in the death of Charles Bent, but 
evidence tends to exonerate him of this charge. 

More trouble was ahead for the settlement. In 1837 the alcalde 
(mayor) was arrested on some trivial pretext and imprisoned by the 
Mexican government. All the town rose to arms and marched upon 
Santa Fe. The government, caught off its guard, was ready to agree to 
anything. At the instigation of Manuel Armijo, a leading politician, 
the insurgents elected as governor an Indian from the Taos pueblo I 
But Armijo quickly shot him and stepped into his office. 

Another rebellion followed when the Spanish residents planned to 
overthrow the new government (see History). Arousing the Taos 
Indians, who had no grievance against the United States, by giving them 
plenty of aguardiente (liquor Taos lightning) an attack was made on 
the new Governor, Charles Bent, who was scalped alive and then mur- 
dered in his home (see below). 

Still another flurry of excitement promised a different kind of 
reputation for Fernando de Taos before the village settled down to its 
present character of peaceful refuge. As early as 1866 gold was found 
in quantity in the mountains, north, known as the Red River Country, 
but the incessant dangers from Indian attacks prevented its exploitation 
until the end of the nineteenth century. Prospectors roamed the hills 
for fifty years, getting grubstakes in Taos village and vanishing into 
the wilderness; but eastern capital was not attracted until the 1890'$. 

To the basic and underlying character of Fernando de Taos these 
alarms and excursions added little. It remained a small Spanish town 
in the United States, a fact which made few demands upon it save in 
such emergencies as the Civil and Spanish Wars. In the former in- 
stance, Kit Carson and some other citizens nailed the Union flag to a 
cottonwood pole in the plaza and stood by for a while to see that it 
stayed there and that seemed to settle the matter. In the Spanish 
unpleasantness in 1898 there developed some antagonism toward Amer- 
icans, and racial hatred flared dangerously. Two artists, new arrivals, 
were jailed; the sheriff, a Spanish-American, was shot, and for a few 
days threats to "make sausage of the Americans" were heard on the 
plaza. The trouble blew over, however, and Fernando de Taos began 
to feel the power of law and order. The bad men of both sides decided 
to leave, and the village settled down to a well-behaved existence. 

The fame of Fernando de Taos today, apart from the beauty of its 


setting, bears little relation to that of its past. As the place of residence 
of some thirty nationally-known writers and artists, it is known through- 
out the land as an art colony. The first known writer to come was 
Lewis H. Garrard, then eighteen years old, who arrived in 1845, two 
years before the massacre of Governor Bent. He wrote about his 
experiences in a book called fPah-to r yah, or the Taos Trail, a volume 
that remains the most authentic record of the time. The first artists 
to arrive were two brothers, E. M. and R. H. Kern, who accompanied 
Colonel J. C. Fremont in 1848. Fernando de Taos is a place to which 
artists and writers have been attracted ever since, for it is remote from 
those elements of American civilization that tend to make cities so 
inhospitable to creative work. 

Fernando de Taos as an art colony grew out of one man's enthusiasm 
for a village he had never seen, and a broken wagon wheel. Joseph 
Henry Sharp, a young painter sketching in New Mexico in 1880, so 
enthusiastically reported what he had heard about the charm of remote 
Taos village that his two friends, Bert Phillips and Errtest L. Blumen- 
schein, determined to seek western adventure and follow the sun to 
Mexico, stopping on the way to visit the little New Mexican village 
of Sharp's glowing enthusiasms. Accordingly, going by train to Denver, 
they bought a camping outfit and headed south, painting as they jour- 
neyed. Thirty miles from Fernando de Taos a wheel was broken and, 
on the flip of a coi^ Blumenschein was elected to ride horseback and 
carry the wheel into town for repairs. Phillips remained to g^iard the 
camp outfit. Three days were required to make the round trip and have 
the wheel repaired. Blumenschein, thrilled with the place, decided that 
here their journey ended and here they remained. Later, Sharp joined 
them, followed by Irving Couse. For many years they were the only 
painters working here. For exhibition purposes they organized the 
Taos Society of Artists, sending exhibitions to eastern art centers carry- 
ing the charm of New Mexico and attracting the interest and attention 
of other artists. Thus began a regular pilgrimage to this out-of-the- 
way spot where is found in the Indian culture a definite American 
esthetic source, and in Spanish an established religious art tradition 
which has had its effect upon the art of the United States, as Barbizon, 
Fontainebleau and other continental art movements had on contempo- 
rary European art. 

SAN GER6NIMO DE TAOS, familiarly called simply Taos Pueblo, 
the oldest of the three towns bearing the name Taos, is situated two 
and a half miles north of Don Fernando de Taos. It is reached by the 
Pueblo Road, leading from the plaza. Permission to use a camera must 
be obtained from the Governor bait the privilege does not carry per- 
mission to photograph individuals. (Parkin? fee 25$.) 

The ruins of the old mission, erected 1704, can be- seen on the east 
edge of the pueblo. The standing walls are four feet thick, with 
remains of twin towers in the ruined pile of adobe. The present small 
adobe mission built about 1848, at the pueblo entrance, faces the plaza, 

TAGS 219 

and stands on the traditional site of the original church, built by 
Fray Pedro Miranda in 1617, but destroyed in 1680. 

Two large adobe communal houses, four and five stories in height, 
today appear much as they did at the coming of the Spaniards in 1540. 
They face each other, separated by Taos Creek which flows through 
the larger central plaza. Immense pine logs, hand hewn, provide foot 
bridges across the stream at each end of the plaza* Here on moonlight 
nights young men come and sing. 

Until about 1890, the only entrance to the terraced rooms was by 
means of ladders leading to hatchways in the roofs. As the danger of 
attack decreased and finally disappeared, doors and windows were cut 
in the adobe walls, but ladders remain on the outside since the great 
dwellings contain no inside stairways. The large main groups are 
surrounded by smaller houses and by pole-supported tapestes (Spanish, 
platforms), used for the storage of alfalfa, corn and other produce. 
Firewood is sometimes stored in the space beneath the platform. 
Hornos (Spanish, ovens) for baking are near the houses, and tall ladder- 
ends protruding indicate the presence of underground kvuas f where the 
men of the tribe hold their meetings and teach the boys the ancient cere- 
monies and traditions. Women enter the kivas only on certain cere- 
monial occasions. Visitors are not allowed. 

They teach their children early in the ways of the Indian, shield 
them from too close contact with strangers, and preserve the ancient 
ways and modes of thought with vigor seldom found in a primitive 
people amidst modernism and change. They are a handsome, dis- 
tinguished, and independent people, always courteous, but never curry- 
ing favor with the white man. 

They are chiefly farmers and stockmen, though a few keep small 
stores generally designated by a blanket hung up outside the door. 
Several are painters, others are workers in beads and drum-makers. 
As among all Pueblos, the women are the heads of the families and 
keep the homes. Very little pottery is made here, the traditional kind 
being cooking pots and large storage jars in brown with scant decora- 
tions in applied designs of the clay in the same color. Both sexes are 
employed as servants in Fernando de Taos, the men also serve as gar- 
deners, garagemen, and models for artists. But they take great pains to 
guard themselves against the influences and changes to which they are 
exposed by their proximity to white people. 

The pueblo abounds in ancient ceremonialism. The dances of Taos 
are noted for their beauty and precision. The Deer, Buffalo and Turtle 
Dances, as well as the very interesting Los Matachines, are always 
beautiful and elaborate, combining dramatic symbolism with ritualistic 
movements of great beauty. The Corn Dance is also given as in other 
pueblos, and there are many dances for rain. 

The Sun-Down Dance is always performed on the eve of the Fiesta 
of San Geronimo, their patron Saint, September 30, the most important 
event of the year. With green aspen branches held upright in their 


hands, the Indians dance in thanksgiving for harvests, dance to the sun, 
giving an effect of a small green branch rhythmically dancing. 

Next morning after Mass in the church, the traditional race between 
the north and south pueblos is run, always on the courses leading into 
the upper end of the north pueblo. The winning side, ^it is popularly 
said, gains the right to name the governor for the following year. The 
Indians themselves say that the race is for the purpose of assuring the 
Sun Father of their ability and willingness to lend him their strength ^to 
augment his waning vigor. However, this may be not the real signifi- 
cance but only a reason given to satisfy inquirers. The secrets of the 
ceremonies are carefully guarded, 



I. The PLAZA around which the first Spanish settlers built their 
homes is still the center of life in the village. The buildings around it 
today are nondescript pseudo-territorial and pseudo-Spanish-Colonial. 
Where the flagpole now stands the first residents drew water from a 
community well. Here, after the massacre of 1680, when the rear 
walls of the houses were joined to make a rectangular fortress, sheep 
and cattle were driven at night for safety. Here the covered wagons 
of trail days rumbled warily in, to be greeted by the cheers of the 
villagers, noted for their hospitality, their fandangos, and their brew of 
raw whiskey, called "Taos lightnin' " by the mountain men. The roads 
branching out from the plaza are still in use, as winding and narrow as 
the original cow-paths. Most of them follow the old trails. The 
Navaho Trail, which led west across the Rio Grande at Wamsley 
Crossing to the great plateau on the west bank of the river where wild 
horses once roamed, is now a well traveled road to La Otra Banda, as 
the county west of the river is called. The Picuris Trail led to the 
pueblo of that name and probably followed much the same course as 
the present highway to the south. The Kiowa Trail ran along the base 
of the mountains, and the old Taos Trail followed the route of the 
present NM 3, north of the Colorado line, and east to Bent's Fort on 
the Arkansas River. The Santa Fe Trail followed the route of US 64, 
and the Cimarron Route was the same until it turned east to pass 
through the present town of Springer. Thus the plaza is the hub of 
the wheel of activity in Taos County; the spokes are the trails which 
converge in it Over these, past and present-day travelers have passed 
to Taos where the Old West is entrenched, and out again into the 

2. The COURTHOUSE, a two-story building near the center of 
the N. side of the plaza, is the third building on the same site to be used 
as a hall of justice and seat of government for Taos County, the first 
dating from the Mexican era and the second from 1880. The present 
building, built in the fall of 1933 (the former razed by fire in 1932), is 
notable for the fresco paintings by the Taos artists Lockwood, Bisttram, 

Tor 1 





U.S. Highways 
Connecting Streets 


300200 100 300 



Phillips, and Higgins, which were done on a WPA Project. The 
compositions are allegorical because the historical events of Taos are yet 
subjects of bitter controversy. The largest, by Victor Higgins, depicts 
Moses, the Law Giver; Aspiration is by Emil Bisttram; Avarice Breeds 
Crime, and Justice Begets Content by Ward Lockwood; and Obedience 
Casts Out Fear by Bert Phillips. Five other panels,. Transgression and 
Reconciliation by Emil Bisttram, Superfluous Laws Oppress and Suffi- 
cient Law Protects by Ward Lockwood, and The Shadow of Crime by 
Bert Phillips, complement the first. 

3. The TAOS INN, located on Pueblo Road at Bent Street, was 
formerly the home of Dr. J. P. Martin, pioneer Taos County physician 
and surgeon. 

4. LA FONDA HOTEL, occupying most of the S. side of the 
plaza, was in former times the old Bent and St. Vrain store, established 
in 1832. 

5. The KIT CARSON HOUSE, on the N. side of Kit Carson 
Ave., is part of a group of buildings built around a patio. The house at 
the front, labelled The Kit Carson House, now belongs to the Bent 
Lodge, No. 42, of the Masonic Order. From 1858 to 1866 this was 
Kit Carson's headquarters, office, and home. Carson lived in rooms at 
the back of the patio and used the front for offices and commissary. In 
recent years an old-style portal has been added to the house, otherwise 
very plain in design. 

6. KIT CARSON CEMETERY lies at the end of Dragoon Lane, 
extending N. from Kit Carson Ave. Here, Kit Carson and Padre Jose 
Martinez are buried. The tombstone on the Carson grave was put up 
by the Masons in the 1 880*5. In 1952 the State purchased the cemetery 
and 19 additional acres to establish the Kit Carson Memorial Park. 

7. HARWOOD FOUNDATION (open weekdays 10-12 and 2-5, 
free), S. side of Ledoux St., consists of a group of studio apartments in 
Pueblo type architecture, a library, and a large exhibition room. The 
Foundation was established in 1923 by Mrs. Lucy Case Harwood in 
memory ot her husband, Bert C. Harwood, a painter, who came to Taos 
in 1917, and died here. Many of his paintings are in the gallery. 
Artists of Taos exhibit jointly in the large, well-lighted hall. Mrs. 
Harwood bequeathed the Foundation to the University of New Mexico, 
and it is now open as a community center. University Field School of 
Art is held there in summer and in autumn University Field School of 
Arts and Crafts with extension courses during other months. 

8. The TRUJILLO HOUSE (pronounced Tru-hee-yo) on Ran- 
chitos Road facing the placita of Our Lady of Guadalupe Church, 
one block W. of the plaza, is an outstanding example of the original 
flat-roofed type of Spanish-Colonial house with a portal supported by 
posts. This house was built in 1856 and was used as a storehouse 
by Antonio Jose Valdez; it represents the type of structures which at 
one time surrounded the plaza. 

TADS 223 

9. The MONTANER HOUSE, on Padre Martinez St., three 
blocks W. of the plaza, was one of a group of buildings, including a 
near-by chapel which belonged to Padre Antonio Jose Martinez, who 
lived in Taos from 1826 until his death in 1867. The house occupies 
the site of his school for boys and girls* 

ip. The MANBY HOUSE, on the E. side of Pueblo Road, oppo- 
site Governor Bent St., and adjoining the Martin Hotel, was the home 
of A. R. Manby, an English eccentric and adventurer who came to 
Taos in 1894-5. His decapitated body was found in his house on the 
evening of July 3, 1929. The incident stands today as one of Taos' 
unsolved murder mysteries. The house has been greatly altered. 

Spanish-Colonial one-story type of architecture, is on Governor Bent 
St., where Governor Bent was scalped during the insurrection of 1847. 
His family escaped by digging through the adobe wail to the house 
next door. 


Placitas, 0.7 m.; Ranches de Taos, 4.4 m.; Arroyo Hondo, 12 m.; Kiowa Ranch, 
D. H. Lawrence Shrine, 17.5 m. (see Tour Sa). 

Afost Accessible Places 

Tour i 

(Trinidad, Colorado) Raton Las Vegas Santa Fe Albuquerque 
Los Lunas Socorro Las Cruces Anthony (El Paso) ; US 85 and 
US 85-80. 
Colorado Line to Texas Line, 491 #z. 

Two-lane and four-lane bituminous-paved roadbed. Atchison, Topeka & Santa 
Fe Railway roughly parallels entire route. Accommodations in principal 

North and east of Santa Fe US 85 follows the old Santa Fe Trail 
and south of Santa Fe approximates El Camino Real (the royal 
road). Both have played important parts in the history of the State. 
Over the Santa Fe Trail came the first white men to enter New Mexico 
from the East (French fur traders and trappers) followed by pack 
trains and wagon trains. General Kearny marched his Army of the 
West in 1846 through the valleys and passes between Las Vegas and 
Santa Fe where later the Union armies defeated the Confederates and 
thwarted their plan to block the flow of gold from California to the 
Union government. 

South of Santa Fe is the country traversed by explorers, colonizers, 
and those engaged in trade between Santa Fe and Chihuahua, Mexico; 
in the lower Rio Grande Valley the famished Spaniards first came 
upon the Indian fields of corn, beans, and pumpkin. El Carmino Real 
was the name given the route taken from Chihuahua by Augustm 
Rodriguez in 1581. 

Section a. COLORADO LINE TO SANTA FE, 180 m. 

The northern part of US 85 goes through Raton Pass and crosses 
alternating mountains and plains, connecting occasional villages of adobe 
hpuses. The magnificent views with their vast expanses of sky and 
level, grassy lands that sweep clear to the mountains are characteristic 
of the entire route. 

US 85 crosses the NEW MEXICO LINE, m., which is 15 
miles south of Trinidad, Colorado, over Raton Pass, so named for the 
many pack rats on the mountainside. 

The WOOTTON RANCH HOUSE, immediately north of the New 
Mexico-Colorado Line, was rebuilt by Colonel Owensy on the exact 
spot where Uncle Dick Wootton obstructed the highway with heavy 
chains to insure payment of toll for the twenty-seven miles of road he 
had constructed in 1 866 over Raton Pass, until that time the most diffi- 
cult section of the Santa Fe Trail. 

The usual charge for wagons was $1.50 and old-timers relate how 
Uncle Dick would hitch his mules outside the combination general store 



and bank in the nearest town while he carried in a whisky keg full 
of silver dollars. 

Through his gate passed freighters, soldiers, homeseekers, outlaws, 
and Indians. Only the latter were not asked for payment. Wootton 
believed they would not understand the toll system and wanted to 
avoid angering or delaying them. But those Spanish-speaking travelers 
who also found his barrier objectionable had their protests settled with 
diplomacy or a club. Cattle thieves were a source of trouble to Uncle 
Dick. Often they would seek employment at his ranch house in order 
to steal the animals of travelers who were spending the night there. 

Dick (Richens Lacy) Wootton had many ventures beside his toll 
road. He was born in Virginia in 1816, given a "fair business educa- 
tion," and at the age of seventeen worked on a tobacco plantation; a 
year later he was employed on a Mississippi cotton field where he heard 
stories of adventures in the West that led him to Independence, Mis- 
souri, starting point for caravans leading over the Santa Fe Trail. 
The money being made in furs appealed to young Dick who became 
a trapper with headquarters at Fort Bent (now Colorado). 

From this point in 1838 Dick Wootton and a dozen kindred spirits 
set forth on a trapping adventure that took them into the far north- 
west, then into California. When several days distant from the fort 
the discovery was made that no one had an almanac, so a Frenchman 
named Charlefou was elected to keep track of time by cutting a notch 
on a stick for each day. Charlefou had cut thirty-one notches when 
his horse failed in a leap across a chasm and both crashed down a 
hundred feet. When Dick Wootton and others arrived at the place 
several hours later they found the Frenchman with both legs broken 
lying on top of a dead horse. The plainsmen got Charlefou out of 
the chasm by nightfall and yanked the bones of his legs together then 
completed the job by using branches from saplings as splints. They 
carried Charlefou in a litter for two months, or what they estimated 
to be two months, for the board on which the notches had been cut 
was lost. Soon it came to be a joke that no track could be kept of 
the days and they agreed to give up the attempt. ^When they arrived 
in California they thought the seasons had been advanced two months, 
only to reach another conclusion when on the way east they were caught 
in a snow storm. They were absent from Fort Bent a year and a 
half and upon arrival learned that their "dead reckoning" was six 
weeks too fast. 

For a time Dick Wootton served as hunter for the fort. He 
described the herds of buffalo as extending to the horizon and the plains 
at times appeared to be undulating fields of black. He rescued an 
Indian woman who was embedded in a snowdrift and dying and thus 
won the friendship of the Arapahoe. 

Wootton, now known as Uncle Dick, turned his attention to a 
buffalo farm where the young were nourished by milch cows. Once 
when caught in a snow storm he became so hungry that he swam the 
South Platte to retrieve a goose he had shot the afternoon before. He 

TOUR I 229 

learned while in a Ute village that the chief was dying and that custom 
required the killing of a stranger when a chief died so he made a 
hurried departure. Once while trapping with several others he was 
cornered by Indians who rolled rocks down on the white men and 
injured several. He won a fight against wolves and another time had 
difficulty in balancing his 240 pounds in a tree where he was imprisoned 
for several hours by a grizzly bear. 

Following the murder of Governor Charles Bent and other Ameri- 
cans, Wootton led a party of volunteers that assisted regulars in crush- 
ing the Taos revolution. Again he led volunteers who sought the 
Indians that perpetrated the massacre of stagecoach passengers on the 
Santa Fe Trail and abducted Mrs. White, her child, and a Negro 
nurse. By watching the flight of ravens Wootton directed the soldiers 
to the Indians' camp and during the fight that followed his life was 
saved by a suspender buckle over his heart. Learning that sheep were 
selling in California at ten times the cost price in New Mexico, Uncle 
Dick with four assistants, eight goats, and a shepherd dog drove nine 
thousand head to Sacramento; the trained goats led the way across 
rivers. Attacked by Utes, Wootton grabbed Chief Uncotash around 
the waist, wrestled with him, then sat on the chief's stomach, a knife 
in hand, until peace was promised. 

In 1852 Uncle Dick was invited to visit at the home of Brigham 
Young in Salt Lake City. He was worried about his attire because 
he- expected to meet several Mrs. Youngs. His buckskin trousers had 
stretched every time he crossed a stream and he had cut off the bottoms 
little by little. In the dry air of Utah they shrank until they came 
up to his knees. He made the visit but did not meet any feminine 

After his return to Fort Bent, Uncle Dick carried $14,000 in gold 
in his saddle bags to St. Louis. Once more in New Mexico he joined 
Tom Tobin in hunting the bandit Espinosa and a companion. Both 
resisted and were shot down. Tobin cut off their heads which he 
carried in a bag to Santa Fe and thus made sure of the rewards. 

Uncle Dick Wootton's next enterprise was equipping a freight 
train to travel the Santa Fe Trail, a freight train nearly a mile long, 
comprising thirty-six prairie schooners with five pairs of oxen to each, 
and an ambulance that carried anyone who was sick, also passengers. 
Forty drivers and herders were on the train which averaged 16 miles 
a day and each round trip netted Uncle Dick $10,000. He also organ- 
ized a rapid transit stagecoach line; fourteen days, Santa Fe to Inde- 
pendence, Missouri, one-way fare $250; passengers were fed, usually 
pork and beans, by the company; no stops were made at night and 
travelers were compelled to sleep sitting up. 

The new US 85 cut-off from Wootton has shortened the distance to 
Raton (see below). The old highway, now largely impassable, was 
more picturesque. It skirted sheer cliffs and cutaways as it wound over 
Raton Pass (7,800 alt.) and afforded views of Bartlett Mesa to the east, 
of the vast plains to the south, and coal-bearing lava-capped rocks to the 


west, behind which loom the lofty peaks of the Culebra (snake) Moun- 
tains. As it descended, it afforded a magnificent outlook, extending over 
a hundred miles, with Johnson Mesa, a stark, lava-capped, table-topped 
mountain conspicuous in the east. 

RATON, 7 ?n. (6,666 alt., 8,241 pop.), the seat of Colfax County, 
is a stock-raising, railroading, and coal-mining town. A government 
forage station was established here in the 1860*5 at the Willow Springs 
Ranch on Raton (formerly Willow) Creek. Accessibility to a limited 
water supply soon made this point the logical watering place between 
the Wootton Ranch on the Pass and the Canadian River to the south. 
In May 1871 Charles B. Thacker moved his family from Colorado 
into a small vacant jacal (Mex., plaited wood and mud hut) here and, 
after sinking a well to supplement the meager water supply, began 
raising cattle. In 1879 the railroad was built to Otero, five miles 
south of Willow Springs Station, and the latter developed so rapidly 
as a railroad junction that the population of Otero moved here. Raton, 
renamed for the Pass, has prospered with the development of near-by 
coal mines. Its population consists mostly of Spanish-Americans, though 
there are many Anglo-Americans and a few Greeks, Italians, Central 
Europeans, and Negroes. 

Somewhat more than a mile from Raton is Goat Hill. From this 
point there is a very fine view of vast plains, lava-capped rocks and the 
lofty peaks of the Culebra (snake) Mountains. 

MINERS here, accommodating 50 persons, is maintained by the -State. 

In Raton is the junction with US 64 (see Tour 2) which unites 
with US 85 between this point and Hoxie. Occasional traces of the 
old Santa Fe Trail are visible along US 85 south of Raton: MESA 
NEGRA (black tableland) of malpais (bad lands or lava) formation, 
volcanic in origin, is on the left, A series of flat mesas and conical 
hills of lava are near Raton and extend southward three miles. Sand- 
stone foothills of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains are on the right. 

Grama grass plains gradually open up, become more expansive and 
sandy, and stretch to the horizon. Grama grass is the name given 
to the many species of the genus Bouteloua, but in New Mexico it 
refers to those perennial grasses on the cattle ranges, especially the 
side-oats grama so valuable for feed. Sagebrush, yucca, and cactus 
are sparsely scattered over the plains. A towering windmill and ranch 
house break the monotony of the tawny grazing lands, domains of 
great cattle kings of the past century. 

A short distance from the highway at 14 m., just south of the 
Canadian River are the ruins of the CLIFTON HofrsE (R), a hostelry 
and stage station for the Barlow and Sanderson Stage Line which 
traversed the plains of Kansas and continued to New Mexico during 
the i86o's. Built in 1867 by Tom Stockton, a rancher, as headquarters 
for the cattle roundups in that section, it attracted attention of stage 

TOUR I 231 

officials who subsequently leased it, added a blacksmith shop and stables, 
and made it an overnight stop for travelers. ' The Clifton House was 
one of the West's best known stop-overs. 

In HOXIE, 22 ;;/., is the southern junction with US 64 (see Tour 
2b} which branches R. 

The valley of the Canadian (locally known as the Red) River 
and its several tributaries fed from the snowy summits of the Sangre 
de Cristo Mountains to the west was cow country until the turn of 
the century, its lush grazing land having been dominated by the Max- 
well Land Grant Company and several other large ranch interests. 
The impounding of water and subsequent development of beet, fruit, 
alfalfa, and grain crops since 1900 have brought wealth to the heirs of 
the original owners. The old cow lands have been fenced and sub- 
divided; near the highway, but not in sight, are nine reservoirs that 
impound nineteen thousand acre-feet of water and feed all lands adja- 
cent to US 85 (L) as far south as Maxwell. Other similar irrigation 
projects extend almost to Las Vegas. 

MAXWELL, 34 ///. "(5,555 alt., 408 pop.), named for Lucien 
Maxwell, is a shipping center for cattle, sheep, and farm produce. In 
the late eighties the Maxwell Land and Irrigation Company, an organ- 
ization of Hollanders, began making surveys of the district for irrigation 
purposes. A general store, still operating, together with a saloon, hotel, 
and livery stable marked the beginning of the town. The original 
land company sold out, and with the change of management many 
Hollanders left for other States. 

The vicinity of Maxwell is well adapted to the growing of sugar 
beets and for a decade this was a flourishing industry. A refinery built 
just outside the city limits was abandoned later when grain and legume 
crops supplanted beet raising. 

Left from Maxwell on a dirt road to CHICO, 22.3 m. t and the INGERSOLL 
RANCH, until 1892 the home of Colonel Robert R. Ingersoll (1833-99). The 
ranch and grazing lands formerly belonged to ex-Senator Dorsey and came 
into possession of Ingersoll as a fee for successfully defending Dorsey (1883) 
in a "Star routes" mail case. The place now has several owners, and the two 
ranch houses are unoccupied. 

From Maxwell are good views of TINAJA (Sp., bowl) and 
EAGLE TAIL PEAKS, slightly to the northeast (L) ; the former is 
6,965 feet high and the latter 7,000. 

FRENCH, 39 m. (5,804 alt.) lies L. 2 777. on a side road, and is 
today almost a ghost town. It was a frame town that suddenly sprang 
into prominence when this point on the Santa Fe Railway became a 
junction with the Southern Pacific, which ran northwest to Dawson 
and its mines (see Tour 2b). Irrigated lands around the junction have 
been developed to produce beets, grain, and fruits, and French has 
become a trading and shipping point. From this point is an exception- 
ally fine view (R) of the snow-clad Sangre de Cristo Mountains in 


SPRINGER, 47 m. (5,810 alt, 1,566 pop.), which is a thriving 
crossroads town, was named for Frank Springer, prominent scientist and 
lawyer. In 1882 it was made the seat of Coif ax County but in 1897, 
after a protracted and bitter political fight, the seat was moved to Raton 
and the Supreme Court denied Springer's appeal. At that time the popu- 
lation was more than fifteen hundred but approximately five hundred 
residents left during the following year. Then, as now, it was the trad- 
ing center for a wide cattle- and sheep-raising area. 

The New Mexico Industrial School for Boys is in Springer. 

Left from Springer on US 56, which is a paved road, to a junction with 
NM 39, a paved road, 20 m.; R. to ROY, 46 m.; L. from Roy on NM 120, a 
graded road, to BUEYEROS, 91 m., heart of the extensive DRY ICE FIELDS of 
Harding County. Discovery of carbon dioxide gas seeping from crevices in an 
extensive anticline leads many to believe that dry ice may become an im- 
portant item of commerce from this region. 

Besides its uses for refrigeration and air conditioning, dry ice has been 
employed by physicians for many purposes and by moving-picture directors to 
create fog. 

The rock formation of the CORNUDOS (horned) HILLS, 55 m. 
(6,250 alt.), is popularly known as Wagon Mound because it resem- 
bles a covered wagon. This pile of rock was one of the notable land- 
marks on the Cimarron branch of the old Santa Fe Trail. 

Between Springer and Las Vegas are several railroad sidings, sta- 
tions, and abandoned villages, now containing not more than one or 
two families each. They testify to the optimism of early settlers who 
came when the railroad pushed its way along the valley. In many 
instances buildings in these mushroom settlements were loaded on flat 
cars and transported several miles to communities that had grown in 
size and importance. 

COLMOR, 58 m. (5,800 alt., 25 pop.), a shipping point, consists 
of a feed store and several small dwellings. 

WAGON MOUND, 71.9 772. (6,250 alt., 1,132 pop.), was founded 
in 1850 by stockmen who were attracted by pasturage possibilities. 
They first named their settlement Santa Clara for their patron saint. 
It is now a flourishing trading center and a wool- and stock-shipping 
point for Ocate Valley (R) and Mora Valley (L). Wagon Mound 
has an exciting history. Plains or mountain Indian tribes, out forag- 
ing or passing by on buffalo hunts, met here, and raiding Indians 
attacked overland traffic many times at this point. 

Dr. H. White, a popular resident of Santa Fe, returning with his 
wife and child from a visit to the Ea^t, had reached a point near Wagon 
Mound on May 10, 1850, when he was attacked by Indians. White 
and eleven of his party were murdered and scalped, and his wife, child, 
and nurse .were kidnapped. When news of the outrage reached Santa 
Fe ten days later, Congress appropriated $1,500 for recovery of the 
prisoners, and a large body of volunteers joined the regulars and started 
in pursuit of the marauders. William Kroenig, in later years a resident 

TOUR I 233 

of the Mora Valley below Wagon Mound, was at Santa Fe at the 
time and he thus described efforts made by the punitive force: 

"The Apaches and Utes were very bad. I joined the company at 
Santa Fe. We went by way of Las Vegas to get the Indians who 
had killed Dr. White and captured his wife. After a long march 
toward Taos we arrived at a place where the Indians had camped the 
day before. It was about two hours before sunset when we struck 
the Indians' trail. Our captain, Jose Maria Valdez, sent me to the 
major commanding the regulars for two shift horses to locate the camp 
before night ; our request was refused at first but later, about sunset, he 
gave us the horses, but it was now too dark and the Mexicans lost 
the trail and returned to camp. At daylight, the pursuit was renewed 
and after a chase of more than twenty miles the Indians were over- 
taken and charged by the regulars. In this charge the commanding 
officer was struck in the chest by a stray bullet, but owing to the fact 
that he had a pair of heavy gauntlets in his blouse the bullet was 
deflected. The regulars now dismounted, waiting for the volunteers, 
the latter securing a position between the Indians and their horses. A 
skirmish was kept up for some time, the Indians having made the tem- 
porary stand in order to permit the escape if possible of their families. 

"The Indians finally made their escape and during the pursuit I 
saw the body of Mrs. White lying against a willow tree, pierced with 
arrows. The color, however, had not entirely left her face, showing 
that she was murdered during the skirmish. Some Indian children 
were taken prisoners. The nurse and child of Dr. White were never 
recovered. . . ." 

The volcanic rock that covers the plains (R) for several miles be- 
ginning at 84 772. has interested geologists because it is different from 
outcroppings in the surrounding terrain. 

Between Wagon Mound and Watrous the TURKEY MOUN- 
TAINS (R), a series of sandstone foothills, are visible about five miles 
from the highway. US 85 passes through plains country where the 
grazing lands (R) are given over to cattle and a small herd of buffalo 
owned by a cattle company. 

At 94 772. near Watrous is the old TRADING STATION (now a 
private residence) erected in 1848 by Samuel B. Watrous, pioneer 
trader. His old store, built in sections, was a rendezvous for Fort 
Union soldiers on leave and here they mingled with Spaniards, Mexi- 
cans, Indians, and cowbows. 

At 94.2 772. is the junction with a paved road. 

Left on this to VALMORA SANATORIUM, 4 m., in the Traverse Valley of the 
Mora River, protected on three sides by green hills. Consisting of a central 
hospital and numerous cottages, it accommodates 60 patients. Valmora is 
financed by several large wholesale houses in Chicago and St. Louis for the 
benefit of their employees. 

WATROUS, 94 772. (8,398 alt., 200 pop.), at the junction of 
the Sapello and Mora rivers, is a trading and shipping center serving 
a farming and ranching community and the Valmora Sanatorium. 


Large lumber shipments from Mora or Shoemaker Canyon to the east 
were loaded here. 

Right from Watrous on a paved road to the RUINS OF FORT UNION, 8 m. f 
in a broad valley at the base of the Turkey Mountains. Started in 1851 it 
became headquarters of the Ninth Military Department which was transferred 
from Santa Fe by Colonel Sumner and remained here until the fort was aban- 
doned February 27, 1891. Fort Union was built with Army labor on a reserva- 
tion eight miles square. The principal buildings were erected around the 
parade ground, in the center of which was a bandstand. Close to the fort were 
the quarters for traders, freighters, and storekeepers, and a Good Templar's 
building was within its boundaries. During the i86o's the sutler's store did a 
business of $3,000 daily; and more than a thousand carpenters, wagon builders, 
smiths, harnessmakers, and laborers were constantly employed. 

A half mile west of the fort was the arsenal with a separate commanding 
officer. The badly eroded walls of the arsenal, hospital, and barracks still stand, 
although the supporting timbers have been removed. Stark chimneys contribute 
to the desolate appearance. In the jail cells, still standing, it is said Geronimo 
and Billy the Kid were once imprisoned. 

The fort strategically placed to protect traffic along the Santa Fe Trail 
was the most important post in this section, both as a supply center for minor 
forts and as a base for troop movements. It was the heart of a military 
region comprising an area of more than five hundred square miles. During 
the Civil War Fort Union became the principal objective of the Confederate 
troops under General Sibley. But the Confederates were defeated at Pigeons' 
Ranch, Glorieta, and Apache Canyon (see below) by troops from the fort 
and the Colorado Volunteers, and Sibley was forced to abandon his campaign 
in New Mexico. Fort Union in the i86o's had all the conveniences of a small 
town and was a lively social center. Kit Carson served during this period 
as lieutenant-colonel of the New Mexican Volunteers. In the neighborhood 
of Fort Union are still visible, stretching across the prairies, the deep ruts 
and wagon marks of tne old Santa Fe Trail. 

At 114.6 772. is the junction with NM 3, an improved road (see 
Tour 11), and NM St. 65 to Conchas Dam St. Park. 

LAS VEGAS (sp., the meadows), 114.6 m. (6391 alt., 13,763 
pop.), was originally known as Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de Las 
Vegas (Our Lady of Sorrows of the Meadows) after the patron saint 
of the town. In 1821 Luis Maria C. de Baca petitioned the Mexican 
government for a grant of land here bordering the Rio Gallinas then 
called the Vegas Grandes for himself and his 17 sons. Though the 
grant was made in 1823, it was never completely occupied because of 
encroachment from Indians. 

In his Commerce of the Prairies, Dr. Josiah Gregg, describing the 
places along the Santa Fe Trail in 1831, related that after leaving the 
Mora River he reached "the Gallinas, the first of the Rio del Norte 
waters here the road stretches over an elevated plain unobstructed 
by any mountain ridges. At Gallinas Creek we found a large flock 
of sheep grazing upon the adjacent plain; while a little hovel at the 
foot of the cliff showed it to be a rancho." This was the rancho of 
the De Bacas and the beginning of the present town. 

The first settlement of any size was established in 1833 when a 

TOUR I 235 

group of men from San Miguel del Bado on the Pecos River petitioned 
for a grant. The tract was given under the conditions that a plaza 
be erected for protection against Indians and as a meeting and market 
place. This settlement seems to have been the beginning of Old Town 
or West Las Vegas, on the west side of the Gallinas River which 
divides the present city. Dr. Wislizenus in his Memoir of a Tour 
Through Northern Mexico in 1846-47 found the settlement about a 
mile from the Gallinas and described it as a place of "100 odd houses 
and poor dirty-looking inhabitants." It was in this latter year that 
General Kearny arrived with his Army of the West and from a house- 
top on the plaza issued a proclamation taking possession of the territory 
for the United States. A military post was established, and Las Vegas 
was a seat of military operations until the erection of Fort Union 
in 1851- 

Until the coming of the railroad Las Vegas was a typical adobe 
town, a stopover on the Santa Fe Trail, and a trading center. About 
1879 New Town (now East Las Vegas) harbored one of the worst 
gangs of rascals and cut-throats that ever infested the West. A list 
of their aliases includes Caribou Brown, Dirty-face Mike, Hoodoo 
Brown, Scar-face Charlie, Pawnee Bill, Kickapoo George, Jack-knife 
Jack, Flyspeck Sam, Mysterious Dave, Hatchet-face Kit, Durango Kid, 
Pancake Billy, Cockeyed Frank, Rattlesnake Sam, Split-nose Mike, 
Web-fingered Billy, Wink the Barber, Doubleout Sam, Jimmie the 
Duck, Flapjack Bill, Buckskin Joe, Cold-deck George, Pegleg Dick, Red 
River Tom, Hog Jones, Long Lon, Soapy Smith, Stuttering Tom, and 
Tommy the Poet. After the respectable citizens were aroused, a wind- 
mill in the plaza center became the favorite gibbet used by the Vigi- 
lantes. March 24, 1882 a placard announced: 

"Notice to thieves, thugs, fakirs and bunko-steerers among whom 
are J. J. Harlin, alias 'Off Wheeler/ Saw Dust Charlie, Wm. Hedges, 
Billy the Kid, Billy Mullin, Little Jack the Cutter, Pock-marked Kid 
and about twenty others: if found within the limits of this city after 
ten o'clock p.m. this night you will be invited to attend a grand neck- 
tie party, the expense of which will be borne by 100 substantial citi- 
zens." Hangings became so numerous that the owner of the windmill 
had it dismantled. 

In the early years of the town, wealthy dons were accustomed to 
take advantage of impoverished citizens, seize huge tracts of land, and 
run the tenants off. According to the original grant, lands not allotted 
to persons were to be used as public grazing areas. The Herrera family 
after their lands had been confiscated organized an order, Los Caballeros 
de Labor (gentlemen of labor), whose purpose was to destroy all fences 
so that livestock of poor men could find forage. They worked secretly 
at night wearing white robes and pointed caps and so became known 
as Gorras Blancas (white caps). The order became so powerful that 
the lands again came into possession of the community. 

Today Las Vegas is a shipping point and supply depot for 140,000 
acres of irrigated land and the large ranches in the counties of Mora 


and San Miguel that graze hundreds of thousands of sheep and cattle 
on more than a million acres. The town is also noted for the number 
and quality of its schools and Highlands University and for its climate 
which is heneficial to sufferers from pulmonary diseases. 

On the OLD PLAZA, freighters on the Santa Fe Trail unloaded 
their goods. Back of the plaza is the courthouse and jail, site of first 
courthouse-jail where Billy the Kid spent a few anxious hours. OUR 
LADY OF SORROWS CHURCH on Church St., erected in 1836, is now 
occupied by a grocery store. CHURCH STREET in Old Town was 
formerly known as Sodomia and La Calle de la Amargura (the road 
of suffering and bitterness). Its walks were flanked by bawdy houses, 
dance halls, and saloons; many were robbed and murdered along this 
street. In American Legion Park, i mile north on NM 3 is held 
the Annual Cowboys' Reunion, first weekend in August, and San Miguel 
County Fair (Sept.). From 1906 to 1911, the old race track was in 
Gallinas Park near the Montezuma Hotel (see below). 

Right from Las Vegas on NM 65, a paved road to MONTEZUMA HOT 
SPRINGS, 5.5 m., and the MONTEZUMA HOTEL, now used by the Roman 
Catholic Archdiocese of Santa Fe as a seminary for the training of priests. 
For many years, commencing in 1880, several hotels occupying this site in 
succession served as playgrounds for millionaires from the East, as well as 
for famous and infamous westerners. The original castle-like Montezuma 
Hotel, one of the first million dollar resort hotels of the West, was built in 
1880 by the Santa Fe Railway to accommodate the many visitors attracted by 
the springs. The first unit incorporated a bathhouse that surrounded 23 springs 
and had a capacity of 1,000 baths daily. The springs, ranging in tempera- 
ture from 50 to 144. Fahrenheit, contain lithia, sulphur, and sodium com- 
pounds. % 

After this hotel burned in 1881 and another erected on the site proved too 
small, the management built still another structure which covered three dares 
?nd contained 300 rooms set on six elevations. Vast wine cellars, card rooms, 
a dining room seating 500, and a casino for 1,000 were included in the new 
undertaking. Walls were covered with oak paneling, fireplaces were of 
marble, and the furnishings were valued at $1,000,000. In 1885 a third fire was 
followed by another rebuilding. The erection of El Tovar in Grand Canyon 
drew heavily from the Montezuma's clientele, and the Santa Fe found it im- 
possible to maintain two such establishments, so closed the Montezuma on 
October 13, 1903. 

Since that time it has changed hands several times. First it was sold to 
the Young Men's Christian Association for a dollar; next it was given to the 
Bible Film Company for use as a location. In 1921 it became a Baptist college 
and was so used for a decade. 

At 118 7w. US 85 crosses a series of foothills over a winding course. 
Scattered over the hillsides are many squatters' shacks and adobe houses, 
mainly inhabited by workmen employed at Las Vegas. 

A few miles south the highway cuts through the rugged granite of 
Kearny's Gap, opening on fertile valleys in the foothills south of the 
Gallinas River. This aperture was named for General Stephen W. 
Kearny, commander of the Army of the West, who passed through here 
August 17, 1846, on his journey to Santa Fe. Here he prepared to 
meet a large force of Mexicans reported to be marching against him, 
but they never were encountered. 

TOUR I 237 

In ROMERO VILLE, 120 m. (6,287 alt., 215 pop.), a cross- 
roads trading center, are the ruins of the old ROMERO RANCH HOUSE 
(R), built by Don Trinidad Romero in 1880. It is a two-story adobe 
structure with a dozen high-ceilinged rooms paneled in walnut and 
costing $100,000. Here Don Trinidad, a member of the United States 
Congress, entertained President and Mrs. Hayes and General Sherman. 
After the house was sold by the Romero family, it became a sanitarium, 
then a dude ranch, and finally burned in 1932. Only the walls remain. 

West of Romeroville is the ROMEROVILLE CANYON, a gorge 
cut eight hundred feet deep in the mesa south of Las Vegas. 

TECOLOTE (Aztec, ground owl), 125 m. (6,010 alt., 104 pop.), 
is a trading center settled in 1824 by Salvador Montoya. Dur- 
ing the U.S. Army campaigns against the Indians in the last century, 
Tecolote was one in a chain of posts established to furnish forage and 
corn to Army units. The ruins of the headquarters buildings and the 
large stables still remain. 

Crossing the bridge over Tecolote Creek at the edge of the village, 
US 85 traverses the old Tecolote Grant and rises gradually to the 
long slopes of hard sandstone characteristic of this region. 

BERNAL, 130 m. (6,068 alt., 241 pop.), first called Bernal Springs, 
was the first station on the Las Vegas-Santa Fe section of the old stage 
lines. Today it comprises only a store, gas station, and a church built 
around a plaza. 

There is a view (L) of STARVATION PEAK (7,000 alt.) 
where, it is said, 120 colonists men, women, and children took 
refuge from pursuing Indians and starved to death. A Penitente cross 
surmounts the highest point. 

Between Bernal and San Jose the highway passes three large ranches 
(R), private estates of wealthy eastern landowners. On the left is the 
eastern extremity of Glorieta Mesa. 

At 137 m. is a junction with a paved road. 

Left on this road to SAN MIGUEL DEL BADO (St. Michael of the Ford), 
2.8 m. (6,000 alt, 108 pop.), one of the oldest towns in New Mexico. Originally 
settled by a group of Indians who had been cast out of their tribes because 
of their conversion to Catholicism, it soon became an active and well-settled 
community augmented by the influx of Mexican herders and farmers. During 
the era of Mexico's sovereignty, San Miguel was the seat of the third division 
of the Central District. The present county was named for the town. Padre 
Jose Francisco Leyba, the first resident priest, is buried on the gospel side of 
the altar of the CHURCH OF SAN MIGUEL DEL BADO. He served the 
settlements of the Pecos Valley, traveling the entire territory on horseback 
through hostile Indian country for 32 years. His ministry was a saga 
of service. The CHURCH OF SAN MIGUEL DEL BADO, built in 1806, is of rock. 
It was constructed by the Indians of the parish under direction of the priests. 
Its walls were three feet in thickness and twenty feet high. Gold and silver 
donated by the faithful were cast into two bells which today are in the care 
of the parish priest. The first floor of the church covers the coffins of wealthier 
inhabitants of the village. The pews are all hand-hewn and decorated. Many 
old statues, the work of the parishioners, are incorporated in the church 
appointments. The records, intact for many decades, give the religious and 
civil history of this section. San Miguel was an important way-stop on the 


Santa Fe Trail. Here many Texans were imprisoned when they invaded New 
Mexico in 1347. 

Residents of SAN JOSE, 139 m. (6,387 alt., 556 pop.), 0.5 772. 
north of highway, on the banks of the Pecos River, depend on farm- 
ing for a livelihood. Many of the houses are of native architecture 
but have peaked corrugated iron roofs that detract from their charm, 
but prevent melted snow from dripping in. The corrida del gallo 
(chicken pull) is an annual event (June 24) still popular in New- 
Mexico among Indians and whites. From surrounding villages come 
men with their best trained, fleetest horses and, after a series of elimina- 
tions, a representative of each community is chosen. The final test is 
to ride a horse from a starting point to a fat live rooster partly buried 
in the sand, snatch it while still mounted and successfully defending 
possession of the fowl, gallop back to the starting point. The winner 
is guest of honor at a feast and dances with the prettiest senorita in 
the village. 

San Jose was a camping site for General Kearny on his march to 
Santa Fe, 

West of San Jose the highway winds over gently undulating coun- 
try; small ranches, usually perched on the higher spots, break the 
monotony of the terrain. The land is channeled by the inevitable 
arroyo, carved out of the brown and gray shales that make up the sur- 
face to the north. To the south (L) is the main part of Glorieta 
Mesa, a tableland of gray sandstone that extends to the Sangre de Cristo 
Range. This mesa presents a continuous line of cliffs with a level. 
sandstone-capped crest which descends to the valley of the Pecos. 

At ROWE, 152 m. route follows Alt. US 85, right. 

At 155 TO. to KOSLOSKIE'S RANCH, founded by Andrew Kosloskie 
later owner of the first store in Rowe, as a main stop for the Barlow and 
Sanderson Stages on the Santa Fe Trail. A large spring in a dense copse, 300 
yards from the ranch house and corral, provided water for horses and pas- 
sengers. To this place the Union forces retreated after the first day's battle 
with the Confederates in Apache Canyon and were joined by 300 reserves, regu- 
lars of the Union Army, who, with the full complement of Colonel Slough's 
Colorado Volunteers, had come in from Bernal during the night. Throughout 
the battles in Apache Canyon, Kosloskie's was used as Union headquarters. 

At 156 7/2. is junction with a road. 

Left on this road within the Pecos State Monument to the RUINS OF THE 
PECOS PUEBLO, 0.7 m. f the strongest pueblo in the fourteenth century and the 
most eastern inhabited Indian village in the days of the Spanish Conquest. 
Always a trading point between the Plains Indians and the Pueblos, its situa- 
tion was good economically; the land was productive, the water supply ample, 
and the proximity to the buffalo country a great advantage. 

The pueblo, a. quadrangular structure built on a sandstone formation about 
1348 (according to the tree-ring date of a beam), consisted of two great com- 
munal dwellings of four stories each; they contained respectively 585 and 517 
rooms. From the balconies of these rooms the entire circuit of the village 
could be made without setting foot on the ground. The Pecos people once 
numbering about two thousand were rich, proud, independent, and war-like; 

TOUR I 239 

but the situation of their city was not as good defensively as it was economi- 
cally. In 1540 it was conquered by Coronado and in 1541 Fray Luis de Esca- 
lona voluntarily remained as a missionary at Pecos. The belief is that he was 
killed soon afterward, becoming the first Christian martyr in New Mexico. 
Pecos then remained unvisited until 1583, when Antonio de Esjftjo stopped 
at the pueblo for a brief time. In 1590 Castano de Sosa and his handful 
of soldiers (plus two brass cannon) attacked the well-fortified pueblo, which 
surrendered. After Onate's settlement in 1598, it became the seat of a mission. 
The massive adobe walls of NUEGTRA SENORA DE Los ANGELES (Our Lady of 
the Angels) CHURCH, which was built in 1617, are visible from the highway. 
In 1680 the priest at Pecos, Fray Fernando de Velasco, was killed within sight 
of the Galisteo pueblo where he had hurried to warn his superior of the 
Pueblo Revolt. Pecos participated in this uprising, and the tree-ring dating 
shows that the church was either restored or rebuilt after the revolt. 

Although harshly treated by Coronado, who referred to the village by its 
Tewa name Cicuye, Pecos suffered less from the Spaniards than did some 
of the other pueblos and offered no resistance to the reconquest by De Vargas 
(1693). Until 1720 the town prospered, but attacks by marauding plains 
tribes chiefly Apache and Comanche had considerably reduced the popula- 
tion by 1750 when Pecos sent its entire man power to carry war into the 
enemy country. This force was ambushed and cut to pieces by the Comanche, 
only one man escaping. In 1768 an epidemic of smallpox left only 180 sur- 
vivors; and in 1805 attacks of mountain fever, a form of typhoid (or dysentry) v 
prevalent throughout the mountain region at that time (from impure water), 
further reduced it to 104; and it was finally abandoned in 1838, when 17 
survivors joined their kindred at Jemez (see Tour 9}. There are believed to 
be about two hundred descendants of the Pecos refugees now living at Jemez; 
until recently a few of them were said to make a ceremonial visit twice each 
year to their sacred cave in the upper Pecos Valley. After the exodus Pecos 
fell rapidly into decay, a process aided by those living near who robbed it 
of beams and timber for firewood. The north building kept its form for a few 
years, and its plaza served as a prison to hold Texans captured by Armijo in 
1841. In 1869 the beams of the church were removed and used as corral 
posts, and its unprotected walls gradually disintegrated. The pueblo proper 
went to pieces even more rapidly; its upper walls fell, the timbers below 
rotted away or were pulled out, and not until a sheltering mound had formed 
itself over the lower stories was the process of ruin arrested. 

In 1915 Mr. Barry Kelley, owner, deeded the ruins to the Museum of New 
Mexico. Since then extensive excavations sponsored by Phillips Academy of 
Andover have been made, and the great mission repaired. Among the most 
interesting objects found are pipes and figurines; the pipes included the plain 
tubular form of very early times and the large elaborately carved and incised 
types of the historic period. The figurines are, small clay representations of 
human beings, birds, and animals. Although crude they are noteworthy be- 
cause objects of this nature have so- jarely been found in Southwestern ruins. 
Other excavations show that the population of Pecos kept moving about from 
one part of the mesa to another, building and rebuilding. Ruin is piled upon 
ruin, presenting a vivid history of a people that practiced arts and crafts, 
created a government, and participated in religious ceremonies resembling 
those in the pueblos of today. 

The Indians have a legendary explanation of Pecos' decline. Like most 
of the pueblos, Pecos regarded the snake as a beneficent ^deity. A huge one 
was kept in the kiva, regular offerings being made to it, including, according 
to Spanish tradition, human sacrifice supposedly young children. A sacred fire 
necessitating constant care was kept alive on the kiva altar. As the Indians 
drifted away from their paganism into Christianity, the sacred fire went out, 
and the sacrifices were almost abandoned. The climax was reached when a 
particularly disastrous epidemic carried off most of the small children of the 
pueblo. The cacique after ceremonial fasting, hoping to appease the wrath 
of the gods, called for a child to be sacrificed. Exercising his rights of office, 

24O N E W M E X I C 

he chose the son of his war captain. Having already given one of his children 
and having only one left (owing to the epidemic), the war captain gave his 
son to the priest to hide and substituted a kid for the sacrifice. The sacred 
snake, however, was not deceived. Deciding that his people were definitely 
abandoning their religion for that of the alien, the huge reptile crawled from 
the kiva t then on to the Rio Grande which he followed to its mouth and dis- 
appeared in the Gulf of Mexico. The Galisteo River (see below) is said by 
the Indians to be the path made by the snake on its way out. This marked 
the final fall of Pecos. The native inhabitants of the Pecos Valley today 
tell of the Indian boy, the son of the war chief, who was brought up without 
knowledge of his origin under the care of the priest. He married among 
their people and had a family whose descendants still live in the vicinity, but 
the Pecos Indians have never learned of the deception. 

PECOS, 159 m. (6,800 ^lt., 1,366 pop. including vicinity), named 
after the Pecos Indians, is a trading center for stock and dude ranches. 
It is also the starting point for many hunting and fishing expeditions 
into the Pecos River Valley. Outfits and guides can be procured. 

Right from Pecos on graveled NM 63 which winds along the banks of the 
Pecos River, crossing and recrossing it, to Cistercian Abbey, 1.7 m. 

The countryside is part of the SANTA FE NATIONAL FOREST. Heavy 
pine, aspen, and fir clothe the mountain sides. This region is a hunting and 
fishing ground; trout are abundant; turkey, grouse, bear, deer, and elk mingle 
with alpine marmot and pika. Efforts of the State Game Department have re- 
plenished the area with beaver. 

North, the highway enters the broad river canyon which after a short dis- 
tance narrows considerably. Here are irrigated farms, with hardy willows and 
cottonwoods along the cultivated fields. 

Lisboa Springs Fish Hatchery, 2.2 m., is one of the principal units of the 
State's fish propagation system established in 1921. This hatchery propagates 
rainbow, brown and cut-throat trout 

Beginning at 7.4 ;., the mountains crowd close to the highway, and the Pecos 
River tumbles over a rocky bed. 

In Field's tract Public Campground 9.6 m., the Forest Service maintains 
ample parking space, picnic, and camping facilities. At various points tourist 
camps are available at reasonable rates. 

Directly across the river is the Brush Ranch, 11.7 m. (hunting and fishing: 
riding and pack trips). 

In Holy Ghost Canyon are numerous private summer houses as well as a 
public campground maintained by the Forest Service on Spirit Lake at the head 
of the canyon. Rito Espiritu Santo (Holy Ghost Creek) enters the canyon from 
the left and tumbles into the Pecos. 

West of Pecos, Alt. US 85 traverses foothills covered with pinon 
and juniper and^ crosses a railroad spur that goes north (R) to the 
mill of the American Metals Company. The highway enters the mouth 
of APACHE CANYON, west of Glorieta Pass, scene of a battle dur- 
ing the Civil War. 

TOUR I 241 

Field headquarters for the Union forces was at PIDGIN'S RANCH 
(R), also called Pigeon's, 164 m., owned and operated by Alex 
Valle, a Frenchman who cut fancy "pigeon's wings" at dances. The 
old adobe ranch house is still standing, and the adobe corral with its 
port holes is just east of a steep rocky bluff that projects out toward 
the highway. Topped with an American flag, the bluff is marked 
with a tablet commemorating the first encounter with Confederate 
forces in the canyon. The battlefield itself, west of the ranch house, 
centered around an arroyo that threads across the highway now crossed 
by a bridge. It was not far from this point that the Union cavalry 
was forced to leap its horses sixteen feet across the same arroyo after 
the Confederates had destroyed the log bridge. 

165 772. J. of Alt. US 85 with US 85 which tour now follows. 

In a small forest of pinon and jack pine is GLORIETA, 164 772. 
(7,432 alt., 500 pop.), a trading center and loading station for the 
Santa Fe railway near the highest point in the canyon at the beginning 
of GLORIETA PASS. In this gateway through the Sangre de Cristo 
Mountains to Santa Fe and the West a large uninscribed boulder (R) 
marks the site of another encounter between the North and South. 

In March 1862 after the defeat of the Union forces at the Battle 
of Valverde (see below) Confederate General Sibley advanced on Santa 
Fe. The small Union detachments in the area fell back to Fort Union 
after having destroyed all government stores in the capital to prevent 
their falling into the Confederates' hands. These Union troops were 
later joined by Colorado units under Colonel Slough, who assumed 
command of the forces at Fort Union and advanced against the Con- 
federates, who had by that time captured Santa Fe. From Bernal 
(see above) Slough sent Major Chivington forward with a small force 
to check the Confederates. On March 26, in Apache Canyon, about 
15 miles from Santa Fe, Chivington's troops engaged the enemy. The 
Federal loss in this encounter was 5 killed, and 14 wounded; the Con- 
federate loss was 32 killed, 43 wounded, and 71 prisoners. On the 
28th when the main forces of both sides met in Apache Canyon, Colonel 
Slough held the main body of the Confederates in the canyon and sent 
Major Chivington on a wide sweep around the flank of the Southern 
Army. The major succeeded in destroying, without the loss of a man, 
the Confederate ammunition and supply train which was at Johnson's 
ranch. The main battle was indecisive, but the loss of all of his trains 
and supplies forced the Confederate commander to retreat to Santa Fr 
in a demoralized and destitute condition. Colonel Slough, having 
stopped the Confederate advance toward Fort Union, retired to that 
place, his aim accomplished. 

US 85 leaves the canyon at CASfONCITO, 167 m. f where the 
detachment of Major Chivington's Union forces captured the Con- 
federate supply trains. During occupation by the Army of the West 
in 1846, General Kearny passed through the canyon at this point. It 
was here Governor Armijo drew up his forces to oppose the invaders, 
only to flee to Galisteo before the arrival of United States troops. 

At the foot of the hill at Canoncito is an old ranch house and 


church (R). The adobe house (L) was an old stage station, JOHN- 
SON'S RANCH, important on the stage and freighter lines, and the last 
stop on the old Trail before reaching Santa Fe. It was the last station 
closed before the abandonment of the stage lines from the East. 

At 170 m. is the junction with US 285 (see Tour 7b) which unites 
with US 85 between this point and Santa Fe. 

US 85 winding over rolling country passes through heavy stands 
of pinon and cedar, following the old Pecos Trail. Just east of Santa 
Fe three mountain ranges are seen: the Sandia and Manzano to the 
south behind the cone-shaped Cerrillos Hills, the Jemez Range to the 
west, and the Sangre de Cristo to the east. 

SANTA FE, 180 m. (7,000 alt.), (see Santa Fe). 

Points of Interest: The Plaza, Palace of the Governors, Museum of New 
Mexico and Art Gallery, State Capitol Building, and others. 

Section b. SANTA FE to SOCORRO, 187 m. 

This section of the route, like the first, contains mountains, plains, 
farms, grazing land, here and there a stream, with the overspreading, 
brilliant sky to hold it all together and make it sparkle; it also has 
coal and turquoise mines and Indian pueblos whose residents are not 
only farmers and craftsmen but excellent artists as well. The highway 
borders the Rio Grande on whose banks the Pueblo Indians have 
built some of their villages which runs swiftly through the land it 
rules, a headstrong, benevolent despot, bestowing largess on the tilled 
fields and giving hope when the sky withholds it. At flood stage it is 
unpredictable and earns the other name, Bravo, the Spaniards gave it, 
meaning fearless, bullying, savage, wild, fierce, or untractable all of 
which it is. 

Southwest of Santa Fe, m. t US 85 crosses the SANTA FE 
PLATEAU. To the south (L) are the little Cerrillos Hills outlined 
against the Ortiz Mountains, with the Sandia (watermelon) Moun- 
tains looming along the horizon. Detached buttes stud the lava-capped 
mesas which slope to the valley of the Rio Grande (R), from one-half 
to five miles from the highway. All farming in this area is subsistence 
and is carried on along the banks of the Rio Grande. Corn and beans 
are the main crops ; melons, peas, and other vegetables are also raised. 

At 9 77z. is a junction with a paved road. 

Left on this road into the Cerrillos region, an area noted for its minerals. 
Turquoise was mined here by the Pueblo Indians long before the discovery of 
the country by the Spaniards, while gold was mined here as early as 1722 
at La Mina de la Tierra (the mine of the earth) on a Spanish grant of 1696. 
There was an exciting gold discovery here thirty years before the 184.9 strikes 
on Cherry Creek in Colorado. In addition to turquoise and gold the area 
contains lead, zinc, silver, and a little copper; yet today the region is mined 
only for coal in the shale upthrusts. 

Foundation stones of a house, 1.5 m., are all that remains of BONANZA, 
once a town with two thousand inhabitants. The strike that boomed the town 

TOUR I 243 

occurred in 1879 though the site was staked out in 1800 after the discovery of 
sulphide ores, lead, zinc, and silver. The two-story structure was a hotel and 
gaming house that lingered after the town had crumbled and was used as a 
rendezvous for thieves and outlaws. 

At 3.2 m. is a junction with a dirt road. 

Right on this road 3.4 m. past the ruins of Carbonateville, Chalchihuitl, Cash 
Entry, and Mina de la Tierra Mines to the Gem Turquoise Mines, the most 
extensive of the mines near Santa Fe, formerly owned and worked by the 
Tiffany interests. The Indians probably found this mine by following a seam 
of turquoise exposed by erosion and they worked downward, breaking the 
ledge with stone hammers. Three hundred or more of these hammers have been 
found here. The whole Cerrillos region is pitted with old Indian turquoise dig- 
gings, some of which were mined later by the Spaniards. 

The mines opened during the last half century, including the Sky Blue, 
Gem, Morning Star, Blue Bell, and Costello Claims, have produced turquoise 
of highest quality, being harder than most varieties of turquoise and truer 
in color with the copper matrix laced through in intricate patterns. Turquoise, 
representing the "Sky Powers," has always had deep significance for the In- 
dians. Even today groups have been seen at several old workings performing 
ceremonies which end with the planting of prayer plumes. Gems from the 
Cerrillos Hills, identified by their peculiar color and hardness, have been 
found in southern Mexico where they were undoubtedly carried by traders. 
When Pedro de Tovar, one of Coronado's men, visited the Hopi in Arizona 
during the first entrada of 1540, they presented him with splendid gifts of 
turquoise which, it is claimed, came from the Cerrillos region. 

There are other interesting mines in this area, but they are almost im- 
possible to find without local guides. 

The graded dirt road continues to a junction with NM 10 (see Tour 75) 
at 9 m. 

US 85 gradually descends and declines sharply at LA BAJADA 
(the descent) HILL, 19.2 m. f a sheer bluff capped with black basalt 
at the end of LA BAJADA MESA. 

At 22 772. is the junction with a graded dirt road. 

Right on this road toward the Jeraez Mountains and across a fiat plain 
bordered (R) by La Bajada basaltic cliffs to a junction with a graded dirt 
road at 3.2 m. Right on this to LA BAJADA (descent), 52 m., a small hamlet 
at the base of La Bajada Hill. In Spanish Colonial days La Bajada was a visita 
of Pena Blanca and later a stage station and overnight stopping place on the 
road to Santa Fe. Continuing westward across the flat plain, the dirt road 
traverses the northern part of the Santo Domingo Pueblo Grant. On this 
flat the Indians graze herds of cattle, sheep, and horses (drive carefully). In 
springtime, especially following a winter of much snow, the entire flat is purple 
with locoweed (Astragalus mollissimus) which causes a nervous disorder in 
cattle that eat it. 

Clumps of wild four o'clock (Mirabilis) provide shade for the horned toad 
and sand lizards. Few snakes are found here, but rabbits and field mice 
scurry to cover as a car glides by at night. Hawks, meadow larks, field spar- 
rows, and mocking birds share the plain with a few road runners fchaparral 
cocks) and prairie foxes, whose pelts are included in ceremonial dance cos- 
tumes. This country below La Bajada was known to the early Spanish colo- 
nists as Rio Abajo (down river), and on account of its sheltered position and 
proximity to the Rio Grande was seriously considered in the late seventeenth 
century as a site for the provincial capital. 

At 7 m. the road crosses the fence boundary of the Cochiti Pueblo Grant 
and 8 77z. is a fine view of the expansive RIO GRANDE VALLEY, with 


cultivated fields in the foreground. The descent into the valley from Las 
Lomas de la Pena Blanca (the hills of white rock) begins here. 

PEftA BLANCA, 8.5 m. (5,042 alt., 2,036 pop.), settled in the early seven- 
teenth century, was a Spanish wedge driven between the two Keresan villages 
of Santo Domingo on the south and Cochiti on the north, and was always a 
bone of contention; both pueblos claiming ownership of the land. One or two 
cases arising from the conflicting land claims were so complicated they had 
to be sent to Spain for adjudication by the King. In 1867 the parish of Pena 
Blanca was taken from the Franciscans and given to the Jesuits who main- 
tained it till 1910, when it was returned to the Franciscans. Unlike members 
of their order in other parts of the State who were of French descent, the 
Franciscans here were German. Until 1876 Pena Blanca was the seat of 
Santa Ana County, one of the seven original counties into which the terri- 
tory was first divided; and during the semiannual terms of the district court 
Pena Blanca was a busy place. 

After a flood on July 24, 1930, had inundated almost the entire town, de- 
stroying 30 or 40 houses and adjoining fields and doing nearly $50,000 damage, 
dikes were built at the upper and lower ends of the village. 

At 11.1 m. the side route follows a street between small adobe houses; 
corn and wheat' fields beyond lie between the road and the Rio Grande (L). 
The road crosses the broad dry sandy stream bed of the Santa Fe Wash 
(dangerous when water is flowing) at 11.9 m, 

COCHITf PUEBLO (Governor of pueblo sells permits to photographj 
cars must be left in open space), 16.5 m. (,5,600 alt, 426 pop.), is a pre-Colum- 
bian Keresan pueblo, with one-story adotfe houses built around a plaza; near 
by are a government day school, a seventeenth-century Catholic mission, and 
two large half-sunken circular kivas. Just south of the village a tree-covered 
island in the river is used for pasturage and maize cultivation. Cochiti's old 
Spanish lan.d grant of 1689 was confirmed by the United States December 22, 
1858, surveyed for more than twenty-four thousand acres in 1859, and patented 
in 1864. Though land has been bought and sold at various times, the present 
holdings of the pueblo are about the same as in 1864. In I 59 8 Onate found 
the Indians living on this site and from their old Keresan word, Kot-fe-te 
(of obscure etymology) gave them the name Cochiti. The first Spanish mis- 
sion, San Buenaventura de Cochiti, was established early in the seventeenth 
century, and Juan de Rosas was placed in charge, but little is known of its 
earliest history. 

In 1650 when the Cochiti conspired with Jemez Pueblo (see Tour 9) and with 
the Apache to drive the Spaniards from the country, Captain Baca discovered 
the plot and notified Governor Hernando de Ugarte y la Concha, who hanged 
some of the leaders and sold others into slavery. Although the Cochiti took 
part in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, no priest was killed there. According to a 
legend the Cochiti priest was warned by the Indian sacristan of the church. 
In 1681 the people fled before the army of Governor Otermin who was at- 
tempting reconquest of New Mexico and with their kinsmen from San 
Felipe and Santo Domingo took refuge at Potrero Vie jo, a massive rock that 
towers 700 feet above the canyon about twelve miles east of here. They re- 
mained there until 1683 or 1684, when they returned. At the approach of De 
Vargas in 1692, the people of Cochiti joined by those from San Felipe, San 
Marcos, and some tribes from the north again fled to Potrero Viejo and on 
its summit built a stronghold named Cieneguilla (little marshy meadows) by 
the Spaniards. De Vargas visited them there and persuaded them to return 
to their homes. But after a brief time the Cochiti again returned to the rock. 
On April 14, 1694, De Vargas marched to the Potrero with 70 soldiers, 20 
colonists, and loo Indian allies from San Felipe, Santa Ana, and Zia. He 
drove the Cochiti from their stronghold, destroyed Potrero Viejo, and re- 
turned to Santa Fe with a large quantity of corn and over 150 captive women, 
who were liberated after the Cochiti warriors had returned to their pueblo 
here. Fray Antonio Carbonel was given charge of the missionary work; and 
SAN BUENAVENTURA DE COCHITI MISSION, which had been destroyed between 


Inscription Rock, El Mono National Monument 

San Miguel Mission in Santa Fe 

Oldest house in the United States, Santa Fe 
Mission ruins (1629-80), Gran Quivira National Monument 

Ancient pueblo of Kuaua near Bernalillo 

Pre-historic Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon National Monument 


Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe 
Old Santa Fe: La Fonda Hotel and St. Francis Cathedral 

Old Lincoln County Courthouse, 1870 

Tombstone of Billy the Kid 

-- TDK 

DIED DEC. |fl 

Old grist mill in Cimarron 

Parlor of Kit Carson's house in Taos 

Repair area for prairie schooners in Old Fort Union 

End of the Santa Fe Trail 
in the plaza at Santa Fe 

TOUR I 245 

1680 and 1682, was rebuilt in 1694 by De Vargas on the same site. This build- 
ing, still standing, is 34. feet wide and more than 100 feet long, a fine example 
of early Spanish-Indian mission architecture. The exterior has been remodeled 
in recent years. The old flat roof and Franciscan belfrey have been replaced 
by corrugated iron and a pointed steeple. The outside balcony has been re- 
moved and the entrance enclosed by an adobe porch having three archesthe 
only attempt at decoration but the interior is still typical of the early Indian 
mission. Old tin candlesticks brought from Chihuahua, Mexico long before 
New Mexico was part of the United States, still firmly hold lighted tapers. 
Above the altar a large painting of San Buenaventura adorns the center of the 
wall, while the Nativity, the Transfiguration, the Last Supper, and three 
scenes of the Crucifixion are on the reredos. The ceiling of the chancel is 
decorated with moons, horses, and other figures which the Cochiti executed in 
yellow, black, and red. Thirty-eight great *uigas, most of them with Indian 
carving, support the roof. The church possesses three wooden statues repre- 
seating San Buenaventura, the patron saint of the pueblo. The largest of 
these statues is of French workmanship, the next in size was done by a Mexi- 
can Indian, and the smallest and most revered is an antique. In their pottery 
the Cochiti confined themselves to black-on-white ware until the recent re- 
vival of pueblo arts, when they included some reds. The designs represent- 
ing rain, planting, growing, and harvesting frequently appear all over the 

Cochiti's fiesta is July i4th, when the. annual Festival of San Buenaventura, 
patron saint, is held in connection with the Corn Dance. During the early 
morning, Mass is said by a priest from Pena Blanca. Late in the seventeenth 
century the Cochiti people were converted to Roman Catholicism, but they still 
retain their ancient Indian rites and traditions. The rather elaborate Mass 
is a prelude to their dance for rain, the Green Corn Dance as it is sometimes 
called. Outside the church are stationed an Indian with a rifle and another 
with a large drum. At the close of Mass the crack of the rifle and boom of 
the drum summon members of the kiva group who climb up the ladder through 
the hole in the roof of their kiva. Led by the bearer of the staff fetish, they 
march in single file to the plaza where a large booth hung with Navaho 
blankets has been built to shelter the statue of San Buenaventura carried from 
the church after Mass. Following the dance, the participants slowly march 
to the statue and each member kisses the robe of the patron saint before 
retiring to the kiva. Sometimes as many as fifty take part in the dance. The 
men dressed in white rain kilts with fox skins hanging behind have their legs 
and the upper part of their bodies painted. Hopi rain belts and strings of 
sleigh bells are around their waists. A gourd rattle is carried in one hand, a 
bundle of pine twigs and a branch waved rhythmically with the other. On 
their feet are moccasins topped with skunk pelts; and at the knees, woven 
bands and a turtle rattle. The women wear the black Hopi skirt with long 
red belts wound around their waists; on their heads are tablltas (headdresses 
carved from a board and painted in bright colors.) Small girls and boys 
similarly dressed follow at the end of the line. A man with a large drum 
leads a chorus of male singers dressed in velveteen and brilliant silk or rayon 
shirts, with printed calico or white cotton trousers and buckskin moccasins; 
some are adorned with handmade silver belts, and all wear long necklaces of 
turquoise, coral, shell, or silver. Some have buckskin "leggins," but all wear 
gay-colored head bands. Koshares (delight makers) wearing only a black 
breech clout and a headdress, their bodies painted white and black, dance 
at the side of the procession. The groups dance alternately until late after- 
noon, then sometimes join for the final dance. 

The highway passes over the Santa Fe Railway at 22.2 772. and just 
beyond that crosses Galisteo Creek in its arroyo-like bed, a lazy rivulet 
in dry seasons, of practically no use for irrigation, but in flood times 
a torrent, dangerous along its entire length. 


At 26.2 m. is the junction with a dirt road. 

Right on this road, 4 m. t to the large PUEBLO OF SANTO DOMINGO 
(obtain permission to photograph]. This village is inhabited by one of the 
most rigidly integrated of all tribes whose dances, similar to those of Cochiti, 
are considered exceptionally fine. On August 4. is their fiesta and magnificent 
Corn Dance. These people are a sturdy, handsome tribe and, though re- 
served, are hospitable and welcome all visitors who behave with consideration. 

The long concrete bridge over Arroyo Tonque, 32.8 m. t marks the 
junction with a dirt road. 

Right here by HAGAN JUNCTION, 2.2 m., formerly a station on the 
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway, and across the bridge over the Rio 
Grande to SAN FELIPE PUEBLO (alt 5,700, pop. 856) 2.8 m. These hos- 
pitable and friendly people (obtain permit to photograph) hold their most 
interesting dances on their May first fiesta and on Christmas Eve, when they 
dance in the SAN FELIPE CHURCH, an adobe building erected in the early 
part of the eighteenth century. The entrance portal is flanked by twin towers 
with open belfries and protected from the sun by a wooden gallery with lattice 
railing. A shed roof over the gallery is supported by a large, wooden beam 
resting on decorative brackets at either end. The severity of the exterior side 
walls is relieved only by the projecting ends of the ceiling vlgas. 

ALGODONES (cotton), 37.7 m. (5,088 alt., 1,073 pop. of town- 
ship), a small trading center for ranchers, was named according to 
local tradition for cotton fields that existed here at one time. 

The highway at 37.9 m. dips slightly over a wide arroyo, which in 
flood times is dangerous. (Do not cross when water is high.) 

A farming settlement of Santa Ana Indians, locally known as EL 
RANCHITO (the little ranch), is (R) at 42.1 m. (see Tour 9). 
At 43.1 7W. is the junction with NM 44 (see Tour 9). 

BERNALILLO (little Bernal), 45.4 m. (5,050 alt., 2,574 pop- 
of township), seat of Sandoval County, is on the east bank of the Rio 
Grande. It was settled in 1698 by the descendants of Bernal Diaz 
del Castillo who was associated with Cortes in his conquest of Mexico. 
Bernalillo marks the approximate site of Coronado's headquarters, 
154042, and of his departure for Qu ; vira (Kansas) in 1541. This 
region, long before the Spanish conquest, was the province of the Tiguex 
Indians, one of whose pueblos Coronado occupied as his headquarters. 
Isolated Spanish ranches and haciendas existed in the neighborhood 
before the Pueblo Rebellion of 1680; six years after reconquest by 
De Vargas in 1692, a Spanish village called Barnalillo was founded by 
settlers and a garrison of soldiers. In this place De Vargas died in 
1704 leaving a will that directed: "If His Divine Majesty shall be 
pleased to take me away from the present life, I desire and it is my 
will that a Mass be said while the corpse is present in the church of 
this town of Bernalillo . . ." Situated in a rich part of the Rio Grande 
Valley, the town is now a trading center for Indian and white farmers, 
a shipping point for cattle and lumber from the Jemez country, and 
retains some of the atmosphere of the old Spanish days. 

TOUR I 247 

South of Bernalillo the highway traverses the fertile fanning lands 
of the Sandi Pueblo Grant. 

At 48.9 m. is a junction with an improved road. 

Left on this road, 0.4 m., to SANDfA PUEBLO (197 pop.), a village of 
Tigua speaking Indians, remnant of the once populous Tiguex province of 
Coronado's time. Nafait or Nafaid (Ind. dusty place), the native name of 
this village, was recorded as Napaye by Onate in 1598. The pueblo on a grant 
of more than 24,000 acres had a government day school, a cluster of low one- 
story adobe houses enclosing a plaza, and an adobe mission dedicated to 
St. Anthony of Padua who had been a Franciscan, on whose day, June 
13, is the annual fiesta and dance. The old mission and monastery, estab- 
lished by Father Estevan de Perea in the early seventeenth century, is now 
nothing but a heap of adobes. It was here that Governor Don Pedro de 
Peralta, having displeased the officers of the Inquisition in the Royal Villa, 
was imprisoned in 1710 for a year with Father Perea his jailer. Sandia's 
mission, dedicated to St. Francis, continued in importance until the Pueblo Re- 
volt of 1680 when the Indians, according to the old chronicles, burned and de- 
stroyed the church and convent, "committing many outrages" and "desecrat- 
ing the holy altars in the most indecent manner." Following the reconquest 
(1692) by De Vargas, the Sandia Indians scattered rather than submit again 
to the Spaniards, some fleeing to the Hopi pueblos in Arizona, where they 
stayed for 62 years. In 174.2 they were persuaded by the Franciscan mis- 
sionaries to return to the ruins of their old home. According to report, 
3,000 or more left and only 441 returned. In 1748 by petition of Father Juan 
Manchero, Governor Don Joachin Codallas y Rabal set aside lands and re- 
newed the old grant for the pueblo. This was confirmed by Congress in 1858. 

ALAMEDA (poplar grove), 55 772. (5,000 alt., 1,792 pop. of town- 
ship), lines both sides of the highway. So thickly populated is the 
highway between Alameda and Albuquerque that it is difficult to deter- 
mine the village boundaries. Farms here are irrigated by a series of 
modern canals recently constructed by the Middle Rio Grande Con- 
servancy District. Alfalfa, chili peppers, fruits, grains, and sorghums 
are the principal crops. On the mesa east of the village, discernible 
from the highway (L), is the 4O-bed psychiatric NAZARETH SANI- 
TARIUM, a large modern hospital supervised by the Third Order of 
Dominican Sisters. 

West of the village (R) at the river's edge are the Alameda Pueblo 
Ruins, a pre-Columbian Indian village, one of the original Tiguex 

US 85 winds through the typical cluster of small homes set in 
garden patches, through lanes of gas stations, stores, roadside stands, 
and restaurants on the outskirts of Albuquerque. 

ALBUQUERQUE, 62 m. (4,943 alt., 201,189 pop.), (see Albu- 
querque ) . 

Points of Interest: State University of New Mexico, Old Town Plaza, Church 
of San Felipe de Neri and Convento of San Felipe de Neri Church, Harvey 
Indian Museum, Casa de Armijo, U. S. Veterans' Hospital, and Huning Castle. 

In Albuquerque is the junction with US 66 (see Tour 6). 
US 85 crosses Barelas Bridge over the Rio Grande and traverses 
the level river-bottom plains composed of fertile alluvial deposits. This 


region is given to small farms and orchards, irrigated and intensely 
cultivated under an agricultural program conducted by county agents. 

Coronado and many of the conquistadores passed up and down this 
valley, and in the historical records mention is made of many Indian 
communities whose ruins border the highway. 

ARMIJO, 65.3 m. (4,950 alt.), which is a suburban community 
of Albuquerque, is a group of ranchitos closely packed along the west 
bank of the Rio Grande. These little farms in the rich bottom lands 
are watered by a new system of irrigation ditches planned by the State's 
soil conservancy program. The highway is lined with filling stations, 
roadstands, and small stores. The two PUEBLO RUINS (R) together 
with a score of others dotting the river valley as far north as Bernalillo 
antedate the Spanish Conquest. The larger of the two was the site 
of a Tewa pueblo, called Los Guajolotes (turkeys) by Espejo in 1582. 
All estancias and haciendas in this vicinity were destroyed in the Indian 
uprising of 1 680. 

"PAJARITO (Sp., small bird), 69.5 m. (4,900 alt., 1,117 pop.) is 
surrounded by ranchitos on both sides of the river and on the table- 
lands between the Manzano Mountains and the Rio Grande. 

The highway leaves the river bottom south of Pajarito and traverses 
a higher country along the Mesa de Los Padillas (R), where are the 
RUINS OF PURETUAY PUEBLO, a 6o-room settlement of the Tiguez 

LOS PADILLAS, in early times known as SAN ANDRES DE Los 
PADILLAS (Andrew of the Padillas), 72.5 ?. (1,842 pop.), was settled 
by the Padillas family in 1705. Small ranches surround it. 

Southward a tableland mesa rises directly out of the plain, a part 
of the Isleta Pueblo Indian Reservation which stretches to the right 
and left. Two adobe trading posts are at 74.3 m. 

LOS LUNAS, 82.1 m. (4,800 alt, 1,186 pop.), seat of Valencia 
County, named for the Luna family, was founded early in Spanish 
colonial days. Some of the New Mexico dishes popular today are 
from this section. Two of these are enchiladas ^:rved with beans 
(frijoles) and posole, which is hominy cooked with pork. 

Los Lunas is on the San Clemente Grant, granted to Don Felix 
Candelaria in 1716, two years after his mother petitioned for the land; 
subsequently it was owned by the Luna family and granted to their 
heirs in 1899 by the United States. 

Among the old Spanish Archives (No. 462) are the papers of 
Antonio de Luna, "dying intestate at the hands of the enemy Apaches 
on June 9, 1779.*' The following inventory of his possession was 
made so his children's share in his estate could be determined: "one 
tract of land in said place of Los Lunas; 13 cornfields, small ones and 
large ones; three rooms of an adobe house; two small houses and one 
house lot; five pictures of 3 handbreadths painted in oil colors with 
their frames and one Infant Jesus in sculpture of 3 fingerbreadths; 
one hoe of medium weight; one plow with equipment; one medium 
sized kettle and one iron griddle, both very old; one mortar; one spit; 

TOUR I 249 

two benches; one pair of trousers of scarlet cloth and one jacket of 
black cholula cloth; one old cloak of Queratano cloth; one pair of use- 
less blunderbusses; one branding iron; one horse and one mule; one 
cart; four oxen; two cows with calves; four bulls two years old; eight 
calves one year old; 600 breeding ewes and 412 lambs born in that 
year." All this was appraised at 3,607 pesos. In accounting for the 
property, the widow reported that the hoe had worn out; she had paid 
the trousers for four masses, receipt for which she had lost; she had 
given the jacket for twelve masses and the horse for twenty masses; 
the cloak was worn out in service; she sold the mule for one yoke of 
oxen; the cart was entirely useless; 300 sheep died because of careless- 
ness and the plague of lice; she had given 40 ewes as a burial fee for 
her deceased husband; 118 were lost by the major-domo of the herd, 
"which he still owes"; 2 oxen were killed by the enemy (Indians); 
one ox she gave for the shroud. 

Los Lunas was made the county seat in 1875, hut it was not until 
1914 that modern county buildings were constructed. In a region 
given to raising alfalfa, grains, and sheep, Los Lunas is a trading and 
exchange center. 

South of Los Lunas the highway runs along the Rio Grande's 
fertile bottom lands. Along the river bank and irrigation ditches are 
farms with the usual adobe ranch homes. 

LOS CHAVEZ, 87.8 m. (538 pop.), a trading center, is another 
small cluster of adobe houses and corrals. 

BELfiN, 93.2 772. (4,800 alt., 5,031 pop.), first named BELfiM 
(Bethlehem), was a settlement provided by the Spanish authorities 
for Genizaros (Sp., begotten by parents of different nations), captives 
ransomed by the Spaniards from the Apache and Comanche Indians 
and subsequently released from slavery. The Genizaros also included 
the Spaniards' prisoners, whose status was that of slaves, but who 
eventually were redeemed or released. Though the pueblo here was 
destroyed in the revolt of 1680 some settlement continued, for when 
land here was granted to 24 petitioners by the "Mayor of Albur- 
querque," about 1740 the Genizaros of the pueblo protested that the 
land was already occupied. An archive (No. 1,226) reveals that the 
settlement of Genizaros at Belen had risen to the dignity of a partido 
(district) in the late eighteenth century and that the natives were aid- 
ing the Spaniards in their campaign against the hostile Indians. 

In the heart of the most fertile section of the Rio Grande Valley 
modern Belen is a shipping and trading center for the near-by agricul- 
tural and more remote grazing lands and also a railroad center, with 
large railroad yards, roundhouse, repair shops, loading pens, coal chutes, 
ice plant, and the largest flour mill in the State. The main east and 
west line of the Santa Fe crosses the main north and south line here, 
a division point which holds the record in New Mexico for tonnage 
and number of cars handled on the Santa Fe Railway. In this rich 
sandy loam four or five cuttings of alfalfa a year are the rule, cereals 
do exceptionally well, and wheat grown here has taken first prize 


repeatedly at many fairs. Corn, oats, and fruit are also important 
crops. The large- Church of Our Lady of Belen houses ecclesiastical 
records begun in 1793. Little remains of the ruins of the original 
church near by. The Don Chavez Mansion, within the city limits was, 
until destroyed by fire, long a landmark. The barn, surmounted by a 
high cupola, was used as a lookout in the days when the Apache made 

repeated raids. 

South along US 85 are irrigated sections of the Rio Grande Valley. 
To the east, miles in the distance, the Manzano Mountains (L) loom 
against the horizon ; toward the west are high mesa lands covered with 
luxuriant grasses that feed sheep and cattle. 

In JARALES, 97.2 m. (L) (4,000 alt., 890 pop.), a trading center 
with a population almost entirely of Spanish and Mexican descent, old 
customs are still faithfully observed. 

99 m. to the east, on NM 47, BOSQUE (4,770 alt., 299 pop.), a 
farming community, was started in the eighteenth century as a small 
Genizaro settlement (see above}. The Federal government has estab- 
lished a resettlement project here to rehabilitate farmers from drought- 
stricken areas. Twenty-four hundred acres have been cleared and irri- 
gated and homes built for 300 families, each with a well-watered five- 
acre tract of farm land suitable for intensive cultivation. A modern 
school and community hall serve the new project. 

US 85 now begins to traverse the old Apache country. For a 
century this nomadic tribe harassed the colonists, stole their flocks, and 
raided their homes. 

SABINAL (Sp., place of cedar thickets), 99.7 m. (282 pop.), is 
a small hamlet formerly the home of a large band of Apache who 
settled here in 1791, after signing a peace treaty with the Spanish 
authorities. But the "Apaches de Sabinal," notwithstanding the so- 
called peace treaty of 1791, again became hostile and continued their 
depredations and guerilla warfare until the Apache were finally sub- 
dued by the campaigns of Generals George Crook and Nelson A. Miles 
in the i88o's. 

LADRON (robber) PEAK, visible from the highway (R) south 
of Sabinal, was a rendezvous for the Navaho and Apache horse thieves 
long before the advent of American rustlers. It is the highest summit 
in the Ladrones Mountains, a lateral range whose slopes on the north 
wall in the Rio Salado (salty), one of the main tributaries of the Rio 
Grande from the west. South of the Rio Salado are the Bear Moun- 
tains, a short range, backed farther west by the Gallinas (chickens) 
and Datil (date) Mountains, two great uplifts that redden the high 
country which stretches far to the west. These three ranges, all in 
the Cibola National Fojrest, are contiguous to the southern banks of 
the Rio Salado, and abound in game, fish, and fowl. 

BERNARDO, 110 m. t is the junction with US 60 (Tour 8a) which 
unites with US 85 between this point and Socorro. Across the Rio 
Grande, (L) which continues its course to the south, gently rolling 
country gives way to the bulk of the Manzano and Pinos Ranges. 

TOUR I 251 

Through the southern and northern extremities of these two ranges, the 
Belen cutoff of the Santa Fe Railway makes its trail to the east. 

This colorful arid country has lazily rolling hills and an occasional 
mesa that rises abruptly. Mesquite, yucca, desert willow, and wild 
verbena abound; and south of here is creosote. 

At 123 m. is the junction with a side road. 

Left on this road to SAN ACACIA, 2 m. (208 pop.) a Spanish-Mexican 
hamlet on the banks of the Rio Grande. The SAN ACACIA DAM, con- 
structed here by the Middle Rio Grande Conservancy in 1934, differs from 
most dams in that it is a floating one, erected on a soft alluvial bottom and 
aed to a concrete blanket by a series of cables strung along both banks of 
the river. In case of a washout of the dirt bottom, the main part of the dam 
would be held securely by the cables. 

The highway passes through a fertile valley lined with groves of 
tamarisks whose fluily pink blossoms in springtime add a vivid touch 
to the predominant beige of the land. 

POLVADERA (dusty place), 127 m. (6,000 alt., 295 pop.), 
another hamlet where Spanish customs still prevail, takes on color 
only in late summer and fall when strings of crimson chili hang in 
the sun from the beams of the adobes, and in early summer when the 
prickly pear and cactus abound with flame-colored blooms. The ruins 
of the SEVILLETA PUEBLO, the most northerly settlement of the Piro 
Indians, are just west of the present village. Onate visited this place 
in 1598 and called the village Nueva Sevilla. The pueblo was evi- 
dently destroyed by the Apache before 1629, for Benavides describes 
rebuilding the pueblo in that year and founding the mission of San 
Luis Obispo. In 1681 when Otermin passed through he found the 
pueblo as deserted as it is today. Also on the Rio Grande at this point 
are the ruins of Fort Connelly, one of the early United States Army 
forts, established in territorial days. 

LEMITAR, 130 m. (5,000 alt., 387 pop.), is on the Rio Grande 
opposite the almost leveled ruins of the Piro Indian village of TEY- 
PANA, where in 1541 Coronado with 30 of his men camped and in 
May, 1598, Onate was hospitably received and given a supply of much- 
needed corn. In recognition of this friendly reception and welcome 
aid the Spanish Conquistador named this settlement Socorro (succor) 
in honor of Nuestra Senora del Socorro (Our Lady of Succor). 

SOCORRO, 137 m. (4,616 alt., 5,271 pop.), seat of Socorro 
County, is built on the site of the Piro Pueblo, Pilabo (or Piloque, 
as the Onate documents record it). The name Socorro was applied 
to the present city by Friar Alonso de Benavides under whose direction 
the Franciscan mission was erected here in 1628 (see below). 

Socorro is in the nearly level secondary bottom of the Rio Grande 
Valley, at the foot of a projecting range of hills (R). The Socorro 
Mountains, about 3 miles west of town, are in the foreground (R) 
and farther west loom the Magdalena, Datil, and Black Ranges, with 
the San Mateo Range to the southwest. These magnificent mountain 
masses do not run in parallel ridges but consist of apparently inde- 


pendent groups thrown up in haphazard fashion. Rich in everything 
that mountain, mesa, and valley can yield, this region is best known 
as a producer of minerals, shipping out gold, silver, copper, lead, galena, 
and zinc. Cattle, sheep, goats, and horses are raised on the grassy 
plains. Fruit, truck, cotton and grain farms fill the valley drained by 
streams that are fed from the mountains, wfiere much big game abounds. 
The streams, stocked with fish, are visited by numerous waterfowl. 

Socorro was a focal point in the events of the Spanish occupation, 
the Pueblo rebellion, and the re-conquest by De Vargas. For pro- 
tection against the Apache it was the policy of the friars to segregate 
the inhabitants of the Piro Pueblos into concentrated areas, one of 
which was Socorro, and from the time of its founding more or less 
peaceful terms were maintained between the Spaniards and the Piro 
in the Rio Grande Valley; although it is recorded that in 1665 warriors 
of these opposing tribes banded together on two occasions to drive out 
the Spaniards. But the Piro living at Socorro took no part in the 
Pueblo Revolt in 1680. They feared retribution from the northern 
Pueblo Indians and joined Otermin in his retreat to El Paso, where 
Socorro del Sur (Succor of the South) was established for them on 
the north side of the Rio Grande. During their absence, the northern 
Indians of the rebellion attacked the deserted pueblo. Otermin and 
his men, returning the following year (1681), found the pueblo partly 
ruined and ordered the remaining buildings demolished to prevent the 
enemy from occupying them. 

It was not until 1817 that the ancestors of the present families 
settled in Socorro. In a grant from the Spanish Crown, 21 families 
including the Montoyas, Bacas, Abeytas, Garcias, Padillas, Gallegos, 
Lunas, Vigiles, and others now prominent in New Mexico's affairs 
were given holdings to encourage th* permanent colonization of the 
land. Dependent upon agriculture, cattle, and sheep raising exclusively, 
they settled on the hillside and valley floor, irrigating their crops from 
mountain springs and the Rio Grande, and lived a leisurely life until 
1 86 1 and 1862 when the officers of the Union garrison at Fort Craig 
made Socorro their rendezvous. The freighting and storing of supplies 
here for the Civil War campaign created a bustling activity that com- 
pletely transformed the town. 

After silver was discovered near by in 1867, Socorro began to grow 
so steadily that during the 1880*5 it was the largest city in New Mexico. 
As the center of one of the richest mining areas in the country, it had 
44 saloons lining its thoroughfares and was a supply and shipping point 
for the 200 wagon trains that served the mines. This mining activity 
continued until the middle of the 1890*5 when the price of silver de- 
clined. Since then the mines have been worked only at intervals and, 
with the exception of the hydrocarbons and zinc ores, with discourag- 
ing results. 

The CHURCH OF SAN MIGUEL, situated in the exact center of 
Socorro, is one of the oldest churches en the North American Con- 
tinent. It is a fine example of early Spanish-Indian mission archi- 

TOUR I 253 

tecture, having been remodeled twice; one of its present walls being 
the wall of the first Franciscan mission built in 1598. It has massive 
five-foot walls, hand-hewn rafters, old paintings, and sacred ornaments. 
In May 1598 when Onate stopped at Teypana, he had in his expedi- 
tion Fray Salazar and Fray Martinez of the Franciscan Order who 
remained behind when the main expedition resumed its march to the 
north. A small edifice was erected at Pilabo (present site of Socorro), 
the nearest large Piro Indian settlement south of Teypana, and from 
here the Indian communities were served. When this was burned or 
destroyed at the turn of the century, the present mission at Socorro 
was founded by Friar Garcia de San Francisco Zufiiga early in the 
seventeenth century. In 1628 Friar Alonso de Benavides, the first 
custodio of an organized mission field north of Mexico, visited Pilabo, 
found this Franciscan mission established, and dedicated it to Nuestra 
Senora del Socorro de Pilabo, to commemorate the aid given Onate 
by the Piro Indians in May 1598. This building was badly damaged 
in 1680 by the northern Indians, and in 1692 De Vargas describes 
sleeping in a cell of the tumble-down convent. It was almost a century 
later that settlers rebuilt the mission. 

The old PARK HOTEL (1836) just west of the plaza has housed 
many prominent men including General Lew Wallace, sent to New 
Mexico to check the Lincoln County War. During 1861-62 this was 
headquarters for the Union forces. (Razed in 1960 for new building.) 

here by the Territorial Legislature of 1889, has a campus of 32 acr& on 
the western outskirts of the city. 

In Socorro is the southern junction with US 60 (see Tour 8b). 

Section c. SOCORRO to TEXAS LINE, 174 * 

Footprints of men and women who made New Mexico history, 
ruts of their wooden-wheeled carts, and tracks of the blooded horses 
of caballeros determined this route. Much of El Camino Real, of 
which US 85 approximates portions, was the main artery of New 
Mexico. Early Spanish and Mexican colonists built their homes in 
the valley through which this route lies. Few strayed from it, few 
wanted to. This was enemy territory, and safety demanded they keep 
together. To the east across the Rio Grande was the dreaded Jornada 
del Muerto (journey of death) across 90 miles of desert and lava 
beds, with little or no water a grueling, heart-breaking experience 
that required mort than courage and demanded the utmost in strength. 
The Santa Fe Railway now dashes through this area, and on the west 
side of the Rio Grande automobiles rush by over a modern road; 
irrigation systems enrich the region; and the Royal Road, no longer 
imprinted in the sand or bottom lands, has been lifted to the low table- 
lands by engineers and paved. 

South of Socorro, m., US 85 runs through areas of creosote and 
cactus with mountains on both sides. 


SAN ANTONIO, 10.8 m. (4,500 alt., 500 pop.), is a trading 
point for ranchers on the site of the Piro settlement, Senecu, a corrup- 
tion of the aboriginal Tzenocue. The Spanish San Antonio is a sur- 
vival of the name applied to the mission here in 1629 by Fray Antonio 
de Arteaga and Fray Garcia de Francisco de Zufiiga, its founders. 
Bandelier records that the remains of the latter are buried at Senecu. 

The banks of the Rio Grande are level on both sides here and water 
is available by gravity flow and pumping. Alfalfa and cotton are im- 
portant crops raised in the approximately 6,300 acres under cultivation 
in this area. West of the town is the beautiful boxlike Nogal Canyon 
with walls ranging perpendicularly from 300 to i,OOO feet high. 

San Antonio is at the junction with US 380 (see Tour l%b). 

At 18 m. is the junction with a dirt road. 

Left on this road past SAN MARCIAL, 2.1 m. (15 pop.), formerly a station 
on the Santa Fe Railway, to the VALVERDE BATTLEFIELD, 6 m. Sub- 
sequent to the American occupation of New Mexico, a number of army posts 
were built along the Rio Grande by the several commanders of the United 
States Army and nearly all of the forts were garrisoned until the final subjuga- 
tion of the Apache in 1886 by General Nelson A. Miles. Two of these were 
Fort Conrad, a few miles north of here on the Rio Grande, and Fort Craig 
about five miles south of here on the west bank of the river. At Fort Craig 
occurred the first encounter between the Union and Confederate forces in 
New Mexico, beginning February 16, 1862, when General H. H. Sibley and his 
Texans appeared before the fort and were engaged by Union cavalry from the 
garrison. The Confederates then withdrew and on the iQth crossed the river; 
the following day a force of Federal troops crossed and made a feint of attack 
on the Confederates. This attempt was beaten off without much loss to either 
side. Some troopers in one of Kit Carson's companies of New Mexico volun- 
teers even lassoed a Confederate cannon cowboy style and dragged it into the 
Union camp. On the night of the 2oth Captain Paddy Graydon who com- 
manded an independent company of scouts was permitted to make a night attack 
on Sibley's camp. He equipped two old mules with packs containing explosives 
attached to short fuses. Then with several of his men he approached the 
Confederate camp, lit the fuses, and started for home after impelling the mules 
toward the sleeping bivouac. The mules, instead of continuing toward the 
camp, followed their masters, who fled the faster. The perambulating bomb- 
shells finally blew up and awakened the Confederates, thus making a surprise 
attack out of the question. 

The same Paddy Graydon had an ingenious method of filling his ranks. 
Whenever one of his men was killed, wounded, or just went over the hill, he 
would find some inoffensive peon, accost him under the name of the missing 
man, and put him into the service as the other man, paying no attention to 
the impressed victim's howls of protest. In consequence Captain Graydon 
at the time his troop was mustered out had not only a full complement of men 
but, judging from their recorded names, the same men the troop had originally 

On the morning of the 2ist, Sibley moved his camp up the river to a point 
about a mile east of this site. While Sibley's men held the fords at the foot 
of the Mesa de la Contadera, the Union troops appeared in force on the 
western bank. 

The Federals crossed the Rio Grande here and drove the Confederates 
back from their positions on the river bank. Toward noon, when the battle 
had been fiercely contested for two hours, the main force of the Texans came 
on the field. Two charges were made, one against the left flank of the Fed- 
erals being successful while the charge against the right flank was thrown 

TOUR I 255 

back. This latter was met with a countercharge which scattered the Con- 
federate troops. Meanwhile the Union left flank was stormed and the bulk of 
the army's artillery was captured. The whole battlefield resembled nothing 
so much as a swinging door with the left flanks of each retreating and the 
right advancing. By good management and considerable luck, the Federals 
who had their backs to the river managed to withdraw to Fort Craig, while 
Sibley went on to take Albuquerque and Santa Fe. 

US 85 south of the junction with the road to San Marcial leaves 
the route of El Camino Real which until 1919 turned east from San 
Marcial, crossed the Rio Grande, and traversed the dreaded Jornada 
del Muerto, a trackless desert valley that had been the bed of the Rio 
Grande until lava in Quaternary times diverted the river to the west. 

The width of the Jornada is approximately 35 miles and its length 
exceeds 90 miles. Only two places were known in the old days where 
water could be found: one at the Ojo del Muerto (spring of death) 
in a steep canyon of the Fray Cristobal Mountains and the other at 
Laguna del Muerto (lake of death), a mere sinkhole occasionally 
filled during the rainy season. For the journey over the Jornada, full 
water kegs were necessary. Records left by several of the conquista- 
dores, early Spanish colonists, and Indian fighters reveal the hardships 
of the trip. The "old road," as it is now known, is used only by 
local residents. Between the junction of the side road to San Mar- 
cial and Truth or Consequences, US 85 parallels the ELEPHANT 
BUTTE RESERVOIR (L), a lake 45 miles long made by the waters 
of the Rio Grande impounded by the Elephant Butte Dam (officially 
named Wilson Dam) five miles north of Truth or Consequences. From 
this lake thousands of acres of land in this area are irrigated. 

Visible ahead are the Magdalena Mountains and the San Mateos 
(R) ; left of the highway the Fray Cristobal and Caballo ranges push 
their rugged, colored peaks and escarpments into white clouds and 
misty halos. The first mine registered in New Mexico (1685) is 
believed to be the Nuestra Sefiora del Filar de Zaragonza (Our Lady 
of Filar of Zaragonza), supposed to be a gold claim in the Fray Cris- 
tobal range. It was discovered and registered by Pedro de Abalos, 
who accompanied Cruzate in 1683 for the reconquest of the Province. 
Southward, US 85 dips and crosses numerous gulches, canyons, and 
arroyos, up and down over the plateau-like terrain. This topography 
is so cut up by small streams and arroyos that it is readily apparent 
why the conquistador es and Spanish colonists used the Jornada on the 
east rather than the west bank of the Rio Grande. An Indian trail 
had long existed on the west bank but was seldom used until American 
occupation when General Kearny took his column down this side and 
over the mountains to the west. 

The western bank was also followed by the first wagon road across 
the continent, established in 1846-47 by the Mormon Battalion of 
infantry, 400 strong, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Philip St. 
George Cooke. Early in that year,, when war with Mexico seemed 
inevitable, the Church oi Latter-day Saints had become involved in 
difficulties in Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas, and Brigham Young 


decided to move his flock west. The battalion was organized to blaze 
the way, and when Brigham Young offered its services to the War 
Department, Cooke was put in command with instructions to join 
Kearny's main body at the Gila River near where that stream crosses 
from New Mexico into Arizona. In Cooke's journal which covers 
day by day this memorable march to the Pacific, it is stated that the 
battalion was completely formed at Santa Fe on October 13, 1846 
and a few days later a march south was begun. When 200 miles had 
been covered word came from Kearny, now breveted a major general, 
that he had abandoned his wagons, acting upon advice given by Kit 
Carson, and was proceeding westward with supplies on pack mules. 

Cooke, having in mind instructions that he establish a wagon road, 
consulted his guides and decided not to attempt a meeting with Kearny ; 
he continued another 200 miles in a southward direction before turn- 
ing due west. 

Though the Mormon Battalion left .Santa Fe with no knowledge 
of military tactics, it was drilled on the way and marched into San 
Diego Mission on January 29, 1847 a well-organized unit of the United 
States Army. That evening Lieutenant Colonel Cooke reported to 
General Kearny at San Diego six miles from the mission. Next morn- 
ing, in "Order No. i" issued to the battalion, Cooke commended his 
men thus: "The lieutenant-colonel commanding congratulates the bat- 
talion on their safe arrival on the shore of the Pacific ocean, and the 
conclusion of the march of over two thousand miles. History may be 
searched in vain for an equal march of infantry. Nine-tenths of it 
has been, through a wilderness where nothing but savages and wild 
beasts are found, or deserts where, for want of water, there is no living 
creature. There, with almost hopeless labor, we have dug deep wells 
which the future traveler will enjoy. Without a guide who had 
traversed them, we have ventured into trackless prairies where water 
was not found for several marches. With crowbar and pick and ax in 
hand we have worked our way over mountains which seemed to defy 
aught save the- wild goat, and hewed a passage through a chasm of 
living rock more narrow than our wagons. To bring these first wagons 
to the Pacific we have preserved the strength of our mules by herding 
them ever over large tracts, which you have laboriously guarded with- 
out loss. The garrisons of four presidios of Sonora, concentrated 
within the walls of Tucson, gave us no pause. We drove them out 
with their artillery, but our intercourse with the citizens was unmarked 
by a single act of injustice. Thus, marching half naked and half fed, 
and living upon wild animals, we have discovered and made a road of 
great value to our country." Though Cooke failed to mention it, 
several members of the battalion wrote stirring descriptions of their 
one battle which took place in the San Pedro Valley when the battalion 
was attacked by wild bulls. Sixty or seventy bulls had been killed 
one or two pack mules gored to death, and several of the battalion 
injured before, as the battalion poet expressed it: 

TOUR I 257 

Whatever cause, we did not know 
But something prompted them to go; 
When all at once in frantic fright 
The bulls ran bellowing out of sight. 

With the opening of the silver mines around Deming, the western 
bank of the Rio Grande was used more frequently and about the middle 
of the nineteenth century became definitely a roadway. 

West of the highway is the BLACK RANGE (R), an unbroken 
chain of mountains 120 miles in length which extends laterally north 
and south, a treasure house of minerals. Its prominent peaks attain an 
altitude of 8,000 to 10,000 feet. The slopes and valleys are covered 
with thick growths of pine and other valuable timber, the dark appear- 
ance of which has given rise to its name. Bear, deer, and other wild 
game abound. Mining has been carried on in this region since 1880. 
The lands that stretch west of the highway to and into the Black Moun- 
tains are fine for grazing; this being one of the best stock regions in 
the State. There is a good underground water supply and sheep and 
goats do well, especially Angoras. Does and bucks from several of the 
goat ranches have won many prizes. 

At 68 m. is the junction with NM 52. 

Right on this road to CUCHILLO (knife), 7 m. (145 pop.), a small com- 
munity composed of several stores and dwellings. CHLORIDE, 25.7 m. (183 
pop.), ^as started in 1879 as a mining camp by Harry Pye, who hauled freight 
to military posts in the West. Pye knew something about minerals and -while 
traversing this terrain with a pack train, espied a quantity of ore where 
Chloride now stands. He took a sample, had it assayed, and found he had 
made a silver strike. When his contract with the government was completed, 
he and a party of friends returned to this site and began working. The name 
Chloride was given to the mining camp because of the character of the ore. 
Pye did not live to enjoy his wealth as roaming Apache killed him and sev- 
eral settlers shortly thereafter. Today there is little activity in this area 
but it has been steadily productive. 

TRUTH OR CONSEQUENCES, 77 m. (4,200 alt., 4,269 pop.), 
the largest town in Sierra County and a trading center for the surround- 
ing mining, stock raising, and farming areas, has good stores, cafes, hotels, 
modern camp grounds, sanitary bathhouses, and up-to-date motion pic- 
ture theaters. It is a health resort and its population is increasing 
rapidly. The town is underlaid with hot rocks; at a depth of 120 feet 
a temperature of 120 is encountered. The Springs of Palomas, now 
called Hot Springs, furnish an uninterrupted supply of hot mineral 
water highly alkaline and nonlaxative. Hot mineralized mud and water 
baths, with competent attendants in charge, are available at all times. 
THE CARRIE TINGLEY HOSPITAL for crippled children, a Work Proj- 
ects Administration project, was erected (1937) at a cost of $1, 000,000 
for the treatment of infantile paralysis cases. This is a modern, fireproof 
hospital with a capacity of one hundred beds. The grounds which 
comprise 118 acres are owned by the State. President Franklin D. 
Roosevelt took an active interest in its construction. 


Three miles east of Truth or Consequences is Elephant Butte Lake, 
held by Elephant Butte Dam, on the Rio Grande. Fine fishing for bass, 
crappie, bream, perch, wall-eyed pike and catfish. Elephant Butte Re- 
gatta held annually first weekend in June. 

The Black Range (R) is heavily timbered and there is good hunting 
for deer, bear, turkey and other small game. 

At 86 TW. is the junction with a dirt road. 

Left on this road to LAS PALOMAS (Sp., the doves), 0.8 m. (140 pop.), a 
primitive hamlet near the ruins of a pueblo. Almost deserted today, it was 
until recent years a bustling health resort. Indians, Spanish colonists, cow- 
boys, and miners stopped here before there were any accommodations at Hot 
Springs. The name refers to the thousands of doves that lived in the cot- 
tonwoods along the river and around the springs. 

CABALLO, 91 m. One mile south is the junction with NM 180 
(see Tour 1A). 

To the west at 112 m. are the MIMBRES MOUNTAINS, ex- 
tending from the terminus of the Black Range to the northernmost 
point of Cooks Range, a continuation of this immense north-to-south 

SALEM, 112 m. (520 pop.), a small trading center, was an early 
Spanish village named Plaza, but in 1908 a group of New Englanders, 
mainly from Salem, Massachusetts, settled here and renamed it. 

US 85 crosses the Rio Grande to the west bank at 115 m. 

The approximate SITE OF FORT THORN is at 125 m. At this mili- 
tary post, established in 1853 and abandoned in 1859, General Sibley 
in 1862 joined his several columns of Confederates and marched north. 
The Rio Grande Valley now broadens ; and the Mesilla Valley, a fertile 
plain dotted with numerous farms yielding fine crops, stretches far to 
the west. 

The highway recrosses the Rio Grande at c. 140 m. and nearby 
are the ruins of FORT SELDOJST (L) with massive unroofed adobe walls, 
all that is left of a very important post established in 1865 as a means 
of protection against raids by Gila Apaches. 

South of Fort Seldon is MOUNT ROBLEDO (R), named for 
Pedro Robledo, a member of Onate's 1598 expedition who was buried 
near it. This mountain was used by the United States Army as a 
heliograph station during the campaigns against the Apache and other 
Indians, the messages being flashed from Fort Bliss to Fort Seldon. 
Later it was used as an astronomical observation point (1882) to study 
the transit of Venus. 

The land on both sides of the highway is planted with cotton, which 
yields an exceptionally good crop. 

At 144 7w. is the junction with an asphalted road. 

Left on this road to DONA, ANA, 1.3 m. (851 pop.), a Spanish-Mexican 
settlement untouched by time and modernity. The old church was erected with 
the founding of the town in 1843 by Don Jose Maria Costales, who with 116 
settlers received from the governor of Chihuahua, Mexico, a grant on the east 

TOUR I 259 

bank of the Rio Grande, known as El Ancon de Dona Ana (Dona Ana bend). 
After an influx of Texans many of the old settlers decided to seek homes 
under Mexican jurisdiction. In March, 1850, they moved across the river 
to the west bank and colonized the Mesilla Grant, several miles south. Within 
two decades the Americans moved out, and Dona Ana became again the Span- 
ish-Mexican village that it is today. Colonel Doniphan and Lieutenant Colonel 
Gilpin in December, 1846, stopped at Dona Ana after a hard march through 
the Jornada del Muerto. They and their armies rested here for two days, 
purchased supplies, and then continued their journey southward. 

LAS CRUCES (the crosses), 151 m. (3,895 alt., 29,367 pop.), is 
the seat of Dona Ana County. A caravan of oxcarts, en route from 
Chihuahua, was attacked by Indians at the point where the city now 
stands and was entirely destroyed. A few days later another freight 
party from Dona Ana found the bodies, buried them, and erected 
crosses over the graves. From that time the site has been known as 
Las Cruces. 

Settled in 1848 it has become a prosperous city in the center of a 
rich agricultural district with fine schools and churches, a State Farm 
Bureau, two banks, many civic and social clubs, a country club, and a 
golf course. Several trails lead from Las Cruces to the mountains east 
and west and to the Mesilla Valley, a land of beauty and of vast re- 
sources, agricultural and mineral. The AMADOR (lover) HOTEL on 
Amador Street was built by Don Martin Amador, a Santa Fe Trail 
stage driver in 1853, an< ^ was furnished with massive walnut pieces of 
the 1850*8 brought by oxcarts from the East. In addition to the fine 
old furniture, girls' names over the doors La Luz, Maria, Esperanza, 
Natalia, Dorotea, Muneca and others, 23 in all recall the days when 
the casa was the rendezvous of officers and men from Fort Seldon to 
the north and Fort Fillmore to the south. There were a variety theater, 
dance hall, and games of chance a. frontier stopping place typical of 
the time. Court was held in the dining room and the kitchen was con- 
verted into the jail the jury debating over a murder verdict to the 
rhythm of the vals or the Varsoviana in the great hall adjoining. The 
displays in the great hall include old paintings, lace mantillas, fans 
under glass, pre-historic pottery, and other relics. 

One of the oldest branches of the Loretto Academy for Girls, 
founded in 1852, was in Las Cruces. In 1870 five members of the Sisters 
of Loretto Order and the Reverend Father Bernal started the school. 
The Academy buildings were torn down in 1959. 

collection of books and manuscripts. 

Las Cruces has enjoyed a marked growth in recent years. There has 
been a population increase of over 17,000 in the decade following 
1950. Cotton, alfalfa, corn, cantaloupes, onions, chili, pecans, and 
various fruits are grown in the surrounding irrigated lands. Fine dairy 
herds are also found in this area. 

South of Las Cruces 2 m. on US 80-85 to NEW MEXICO STATE UNI- 
VERSITY, founded with 17 pupils in 1888 as Las Cruces College and a State 


institution since 1889. Approximately 4,000 students are enrolled in the four 
undergraduate colleges arts and sciences, agriculture and home economics, 
engineering, teacher education and the Graduate School. In addition to ex- 
perimental farms, it does applied research in missile and space programs, and 
a large program of basic research, primarily in mathematics, the physical 
sciences, and astronomy. Of interest to the visitor are extensive recreational 
facilities, the Ledding Cactus Gardens, and works of art. 

At Las Cruces is junction with US 70 (see Tour lOb) ; and US 80; 
also Alt. 80-85. Continuing on Alt. US 80-85 to Anthony. 
At 152 772. is the junction with a paved road. NM 28. 

Right on this road, 2.8 m. f to OLD MESILLA (3,857 alt., 1,500 pop.), whose 
old plaza and surrounding flat-topped adobe houses sleep in the sun, dreaming 
of the days when this was the capital of a vast new state that combined the 
lower part of New Mexico with all of Arizona; of the days of Emperor 
Maximilian who, according to local tradition, sought sanctuary here; and of 
the days of Billy the Kid and the Lincoln County War. After the close of 
the Mexican War a group of New Mexicans who preferred to remain under 
Mexican protection settled at this site, then a part of Chihuahua, Mexico, and 
in 1853 they received the land under the Mesilla (little tableland) Colony 
Grant. The settlement, nevertheless, became a part of the United States when, 
by terms of a treaty signed here, Mexico received $10,000,000 and the United 
States an additional strip of land known as the Gadsden Purchase, that in- 
cluded the entire Mesilla Valley. On Nov. 16, 1854, there was a flag-raising 
ceremony in the plaza at La Mesilla in confirmation of the treaty. Governor 
Merriwether from Santa Fe was present, as were troops from Fort Fillmore 
and a large crowd of citizens. In 1857 Mesilla became a central point on the 
Overland Mail route established by John Butterfield to run between Missouri 
and California, and a wager was laid as to which coach would reach Mesilla 
first the one from the East or the one from the West. The latter won. A 
newspaper, The Mesilla Times, was started in 1860. In July, 1861, Lieutenant 
Colonel Baylor of the Confederate Army, after capturing Fort Fillmore with 
little resistance, made his headquarters at Mesilla, proclaiming himself mili- 
tary governor and Mesilla the capital of the new territory of Arizona, which 
included all of New Mexico south of the 34th parallel, a part of Texas, and 
all of Arizona, Nevada, and California. After August, 1862, when the Con- 
federates fled before the California Column under General James H. Carleton, 
La Mesilla was made headquarters of the Military District of Arizona under 
the United States. 

The adobe structure where Billy the Kid was tried, still stands on the south- 
east corner of the Plaza. Opposite is La Posta, historic inn famous for New 
Mexican food. Main interest of the town is in the historic plaza, the church, 
and territorial homes and patios. La Mesilla Association conducts the Terri- 
torial Pilgrimages each year, first Sunday in May, to historic homes. 

At Christmas the candlelight procession of the peregrinos, the travelers 
(Mary and Joseph), seeking lodging for the birth of the Christ Child, winds 
its way through the streets. Known as Las Posadas, it begins on the night of 
Dec. 15, and lasts through Christmas Eve. 

At 156 m. on Alt. 80-85 is the junction with an asphalt road. 

Left on this road to the TORTUGAS INDIAN VILLAGE, 0.5 m. f built 
around a small nondescript plaza, with a handsome stone church in modern- 
ized Gothic style. They speak no native Indian language, but still cling to 
their tribal myths and legends. Little is known about them, but E. W. Gifford, 
curator of the Museum of Anthropology and associate professor of the Uni- 
versity of Southern California, says they are descendants of Indians who were 
expelled from Isleta del Sur, south of El Paso, several generations ago. Ac- 
cording to local tradition, their ancestors were Isleta Indians, who at the time 
of the Pueblo Revolt (1680) were taken from their home near Albuquerque 

TOUR I A 26l 

by Governor Otermin retreating to El Paso. Though most of them were set- 
tled by him at the present Indian village of Isleta del Sur about 18 miles 
southeast of El Paso, a few who were too old or too ill to continue the journey 
settled here and were the founders of Tortugas. 

BRAZITO SCHOOL HOUSE (L), 158 /;*., marks the site of the only 
Mexican War battle that occurred on New Mexico soil. After United 
States troops under Colonel Doniphan had defeated a force here under 
General Ponce de Leon on Christmas Day, 1846, Colonel Doniphan *s 
march into Mexico was without opposition. 

In Conklings Cave near MESQUITE, 162 m. (3,430 alt., 552 
pop.), at the southern end of the ORGAN MOUNTAINS, bones of 
ancient sloths, camels, and cave bears have been found. 

At the REGISTRATION STATION (all trucks must stop), 173 m., out- 
of-state trucks pay a road tax. 

In ANTHONY, 174 777., US 85 crosses the Texas Line, 20 miles 
north of El Paso, Texas. 

Tour i A 

Caballo Hillsboro Santa Rita Junction with US 260; NM 180. 
66 m. 

Two-lane, 41 miles bituminous-paved; balance gravel. 

Route crosses a spur of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway at Santa 


This route is up from the Rio Grande Valley and across the Black 
Range with its exceptionally fine panoramas, hunting, and fishing, past 
the very large open-pit copper mines at Santa Rita that are visible from 
the road, and on to Silver City, largest town in this area. Parts of the 
road are through Gila National Forest, which, like the rest of the route, 
was the camping and hunting ground of the Gila Apache and is rich 
in Indian, mining, and historical lore of the frontier. The Mogollon 
Range, beyond Silver City, has many pueblo and cliff dwelling sites of 
pre-Columbian days, as well as habitations of a more recent period, and 
is an exciting region for the archeologist ; and no less interesting to the 
hunter and fisherman who must pack in to reach the best spots. There 
are many places where pack trips into the areas inaccessible by auto- 
mobile can be arranged, especially in the Gila Wilderness, which is 
being kept primitive. 

Prom junction with US 85, 1 m. south of CABALLO, and 15 in. 
south of Truth or Consequences (Tour Ic), NM 180 runs west over a 


barren stretch to the foothills of the Black Range, away from the 
Sierra Caballos (ridge of the horses) across the Rio Grande, a wide, 
blue reservoir at this point. A series of curves precede a long stretch 
over a wide plain covered with creosote bushes that hide the chaparral 
cock, sand lizards, and various reptiles, while the sparse grass provides 
food for the grazing flocks. 

HILLSBORO, 17.9 m. (5,238 al *-> 2I ^ PP-), wa . s ^ he seat of Sier . ra 
County, once the center of a rich mining district. Millions in gold, sil- 
ver, and other ores have been taken from the surrounding hills. Large 
flocks of goats and sheep and herds of cattle graze on the slopes and 
plains. Hillsboro's history began in 1877 when two prospectors dis- 
covered gold near by. They were joined later by other prospectors 
working in the near-by Mimbres Mountains. Each miner had a name 
for the new site, so each wrote his choice on a slip of paper, placing it 
in a hat. One member drew from the lot and the name Hillsborough 
was chosen, contracted in later years to Hillsboro. The main thor- 
oughfare of the town is lined with cottonwood, and the old stores, all 
landmarks of the earlier camp, are still the hangouts of citizens who 
lived and knew the boom days of the town. The picturesque Gold Pan- 
Restaurant, in which the proprietor fed chuck to bearded prospectors of 
the gold rush days, has unfortunately disappeared. So has the old, 
scarred bench that stood in front of the store where much of the mining 
was done. It was studded with nails to protect it against the assault 
of whittlers. 

The LAKE VALLEY REGION, south of Hillsboro, was one of 
the best ore producers in the Southwest and is still potentially valuable. 
The history of all the finds in this district is full of action; joy, heart- 
break, and battles with the Indians being a part of it. This section was 
the part-time home of Victorio, the Apache chief, and his lieutenants, 
Loco and Nana. The silver ore is of high grade, and a strike in the 
district furnished an illustration of the romance connected with mining 
in New Mexico. Two miners in the early l88o's struck an ore vein 
near the settlement of Lake Valley and sold out for $100,000. Two 
days after the sale, the lead ran into what is known as the Bridal 
Chamber, a subterranean room and the working of which produced 
upwards of $3,000,000 in horn silver. A spur track from the rail- 
road was run into the room and the silver loaded directly into cars. 
The expense of working this room was so small that one man offered 
the owners a large sum for the privilege of entering the mine and tak- 
ing down all the silver he could pick single-handed in one day. 

In the mining boom days, stagecoaches were the means of transport 
and the one from Hillsboro to Lake Valley was the busiest. Sadie 
Orchard, still living in Hillsboro (1939), was owner and one of the 
drivers. She came to the territory in 1886 from London when Hills- 
boro was teeming and Kingston a wild town of 5,000 people; the silver 
boom was at its height and dance halls and saloons in full swing. It 
was in this setting that she and her husband, with two Concord coaches 
and an express wagon, started their stage and freight line to the out- 
lying mining camps. Sadie took her full turn at the lines, driving 

TOUR I A 263 

every day from Kingston to Hillsboro to Lake Valley. She proudly 
boasts that her stage was never in a holdup. One of her coaches is now 
on display in the Museum of New Mexico at Santa Fe. 

Between Hillsboro and Kingston, the highway traverses PERCHA 
CANYON, a rugged, niche-like channel cut through mountains that 
tower on both sides. This stretch in the early days, as Sadie Orchard 
relates, was "always troublesome for us stage drivers; Indians lurked 
along the way and the road was surely trying." 

The GILA NATIONAL FOREST is entered at 25 777. 

KINGSTON, 26.7 m. (6,353 alt., 63 pop.), with only one store, 
the old hotel, and several frame buildings, was a beehive of activity in 
the i88o*s, the contiguous country having produced approximately 
$10,000,000 in silver and related ores. The highway passes the store, 
but the old town (R) is hidden from view by the trees. The first 
mineral discovered near Kingston was in 1880; the news of the find 
started a boom, and within five years the town had a population of 
7,000. Several landmarks stand, one the fire bell, used in those days to 
summon the volunteers, today calling the few settlers for their mail. 
The Victorio Hotel (see below), built in 1882, still stands; the register, 
in use since 1887, still serving. A story is told of an old Washington 
Hand Press that was used during the gold rush days. It had been 
brought hundreds of miles overland to Old Mesilla on the Rio Grande, 
where a small newspaper was published (see Tour Ic). During the 
Civil War, after the capture of Mesilla by the Confederates, the press 
was thrown into the Rio Grande where it lay in the sand for many 
years. With the activity at Kingston it was retrieved, and itinerant 
printers got out crude newspapers and hand-bills on it, first at Kingston 
and then at other boom towns in the area. It is still in operation 
(i939) publishing a small newspaper in the town of Hatch (see 
Tour Ic). Sheba Hurst, Mark Twain's humorous character in Rough- 
ing It, was the wit of Kingston; a plain pine slab bearing the name 
"Sheba" marks his last resting place in the old graveyard outside the 
town. Victorio, the Apache raider, and his cohorts paid several sur- 
prise visits to Kingston, but the tough miners were too much for them. 
Their victories made them generous, and they named the three-story 
hotel Victorio. In its prime, Kingston had 22 saloons, several dance 
halls, a theater at which Lillian Russell and her troupe once played; 
many stores, three hotels, and three newspapers. It was suggested that 
the town needed a church, so hats were passed in saloons. Dance hall 
girls tossed diamond rings into them; gamblers dropped money and 
stickpins, and miners weighted the kitty with gold nuggets. The collec- 
tion totaled $1,500, which built the church. The walls of stone are 
still standing, and behind the altar the appropriate sign, The Golden 
Gate, still blazons. 

West of Kingston, NM 180 gradually ascends the east slope of the 
BLACK RANGE, through extensive forests of pine, spruce, and juni- 
per, passing from Sierra into Grant County. The highway trails over 
the mountain slopes with expanded views of mountain and plain. 


Wooded canyons thick with mountain flowers and quiet meadows 
crossed by mountain streams add to the beauty of the Black Range 
Highway. A number of United States game refuges have been estab- 
lished in the Black Range, but special permits for hunting and fishing 
outside these areas may be obtained from any forest officer. The 
highway leaves the Gila National Forest at 45.1 m., drops down in the 
Mimbres Valley, and crosses the Mimbres River. San Lorenzo, a small 
trading center, is reached at 52 m. Here is the junction with NM 61. 

Left on this road is MIMBRES HOT SPRINGS, 10 m. t a quiet, isolated 
health resort in a ranch country of great natural beauty. Modern buildings 
are clustered about 20 springs of hot water ranging in temperature from 120 
to 144 F. Nearby is a group of Indian pueblo ruins. The springs are not 
active now. 

The KNEELING NUN, a pinnacle rock formation rising abruptly 
from a mesa some distance (L) t is a landmark visible at 61.2 m. 

SANTA RITA, 62.3 m. (6,311 alt., 1,772 pop.), site of the large 
open-pit copper mines, is a small city practically surrounded by its own 
excavations. Two immense bowls, worked at different benches (shelf- 
like levels) have produced many thousand tons of copper yearly since 
1 800. These bowls, created by continuous digging, lie in a well-defined 
widening of the Santa Rita Valley, the rim of the basin being highest 
at the Santa Rita Mountain (7,365 alt.). The remainder of the basin 
rim was originally formed by a series of hills rising 100 to 450 feet 
above the basin floor. Some of the hills have been removed, wholly or 
in part, by steam shovels. Two bowls now joined into one pit. 

The Santa Rita mine was discovered in 1800 by Lieutenant Colonel 
Manuel Carrisco, a Spanish commandant in charge of military posts 
in this section of New Mexico. The Spaniards had made Santa Rita 
a penal colony, and it is said that convict labor was employed in de- 
veloping the property under the ownership of Don Francisco Manuel 
Elguea, of Chihuahua, who bought the mine from CarriscQ. The copper 
was of so fine a quality that the Royal Mint contracted for the output 
to be used in coinage. The metal was transported to the City of Mex- 
ico on pack mules, 300 pounds loaded on each animal, and it is recorded 
that 100 mules were constantly employed in this work. In 1807, 
Zebulon Pike, American explorer, told of a copper mine in this part 
of the Territory (undoubtedly Santa Rita), "producing 20,000 mule 
teams of copper annually." 

Don Francisco died in 1809, and the mine was worked until 1822 
under various leases made with his widow. Robert McKnight held 
it from 1826 to 1834. Because of the Apache, the mine was aban- 
doned for a few years, but from 1840 to 1860 it was worked by 
Siqueiros. In 1862, when all the mines in the Territory were closed 
down, Sweet and LaCosta were proprietors. At various periods from 

TOUR 2 265 

1862-70, it was worked by Messrs. Sweet, LaCosta, Brand, and Fresh, 
using for their labor Mexicans from Chihuahua and as a smelter a 
small Mexican blast furnace with a capacity of about 2,000 pounds of 
refined copper per month. 

The mass development of the Santa Rita Copper Camp really dates 
back to 1873, when it came under American management. Work con- 
tinued steadily until the early i88o's when a decline in price caused the 
mines to close down until the late 1 890*3. Then the Hearst estate 
secured an option which in 1899 was sold to the Amalgamated Copper 
Company for $1,400,000. Now the mine is owned by the Kennecott 
Copper Corporation, and the ore is treated at Hurley, 10 miles south 
of Santa Rita, where the concentrate is also smelted and refined. 

Evidence of old Spanish and Mexican workings have been found 
in the mines, even skeletons and old fills together with many old tim- 
bers. Since the beginning of steam shovel operations, there have been 
further developments. In stripping the Romero section the skeleton 
of a very tall man of the Indian type was unearthed, the skull and 
teeth practically replaced by carbonate of copper. Two copper bars 
three feet in length were also found. They had been punched with a 
hole at the end and showed that they had been hammered into shape. 
Several vessels of hammered copper have been unearthed, also mining 
tools and bullets. On the northern extremity of what is known as the 
Hearst pit, while stripping, 50 skeletons were taken out from a depth 
of 6 feet above the natural slope and about 15 feet under an old 
dump. Legend has it that at one time 50 convict miners were im- 
prisoned in this mine by a cave-in and their bodies never recovered. 

Passing the pit of the mine the highway leads westward, joining 
US 260 at Central, 68 m. 

At 68.5 m. is the junction with US 260 (fee Tour 18). 

US 260 and NM 180 are united to Silver City (see Tour IS). 


(Kenton, Oklahoma) Valley Folsom Raton Hoxie Col- 
fax Cimarron Taos ; NM 325, NM 72, US 64. 
Oklahoma Line to Taos, 193.7 m. 

Bituminous-paved roadbed between Raton and Taos ; elsewhere two-lane graded 


Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway parallels route between Raton and 


Hotels at Raton and Taos; accommodations at Folsom and Capulin; gas 

stations at short intervals. 

This route traverses mountainous terrain and rolling prairie with 
farms and typical New Mexico villages of adobe houses and passes a 
volcanic cone incredibly perfect. Warriors, trappers, traders, thieves, 
spendthrifts, and exploiters have all left their mark on this country. 
The route between Colfax and Taos should be driven carefully. Some- 
times it is very slippery; sometimes rocks fall; and snowdrifts make it 
dangerous in Cimarron Canyon. 

Section a. OKLAHOMA LINE to RAT6N, 95 m. 

On the Carrizozo Creek Bridge NM 325 crosses the NEW MEX- 
ICO LINE, 772.., 2.3 miles west of Kenton, Oklahoma, and winds 
through high, rolling prairie cut by many canyons. The road gains 
altitude across the northern part of Union County, paralleling the 
Cimarron (wild) River between hills and mountains as far as Folsom. 
This river, fed by small creeks and innumerable springs, is often re- 
ferred to locally as the Dry Cimarron because it flows underground for 
most of its course. Mesas, evenly formed buttes, and rugged cliffs 
present an ever-changing picture of enchanting beauty with black rim- 
rock and reddish earth and rocks sharpening the contrasts. 

At 1 //I. is junction with NM 18 (L) to the town of Clayton (39 

VALLEY, 23.6 ??i. y is a placita with a population of 92 persons. 
DEVOY'S PEAK (R), 48.5 m. f a formation covered with pinon and 
juniper trees, rises from the center of a high mesa named for one of 
the earliest settlers of the Dry Cimarron region. Michael Devoy, 
known as the Father of the Cimarron, came to Madison near the pres- 
ent Folsom about 1870 and founded the first post office in what was 
to become Union County. He bought a ranch eight miles northeast 
of Madison where he lived till his death in 1914. He operated a small 
store for cowboys and raised prize short-horn cattle, the first in north- 
east New Mexico. Near Devoy's Peak are a few Indian graves, and 
many believe that treasure was buried on the mesa by outlaws in the 
days of the Wild West. Between the peak and Folsom there is good 
fishing in the Cimarron. 

At 54 m. is a fine view (L) of EMERY'S PEAK (9,000 alt.), 
which like the gap west of it and the vanished town of Madison at its 
foot, was named for Madison Emery (see below). The rocky, tim- 
bered slopes of the peak and the adjacent hills were often used by the 
settlers as retreats when they heard rumors of Indian attacks. 

Through TOLL GATE CANYON (R), 55.3 772., which is a 
four-mile branch of the Dry Cimarron Canyon, Bill Metcalf, a fron- 

TOUR 2 267 

tiersman, built a toll road in the early 1870*8. The ruins of his com- 
bination toll house, grocery store, and saloon are still visible in the 
canyon. This, one of the few good wagon roads between Colorado 
and northeastern New Mexico, is said to have brought Metcalf so 
much wealth that he handled his money with a shovel. 

At 56.3 7/z., a few hundred yards from the highway, are The Falls. 
They are located about 3 miles from Folsom and afford excellent trout 
fishing and swimming. 

FOLSOM, 59.2 m. (6,500 alt., 206 pop.), named for President 
Cleveland's wife Frances Folsom, and surrounded by unusually beauti- 
ful mountains, is a typical western cattle- and sheep-shipping town. 
Half the population speaks Spanish and the other half English. Near 
by is the site of the former village of Madison, settled in 1865 by Madi- 
son Emery, who came here first in 1862 when the grass in the Cimarron 
valley grew so high that it nearly hid a man on horseback, and the hills 
were covered with pine, pinon, and juniper trees, and wild game and fish 
were abundant. As various families continued to settle here, Madison 
acquired a store, saloon, blacksmith shop, flour mill, and post office. 

Though trouble with Indians was frequent, the villagers sometimes 
barricaded themselves in their houses only to learn that rumors were the 
cause of their anxiety, or that the Indians on the warpath were on the 
trail of an enemy tribe. If an Indian even camped near the town there 
was alarm. On one occasion Bud Sumpter, Emery's stepson, found an 
Indian lying apparently asleep, behind the store. Rolling him over he 
discovered that the man had died of too much "fire-water!" Emery 
hearing of the tragedy and fearing trouble called the chief to his house 
for a conference. Just as the chief stepped inside Emery's door, a shell 
accidentally thrown into the stove exploded. It took a great deal of 
explaining to convince the chief he was not going to be assassinated. 
Finally the tribe was given the fattest cow Emery possessed, and the 
death of the Indian was soon forgotten. 

Coe and his notorious outlaws whose headquarters were at "Robbers 
Roost," north of Kenton, Oklahoma, frequently visited Madison, then 
the settlement nearest their hide-out. Upon arrival at the town the 
bandits would turn their horses loose and force some one to unsaddle 
and feed them. They demanded food at Mrs. Emery's and lodged as 
a rule at a bunkhouse belonging to the Emerys. 

United States cavalry companies from Fort Union, New Mexico 
and Fort Lyons, Colorado, also were frequent visitors while seeking the 
bandits. Coe was finally captured and jailed at Fort Lyons but es- 
caped and made his way to Madison on a pony stolen from an Indian. 
He came to Mrs. Emery, demanding food and lodging. As soon as he 
was asleep, Mrs. Emery sent her eldest son Bud on his pony to the 
encampment of the Fort Union troops, who were seeking Coe. Bud 
brought them back to town, and Coe surrendered peacefully. As he 
was being led away, he noticed Bud's pony, and said: "That pony 
has had a hard ride." Believing that Coe, should he escape again, would 
return to Madison and murder Mrs. Emery, her son, and possibly 


others in town, vigilantes took him from the jail at Pueblo, Colorado, 
where he had been locked up, and lynched him. Years later a skeleton 
was found with a ball and chain on its feet and handcuffs on its wrists. 

The advent of the Colorado & Southern Railroad which reached 
Folsom in 1887-88 and was the only railroad in the northeastern part 
of the State until 1901 marked Madison's end and Folsom's begin- 
ning. From a railroad construction camp called Ragtown because the 
saloons, restaurants, and houses were all tents, Folsom soon developed 
into a bustling town and for a time had the largest stockyards north 
of Fort Worth. By 1895 Folsom had two mercantile stores, three 
saloons, and other business establishments and was contributing to the 
outlaw history of New Mexico's early Anglo-American settlements. 

W. A. Thompson, proprietor of the Gem Saloon and deputy sheriff, 
left Missouri with a price on his head, charged with murder of a man 
in his home town. Insanely jealous and hot-tempered he piled up as 
bloody a record as any man in the West. On one occasion he shot a 
man because he "had the nerve" to become intoxicated in a rival 
saloon. John King, owner of a grocery store and a saloon, loved to 
taunt Thompson by setting men up to drink at his bar. One morning 
after King had treated a native boy to a drink Thompson started after 
the lad who dashed around the corner of a house belonging to Mrs. 
George Thompson and started to cross the yard. Thompson fired and 
the bullet entered Mrs. Thompson's kitchen, barely missing her. She 
ran out just as the gunman shot again, and saw the boy fall to his 
knees. While she was berating Thompson, the lad, uninjured, took to 
his heels. Thompson returned to his store, got a shotgun and came out 
again. Seeing Billy Thatcher, a fellow-officer and bitter enemy, he 
began to fire at him. As Jeff Kehl came out of King's store to see what 
was going on, a bullet pierced his abdomen, and he died that night. 

A gun fight followed, with Thatcher using a revolver, and the rifle 
was shot from Thompson's hands. He ran to his saloon, barricaded 
himself in the basement, and began drinking. The entire town was out 
to lynch him but could not get him out without burning his saloon and 
with it the entire block of buildings. That evening, however, Thomp- 
son, dead drunk, surrendered and was taken into custody. He was 
placed in the Clayton jail for safe keeping, then removed to the 
Springer jail. Released on bond, he returned to Folsom and disposed 
of his business. When tried, he was acquitted, went to Trinidad, and 
married the girl because of whom he had committed his first murder. 
They went to Oklahoma where Thompson killed another person, was 
again acquitted, and there spent the remainder of his life. 

The decline of Folsom as a shipping center began in 1908 when a 
flood swept away most of the buildings and drowned seventeen persons. 
Near the north end of the town is the foundation of an old telephone 
exchange, marking the SITE OF THE HOME OF SARAH J. ROOKE of 
whose heroism the townspeople still speak. On a night in August, 
1908, Sarah, a telephone operator, heard the buzz on her switchboard 
and answering it, was told: "The river has broken loose! Run for your 

TOUR 2 269 

life!" She did not run. Realizing that many persons were unaware 
of the impending disaster she called them, one by one, till the flood 
swept her cottage away; her body was found in the wreckage eight 
miles below the town. In the Folsom cemetery a granite* monument 
to Sarah Rooke was paid for by over 4,000 contributors. 

Folsom is the junction with NM 72. The tour continues straight 
ahead over NM 72' 

Left on road 7 m., is a junction with a good graded road. Left here on road 
area, supervised by the National Park Service, contains MOUNT CAPULfN 
(8,368 alt.) and nine smaller extinct volcanic craters. Mount Capulin, a huge 
cinder cone of geologically recent formation, is described as the most nearly 
symmetrical volcanic cone in North America. It is about a mile in diameter 
at the base and 1,450 feet in diameter at the top. The road completely en- 
circles the mountain to the rim, 6 m. f where a trail leads into the crater, which 
is 700 feet deep and overgrown with grasses and brush. Capulin is the 
name of a Mexican cherry. Some believe the mountain was named for fruit 
trees that formerly grew in its crater. The Indian explanation of the name 
is a legend about Capulin, the son of a chief whose tribe lived on the slopes 
of the mountain. Capulin was sent on a mission of peace by his father and 
during his absence, Oogah, his brother, shot and killed the powerful Thun- 
derbird, guardian of the mountain. On Capulin's return, he found the entire 
tribe wiped out by volcanic eruptions which he interpreted as a punishment 
from God. He made his way to the top of the crater, gazed into the molten 
depths and cried: "O Great Spirit! If my life will atone, it is thine!" Then 
he threw himself into the seething mass. Many years later when other Indians 
ventured up to the crater's rim, they saw a pine tree growing from the heart 
of the crater, and as the wind moaned through its branches, the C^reat Spirit 
whispered: "Capulin, Capulin!" 

Main road continues to junction with US 87-64 in Capulin (see Tour 4)- 

Right from Folsom, NM 72 traverses JOHNSON MESA, a lava- 
capped tableland that extends most of the distance between Folsom and 
Raton which was named for Lige Johnson, a pioneer cattleman who 
owned a ranch on its southern slopes. The mesa was seldom scaled by 
other cowboys before 1887, when a settler, Marion Bell, attracted by the 
cowboys' reports of the rich, crumbling soil, the springs of pure moun- 
tain water, the perpetual sunshine, and the magnificent scenery built 
a house on its top. 

At 62 m. is a junction with an unimproved dirt road. 

Left on this road is the CROWFOOT RANCH of J. L. Johnson and Sons 13 m. 
where the Folsom point finds in 1926 gave evidence that man was living here 
more than 10,000 years ago (see Archeology']. 

BELL, 76 m. (8,460 alt., 32 pop.), on the Mesa, was settled in 
1887 by a group of dissatisfied miners from Bossburg, New Mexico 
who wanted to farm and followed Bell up the steep canyon leading 
to the mesa and settled on this island above the clouds. Here in a 
strange new world nearly 20 miles long and 4 to 6 miles wide, they 
built their homes, school, and church. Most of the houses are con- 
structed of stones and earth, for protection against snows and blizzards, 
as temperatures of 30 to 40 below zero are not infrequent. The 


soil is remarkably rich, and regular rains and the spring flows keep it 
well watered. Potatoes and oals are the principal crops. Not far from 
here, under the north rim of the Johnson Mesa, are the ICE CAVES 
discovered in 1934, when Eli and Fred Gutierrez of Raton entered 
them by descending from the top of the mesa by a rope. Later with two 
other adventurers, they found a second entrance. In the caves are 
rooms with solid ice floors and walls. Strata of dust alternate with 
ice, and through these it may be possible to date the formation of the 
caves. In one cave there is no ice, but it is extremely difficult to enter 
since it is necessary to crawl over jutting ledges and across fissures, 
and there is a drop of about 200 feet. In April 1936, Dr. S. B. Tal- 
mage of the New Mexico School of Mines discovered in the caverns 
the miniature TALMAGE GLACIER, which is slowly flowing through 
breaks in the lava rock that forms the top of the mesa. The glacier 
is about 200 feet long, over 30 feet thick in places, and from 2 to 25 
feet in width. Seepage of melting snow, augmenting the ice of the 
glacier serves to keep it moving. 

YANKEE, 87 m. (6,710 alt., 101 pop.), was started as a coal 
town by A. D. Ensign, representing eastern investors who promoted the 
Santa Fe, Raton & Eastern Railroad from Raton to Yankee. The ven- 
ture failed and the town was abandoned, but since then a few families 
have moved into some of the abandoned houses and now dig their own 

RATON, 95 m. (8,241 pop.), is at a junction with US 85 (see 
Tour la) which unites with US 64 between Raton and Hoxie. 

Section b. RAT6N to TAOS, 98.7 m. 

Between Raton and Eagle Nest, and for 12 ?n. east of Taos, the 
road is bituminous; remainder gravel. It is among the most attractive 
routes in the State. US 64 continues southwest through level plains 
country, following a route of the old Santa Fe Trail. To the north and 
west the foothills of the Sangre de Cristo Mountain:; are visible. Be- 
cause of numerous dips in the road and straying cattle and horses, it 
is well to drive carefully. 

At 28.2 m. is the junction with a dirt road. 

Right on this road is DAWSON ; 5.4 m. (7,500 alt., 1206 pop.), a busy 
coal mining camp, now owned by Phelps-Dodge interests. J. B. and L. S. Daw- 
son, brothers, who came to New Mexico between 1867 and 1870, had a ranch 
here till coal was discovered on the property about 1895; some of J. B. Daw- 
son's ranch houses are still standing. It is estimated that there are enough 
undeveloped veins at Dawson to last for more than 50 years. Besides Amer- 
icans, the population consists of Slavs and Italians. 

Northwest of Dawson the road is unimproved and at times almost impass- 
able. It follows the Vermejo River to its source near the Colorado State Line. 
VERMEJO (vermilion) PARK, 26 m. f is a magnificent private club and game 
preserve extending eastward 40 miles from the eastern slopes of the Sangre 
de Cristo Mountains. W. H. Bartlett, millionaire grain operator of Chicago, 
bought the ranch in 1900 after his physician had warned him concerning his 

TOUR 2 271 

health, and lived here for 18 years. Bartlett built a home for himself and for 
each of his sons, with guest houses, an electric plant, an ice plant, a fish 
hatchery and made other improvements. The streams were stocked with bass 
and trout and, operating under a park license, Bartlett drew up his own game 
and fish laws. After Bartlett and his sons had died in 1918 the property was 
in the care of trustees until 1927, when a group of Los Angeles capitalists, 
headed by Harry Chandler, president of the Los Angeles Times-Mirror, pur- 
chased the ranch and incorporated it into a private club, using Bartlett's 
home as clubhouse. The original 75 members included Will Rogers, Cecil B. 
De Mille, Douglas Fairbanks, Max C. Fleischman, Will Hays, and Andrew 
Mellon. The property totals nearly a half million acres. Today the ranch 
includes a large game preserve, where 5,000 elk, 15,000 mule-deer, 20,000 wild 
turkeys, pheasants, bears, wildcats, and other animals roam freely. 

COLFAX, 28.5 m, (6,550 alt., 13,806 pop.), comprises a gas sta- 
tion, general store, a dilapidated and abandoned school house, and a few 
dwellings. The nearest post office is at Dawson. 

Southwest of Colfax the highway continues almost in a straight line 
through sagebrush, where fine herds of cattle and sheep graze and oc- 
casional ranch houses are seen. 

CIMARRON, 39.5 772. (6,427 alt., 1,000 pop.), divided into New 
Town and Old Town by the Cimarron River, is on the narrow shelf 
of land that divides the Rayado and Cimarron Valleys from the Sangre 
de Cristo Range and is well protected from mountain gales. To the 
north and west rise lofty mountains, and to the south and east are two 
of the most fertile valleys in the State. In addition to the Cimarr6n 
River, the water of the Ponil and the Cimarroncito (little wild) Can- 
yons supply adequate water for the town and the irrigation of crops. 
Near-by mountains provide ample fuel, timber, and game and there is 
good trout fishing in the surrounding streams. Cimarron has had sev- 
eral gold-mining booms but no "strike" of importance. Large stock 
ranches near here produce excellent cattle, particularly purebred Here- 
fords. Since the year 1933 a fine race-horse stable has been estab- 
lished, and eight large ranches are devoted to the breeding of thorough- 

The filing of a petition for the Beaubien and Miranda Grant, one 
of the largest in all New Mexico (in 1841), marked the beginning of 
settlement here. In that year Carlos Beaubien, a French trapper, and 
Guadalupe Miranda of Taos requested the land from Governor 
Armijo, but it was not until 41 years later that the litigation concern- 
ing the grant finally ended. About 1849 Lucien B. Maxwell, origi- 
nally of Kaskaskia, Illinois, a hunter and trapper who had accompanied 
General Fremont on his first and third expeditions and had married 
Beaubien's daughter, settled on the grant and, after Beaubien's death 
at Taos in 1864, bought out the remaining heirs. By 1865 Maxwell 
and his wife were the sole owners of 1,714,765 acres, a territory three 
times the size of Rhode Island. The Maxwell Grant, as it was called, 
included the site of Springer, French, Maxwell, Otero, Raton, Ver- 
mejo Park, Ute Park (see below), Elizabethtown ; and in Colorado, 
Vigil, Stonewall, Torres, Cuarto, Tercio, Primero, and Segundo. Max- 
well was a powerful man, an expert horseman; he loved gambling, 


drinking, and almost any extravagance. Buying costly furniture was a 
hobby. In the days of his greatest prosperity he had 500 peons working 
on the grant, with several thousand acres of land under cultiyation. 
Thousands of cattle and sheep grazed on the fertile plains. Travelers 
held up by storms were entertained lavishly. For many years he did 
a thriving business with the government, selling livestock to near-by 
army posts. 

He started many a small rancher in the stock business, giving him a 
herd of cattle, sheep, or horses and a small ranch to be run on shares. 
The agreement was always a verbal one, and sometimes two or three 
years would pass without a division. Then when Maxwell needed more 
stock, hay, or grain to fill his government contracts, he would call in 
his shareholders, ask for an accounting, always verbal, and direct them 
to bring in the surplus to him, which was done without question. In 
1860-62 Maxwell was associated with "Buffalo Bill" Cody in a goat 
and sheep ranch near Cimarron. The finding of gold on the grant in 
1867 was disastrous for Maxwell who invested a fortune in the venture, 
which failed. In 1870 the grant wa$ sold to three financiers for a sum 
believed to have been between $650,000 and $750,000. Three months 
later it was purchased by an English syndicate for a reported price of 

MaxwelPs next venture was banking. He founded the First Na- 
tional Bank of Santa Fe, today the only one in the capital. In Decem- 
ber 1870, when the charter was granted, stock certificates bore a 
vignette of Maxwell with a cigar in his mouth. But his lack of bank- 
ing experience (on the Maxwell Grant he had always kept his money 
in a cowhide trunk in his bed room) caused him to sell out in 1871 and 
invest $250,000 in bonds of a corporation formed for the construction 
of the Texas Pacific Railroad. This proved to be a complete loss, and 
Maxwell died in comparative poverty on July 25, 1875. He was 
buried in the old military cemetery at Fort Sumner, where his son Peter 
and Billy the Kid were also interred (see Tour 8a). 

The MAXWELL HOUSE, now in ruins, was built about 1864 by the 
former trapper. As large as a city block, it housed a gambling room, 
billiard room, and dance hall, as well as a rear section which the women 
were not allowed to leave. Every evening sums of money changed 
hands as the gambling gunmen and ranchers gathered to play faro, 
roulette, monte, cunquien, poker, and dice. Maxwell's soon became the 
principal stopping place for travelers on the Santa Fe Trail and the 
starting point for prospectors, hunters, and trappers, as well as the "cow- 
boy capital" of northern New Mexico. Its guests are said to have 
included Kit Carson, Ceran St. Vrain, Jesus Abreu, Charles Bent, Davy 
Crockett, Clay Allison, "Buffalo Bill" Cody, Tom Boggs (grandson of 
Daniel Boone), and many others. In the same year in which the 
mansion was built, there was erected a stone GRIST MILL in which 
was ground the wheat grown on the ranch. It is row used by the 
owner for storing grain and hay, etc. After Maxwell had been ap- 
pointed a U. S. Government Indian agent, he used it to house provi- 

TO 17 R 2 273 

sions for the Ute. Across from the Maxwell House, the St. James 
Hotel, now operated as the DON DIEGO TAVERN, was built in 187080 
and run by Henry Lambert, who before coming to New Mexico had 
been chef for General Grant and Abraham Lincoln. This inn was 
frequented by outlaws and was the scene of 26 killings. Whenever a 
man was shot in the hotel, townspeople would sly, "Lambert had a man 
for breakfast." The Las Vegas Gazette once reported: "Everything 
is quiet in Cimarron. Nobody has been killed for three days." As the 
gunmen of the Southwest continued to come to Cimarron, 15 saloons, 
4 hotels, a post office, and a newspaper, the Cimarron News and Press, 
were established. The paper, housed in a warehouse used as the In- 
dian Agency Headquarters, was said to have been printed on the press 
brought to New Mexico by Padre Antonio Jose Martinez and first used 
by him in 1835 to print school books, religious propaganda, and a Taos 
paper, El Crepusculo (the dawn). It is related that one evening Clay 
Allison and some of his cohorts, angered by an item in the newspaper, 
battered in the door of the building, smashed the press with a sledge 
hammer, and finally dumped the type cases and office equipment into 
the Cimarron River. Not satisfied, Allison and one of his men went 
back to the plant next morning, found a stack of the previous day's 
papers, and went from bar to bar selling the papers at 25^ a copy. 
As if Cimarron did not have enough of its own gangsters, "Black 
Jack" Ketchum of western Oklahoma frequently dropped into town be- 
tween train robberies. He was finally hanged at Clayton (see Tour 4). 

It was in Chnarron that Buffalo Bill organized his famous Wild 
West show, roilnding up almost all of the Indians and pinto ponies 
in the region. Whenever possible, he would spend Christmas here giv- 
ing a party for children at the St. James Hotel. On one occasion each 
child received a plush-seated tricycle, and some of the recipients still 
keep these gifts as cherished mementoes. 

Cimarron was the home of Frank Springer, one of the founders 
of the State Museum of Art at Santa Fe. Coming from Iowa in 1873, 
he settled here and became one of the leading lawyers of the Southwest. 
He was also the author of numerous works on paleontology, a member 
of the Archeological Institute of America, and the outstanding patron 
of the School of American Archeology at Santa Fe. He contributed 
generously to the expense of building the Art Museum in the capital and 
donated spme of the finest collections in both Santa Fe museums. His 
brother, Charlie Springer, was for many years one of the State's most 
prominent citizens. 

Cimarron was the seat of Coif ax County from 1872 to 1882 but 
declined with the transfer of the county seat to Springer. A new wave 
of prosperity came in 1905-06, when a branch line was built by the St. 
Louis, Rocky Mt. & Pacific Railroad (later sold to the Atchison, To- 
peka & Santa Fe Railway) to Cimarron and Ute Park (see below). 
The Cimarron Townsite Company bought a tract of land on the north 
side of the river called New Town and sold residence lots to the home- 
seekers who came in with the railroad. In addition to the two hotels 


Cimarron 's interesting buildings include: the AGENCY WAREHOUSE, 
built 1848, still in good condition and now occupied as a residence; the 
old COUNTY JAIL AND COURTHOUSE, both built in 1854. The NA- 
TIONAL HOTEL built in 1858, the first hotel in town, is behind the Don 
Diego; in Old Town, is an interesting relic called SWINK'S GAMBLING 
HALL, built in 1854, now a garage. Swink's Hall rivaled Maxwell's 
home as the best place in Cimarron for one to become rich or poor 
overnight. In the CIMARRON CEMETERY graves of many pioneers of 
Colfax County are marked by wooden headpieces, many of them illegible. 
The remains of Davy Crockett, the desperado, killed in September 1876, 
when he refused to surrender to Deputy Sheriff Joe Holbrook, are in a 
grave whose marker was stolen by a stranger claiming to be his relative. 
The Race Track is at the west end of New Town. Here is held a 
non-profit, Fourth of July Rodeo for working cowboys. 

Left on NM 2r past the PHILMONT RANCH, 1.8 m. t originally owned by 
Waite Phillips of Oklahoma, a private game preserve where buffalo, elk, an- 
telope, and other animals are protected by a 12-foot fence. It had formerly 
been Kit Carson's Rayado Ranch, established in 1849 when the noted scout 
hoped to settle down. His services were too valuable to the government, how- 
ever, and he spent only a short time here. CARSON'S HOME, a two-room adobe, 
was recently restored and put in good condition. Beyond the Philmont Ranch 
is a junction with a dirt road, 3.1 m. Right on this road is a rock called the 
TOOTH OF TIME, 4.2 m., an eroded formation resembling an immense incisor, 
a landmark for miles around. For several years a glass jar has been left there, 
in which visitors deposit slips of paper with the name and date of their visit. 
In 1941 Mr. Waite gave the ranch to the National Boy Scouts. 

At 40.3 m. is junction with dirt road. 

Left on this road is CHASE RANCH, 3.1 m. f a large estate occupied by Lew 
Wallace (one time governor of New Mexico) when he was working on Ben 

CIMARR6N CANYON, 44.8 m., is a narrow, twisting gorge 
whose stone walls seem to hang over the highway. Scrub pine, juniper, 
and aspen cover the sides coming do\vn to the very edge of the roa"d. 
Fine camping spots privately owned are along the highway (50$ charge 
for camping). 

The north walls of Cimarron Canyon are chiefly of Cretaceous sand- 
stone, while those of the south side are broken with diorite, making 
alternate ridges and gulches that slope to the river. 

CIMARRONCITA CAMP (L), 50 w., a camp for girls established in 
1931, is near the site of a fierce battle between the Ute and Comanche. 

UTE PARK, 54 m. (7,413 alt., zoo pop.), was named for the 
Ute Indians, who lived on the east slope of nearby Mount Baldy. The 
rebellious Ute resisted their white oppressors, and an Indian Agency 
and military force were maintained at Cimarron to keep them subdued, 
until they were finally moved to a reservation in southern Colorado and 
Utah. Ute Park has a post office, grocery store, curio shop, service 
station and summer ranch camp for girls and boys. 

Along the Highway 

The yucca, state flower of New Mexico 

A red-rock mesa in northwestern New Mexico 

Mesa country near Grants, off U. S. Highway 66 

Seminary near Las Vegas, formerly a resort hotel 

Horseback riding in Lincoln National Forest 

Water sports at Conchas Dam 

Skiing in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains 

Organ Mountains, northeast of Las Cruces 

Strings of chili ripening in the sun 
Cemetery at the old mining town of Kingston 

Twin bridges over the Rio Grande, outside Albuquerque 

Pecos River and the Sangre de Cristo Mountains 

TOUR 2 275 

West of Ute Park, US 64 follows the twisting Cimarron River 
through a region that abounds in thick pine and aspen forests. The 
CIMARRCN PALISADES (R), a formation of red sandstone that 
rises eight hundred feet above the highway. In certain lights the 
Palisades are a mass of color, and even on cloudy days their strength 
and beauty of form are striking. 

After two hairpin turns, the highway climbs over the hills into 
(boats and tackle for rent) is visible. Considered by some the best 
trout lake in the State, this body of water is annually visited by hun- 
dreds of fishermen. The lake is owned by Charles Springer Cattle Co., 
and is operated by the Sangre de Cristo Co. Boats $5 per hour; $2 
entitles fishermen 6 fish. 

At Eagle Nest, 66 m. is the junction with a dirt road. 

Left on this road past EAGLE NEST LODGE to EAGLE NEST DAM, 0.5 m., 
built by the Springer Brothers in 1912. The dam is 140 feet high and impounds 
100,000 acre-feet of water, which is used to irrigate 70,000 acres of land and 
to provide electric power for Springer, Maxwell, French, and other points. 
Here is the EAGLE NEST FISH HATCHERY, a Federal hatchery that is in opera- 
tion only during the spawning season for trout. 

EAGLE NEST, 66 m. (8,500 alt., 332 pop.), was formerly 
called Therma (Gr. hot). For several years both names were used, 
but in 1935 the name of the post office was officially changed to Eagle 
Nest. About the first of May an annual Free Fish Fry here is at- 
tended by about 5,000 persons. There are three restaurants, two of 
which offer night-club entertainment. The population, including some 
German and Irish as well as Spanish- Americans, is largely engaged in 
cattle raising and mining. 

Right from Eagle Nest on NM 38, a graded gravel road, to ELIZABETH- 
TOWN, 4.8 m. (142 pop.), a ghost mining town. NM 38 continues through 
the RED RIVER CANYON, one of the most beautiful in the State, to a junction 
with NM 3 in QUESTA, 30.2 m. (1,029 Pop.) (see Tour So). 

South of Eagle Nest US 64 follows a winding course through the 
Moreno (dark or brunette) Valley. In autumn this area of farming 
and grazing land is beautifully colored with the yellow of aspen trees, 
the red of the oak on the surrounding hills, and vivid purple wildflow- 
ers dotting the carpet of brown grass. 

AGUA FRIA (cold water), 75.2 m. (8,359 alt.), is located on 
the CIENEGUILLA (little marsh) CREEK which empties into 
Eagle Nest Lake. One of the surrounding peaks, bearing the same 
name as the village, is nearly 11,000 feet high. 

West of Agua Fria US 64 makes a series of switchbacks over the 
Sangre de Cristo Range, climbing PALO FLECHAJDO (tree shot with 
arrows) HILL. The unusual name comes from an old Taos Indian 
custom of shooting the remaining arrows into a large tree after buffalo 
hunts. At the summit of the mountain near PALO FLECHADO 


PASS (9,107 alt.) is the tree containing the arrows. The highway 
enters Taos County and continues down into TAOS CANYON in 
another series of hairpin turns, passing through various settlements. 

The highway crosses a section of the CARSON NATIONAL 
FOREST. Here along Taos Creek four public campgrounds (L) are 
maintained by the Forest Service, providing water, wood, and sanitary 
facilities for free camping. 

CA5J6N, 96.6 TW. (7,076 alt., 816 pop.), at the head of Taos Val- 
ley, is one of the oldest Spanish-American settlements in the valley, 
settled between 1700 and 1725. The site was chosen because of the 
abundance of water and because it was outside the boundaries of the 
Taos Pueblo Indian Land. TAOS PEAK (12,282 alt.) visible (R) is 
referred to as the Sacred Mountain by the Taos Pueblo Indians, whose 
pueblo is at its base. The road leads across the valley through well- 
cultivated ranches. 

TAOS, 98.7 772. (6,952 alt., 3,831 pop.), (see Taos). 


Tour 2 A 

Pojoaque San Ildefonso Otowi Frijoles Canyon (Bandelier Na- 
tional Monument) Valle Grande Cuba; 96 m. t Old NM 4 and 
NM 126. (Old NM 4 not signposted. Inquire at Pojoaque.) 

Bituminous-paved (from Pojoaque for 17 m.) ; balance graveled road with 

steep grades and sharp curves. 

Accommodations at Frijoles Canyon summer season. 

Tour 2A follows old NM 4. A new NM 4 parallels latter, but the old road is 

more interesting although not as good. Wherever NM 4 is referred to, old 

NM 4 is meant. (New NM 4 paved; Old NM 4 graded road). 

Along this route is a visual record of the ages written in the land 
itself; multiformed stone, volcanic thrusts, mesa lands, wind- and 
water-gouged canyons, and the rugged mountains are vestiges of the 
' time, eons ago, when the violent earth outlined its contour. Another 
chapter of a later day when this area was peopled is found in the ruins 
of dwellings atop high plateaus, in caves, and in carvings on cliffs. 

In the Indian pueblos, of early origin but still occupied, is pre- 
served the mode of living found by the conquering Spaniard 400 years 
ago. Along the arroyo banks are ranchitos with adobe houses, juniper- 
post corrals, and barns similar to those of the Spanish colonists who first 
established them. These, together with larger haciendas of later 
Americans, make the contemporary scene. Tuff cliffs and mesa table- 
lands; monumental natural carvings resembling cathedrals, or cubistic 

TOUR 2 A 277 

statuary ; sequestered valleys interlaced by irrigation ditches, dotted with 
apricot and peach orchards, wild plum thickets, and chili patches; in- 
habited pueblos and ruins these and much more are passed in turn. 

NM 4 branches west from US 64 (see Tour 3a) in POJOAQUE, 
m. and winds along the south bank of the Pojoaque River through 
small ranches; land once owned by Indians, now by others. Generally 
nondescript, these farms become colorful in the fall when the scarlet 
strings of drying chili, golden leaves of cottonwoods, and the russet 
basket willows make vivid the countryside. To the right across the 
river and paralleling the highway almost to the Rio Grande rises a 
long, high, eroded range of pinkish hills, the Santa Fe marl. 

The TESUQUE RIVER, 0.6 m., a sandy bed except during flood- 
time (dangerous to ford if more than 3 inches deep) y is crossed near 
its confluence (R) with the Pojoaque River, called the Pojoaque River 
west to its junction with the Rio Grande. Bridge crosses on nearby 
new NM 4. 

JACONA (Ha-ko-nah), 1.9 m., a small settlement, is on the site 
of Jacona Pueblo, abandoned in 1696 when the inhabitants joined other 
Tewa Pueblos. At the time of the 1680 rebellion this was a visit a 
of the Nambe Mission. In 1709 the Jacona grant became the property 
of Ignacio de Roybal. 

At intervals along this portion of the road are the adobe homes of 
John Glidden, writer ; and Cady Wells, painter. These houses, though 
finely furnished, are inconspicuous among the externally similar homes 
of the native inhabitants. 

West of Jacona, the highway crosses a san4 flat caused by the over- 
flow of the Pojoaque River; the many sandy arroyos here are hazard- 
ous immediately after a hard downpour. 

A good view of TUNYO (Ind., very spotted), also called Black 
Mesa or Orphan Mesa (R), a stark, isolated volcanic butte, is at 3.5 
772. This is the traditional home of Savayo or Tsabiyo, a giant who 
ate the children of the San Ildefonso Pueblo. After long suffering the 
cacique made medicine for protection, and in answer to his prayers the 
Twin War Gods killed the giant by allowing him to eat them and 
then cutting open his stomach. At the instant of his death, smoke and 
flame burst from the mountains in the four corners of the earth and his 
blood flowed out in the form of steaming lava. 

At 4.5 m. is the junction with a dirt road. 

Right on this road to the PUEBLO OF SAN ILDEFONSO (obtain permis- 
sion to photograph), 12 m. r a Tewa-speaking village on the east bank of the 
Rio Grande below the mouth of the Pojoaque River. Don Juan de Onate in 
1598 gave the name Boye to the old village that was about a mile from the 
present pueblo. The Tewa name Ci-po-que means place where the water cuts 
through. San Ildefonso people say their ancestors once lived in the cliffs across 
the Rio Grande, in the ruins of 6towi and Tsdnkawi on the Pajarito Pla- 
teau (see below). According to tradition, when water grew scarce they moved 
to the place in the valley now marked by large village ruins. The present 
settlement on the east bank consists of many one-story and several two-story 
adobe houses built, around two large plazas. The mission and monastery were 
founded in 1617 under Friar Cristobal de Salazar. In 1628 Benavides wrote 


that the church at San Ildefonso "upon which the Religious have put much 
care'* was very beautiful. While General Juan Francisco Trevino was gov- 
ernor and captain-general of the Province in 1675, Indians of the Tewa nation 
were accused of having bewitched Friar Anares (Andres) Duran, superior 
of the convent at San Ildefonso, his brother, sister-in-law, and an Indian 
interpreter. More than 40 persons were arrested and all pleaded guilty. 
Forty-th^ee were sentenced to be whipped and sold into slavery and four 
to be executed. Of the four, one was hanged in Nambe, another in the pueblo 
of San Felipe, a third in Jeraez, and the fourth hanged himself. At the time 
of the Pueblo Revolt in 1680 the village had about 800 inhabitants and two 
resident missionaries, with Santa Clara and San Juan as visitas. During the 
revolt of that year Fray Luis de Morales and his assistant, Antonio Sanchez 
de Pio, were murdered. 

When De Vargas reconquered New Mexico in 1692, San Ildefonso acknowl- 
edged its allegiance without protest; but later in 1694, when De Vargas 
marched against the northern tribes, the San Ildefonsons entrenched them- 
selves on Black Mesa. Although the Spaniards fought valiantly for a time 
the Tewa repelled all their attacks but were eventually conquered. 

After the declaration of peace in 1694 the missions were reestablished, but 
in 1696 several of the Pueblo tribes again rebelled and during the night 
of June 4 the San Ildefonso Indians closed all the openings and set fire to 
both church and convent. Fray Francisco Corvera as well as Fray Antonio 
Moreno of Nambe, who was visiting him, were burned alive. Immediately 
after, the Indians fled to Black Mesa where Spanish forces again forced 
them to surrender. 

Spanish archives record that between 1717 and 1722 a new chapel was 
erected at San Ildefonso. However, a part of the 1696 monastery remained 
until late in the nineteenth century. Nothing is left of the beautiful old 
church and monastery, which were torn down before 1900 to make way for 
the present church west of the north plaza, a simple white-washed adobe 
structure. Several paintings, some on elk and buffalo hide, materials used 
in early times because of the scarcity of canvas, formerly decorated the interior. 
The San Ildefonso Pueblo Grant first made by Spain was confirmed by 
the United States in 1858 for 17,292 acres. The GOVERNMENT DAY SCHOOL 
that children of the pueblo attend is slightly north of the North Plaza. 

San Ildefonso has long been known for the skill of its craftsmen and 
through the encouragement of the School of American Research, the Indian 
Arts Fund, and particularly the endeavors of Mr. Kenneth Chapman, expert 
on Indian ceramics and design, today it is a leader in art and pottery. It was 
here that Crescencio Martinez developed the old technique in Indian water- 
color painting under the patronage of Dr. Edgar L. Hewett, director of the 
Museum of New Mexico. Awa Tsireh, Louis Gonzales, Abel Sanchez, and 
other well known painters live at San Ildefonso, former home of the late 
Julian Martinez and his wife Marie, well known designers and makers of 
the famous black and red pottery. Here may be seen bowls, vases, plates, and 
jars in all the processes of molding, firing, decorating, and polishing. Be- 
cause of the ready market for its handicrafts, the village has a high pro rata 

The site of this pueblo is especially attractive with the Jemez Range on 
the west, the Truchas on the east, and the Black Mesa directly north. The 
construction of homes and the daily life of the inhabitants, who are a friendly 
and courteous people, seem to be much the same as many years ago. On 
January 23, which is their fiesta, the Buffalo and Comanche dances are 
performed on alternate years. 

Near the pueblo are four sacred springs and hill-top shrines, which are 
not visited by the general public. The volcanic butte Tunyo is also vene- 
rated as the home of the giant. Though the Twin War Gods killed him long 
ago, even today Tsabiyo is occasionally used by Tewa mothers as the bogey- 
man to frighten their children into obedience. Every autumn in some of the 
Tewa villages an impersonator of Tsabiyo, dressed in traditional costume, 

TOUR 2 A 279 

conies to the village with whip in hand to punish men, women, and children 
who have transgressed during the year. 

NM 4 at 6.8 m. approaches the bottom farm lands (R) of the Rio 
Grande, the majority of which belong to the San Ildefonsos. In the 
spring before the Indians start work on irrigation ditches, cleaning them 
of debris and preparing for the spring flow, they usually hold dances 
asking the boon of plentiful water. In autumn they thresh their grain 
on primitive earthen threshing floors, using goats or horses to tramp 
it out. 

Beyond rolling hills with a mesa (L), NM 4 now crosses a new 
bridge over the Rio Grande. 6TOWI, 7.8 m. 

Between 6towi and the Cochiti Pueblo approximately 20 miles to 
the south (L), the White Rock Canyon walls in the Rio Grande. This 
canyon marks the eastern extremity of the PAJARITO (little bird) 
PLATEAU, a part of the more extensive Jemez Plateau over which the 
highway continues to Frijoles Canyon. This crescent-shaped plateau, 
bordered on the east by the Rio Grande, on the north by the Rio Chama, 
and on the south by Canada de Cochiti, is about 50 miles long and 12 
miles wide. Much of it is covered by a sheet of volcanic tuff, varying 
in thickness from 100 to 1,000 feet, and it is cut by many canyons, 
mostly east-west gorges, all made by streams tributary to the Rio 
Grande, which are intermittent in dry seasons. The only permanent 
stream in this region is the Rito de los Frijoles (see below). In this 
area are 27 large ruins, including the pueblos on the mesas and cliff 
dwellings, or combinations of both, as well as many small house pueblos 
and cliff dwellings that have not been touched by the archeologist. 

Although the territory was not especially accessible to the nomadic 
tribes, the fertility of the soil in the canyons and the natural protection 
of the cliffs and the tuff deposits, that provided an easily worked build- 
ing material, attracted a considerable population. The approximate time 
the "Pajaritans" left the plateau has been determined by studies of tree- 
rings and pottery. Probably jealousy between various language groups 
and struggles with drought caused the exodus to Rio Grande pueblos 
during the i6th century. 

At 8.8 m. is a junction with paved road R. that leads north to 
junction with road to Puye (see Tour 7 A). 

West of Ctowi the highway ascends a roadway cut in the side (R) 
of Los Alamos Canyon, which it traverses for five miles. Cliff-like 
sides of ingenous rock rise sheer and rugged, and formations stand out 
from the bluffs and ridges in groups of illusive images that seem to in- 
crease enormously as they apparently rush toward the observer. 

At 12.5 m. is the junction with a paved road NM 4 stub one. 

Right on this road 0.8 m. to a side road . This road, usually passable 
for cars, leads to the 6rowi RUINS (Ind., a gap where water sinks), 1.5 m., on 
a high square ridge on the valley floor. These were the nucleus of the 
6towi settlement, a large pueblo ruin surrounded by clusters of excavated 


dwellings in the nearby cliff. The ruins of another pueblo of considerable 
dimensions, comprising seven small houses, are on a parallel ridge to the 
south of the main dwelling. The main pueblo ruin at Otowi differs in plan 
from others of this region. With the exception of one detached house it 
consists of a cluster of five houses, situated on sloping ground and connected 
at one end by a wall. Investigators believe that these houses were a 
counterpart of the present terraced houses at Taos, though somewhat smaller. 
Altogether the five houses contained about 450 rooms on the ground floor. The 
number of superimposed rooms is estimated at 250. The circular kivas, all 
subterranean and outside the walls of the buildings with two exceptions, are 
incorporated in the 6towi ruins. 

On the \alley floor about 0.7 m. north of the main rums is a cluster of sepa- 
rated conical formations of white tuff, 30 feet high, popularly called "tent rocks." 
They are honeycombed with caves, both natural and artificial. 

Returning to the highway at 0.8 m. a road leads to the Los Alamos, open to 
tourists, except certain restricted areas. In 1942 the U. S. government acquired 
the site of Los ALAMOS SCHOOL FOR BOYS, for highly secret war work. Here 
was established Los ALAMOS SCIENTIFIC LABORATORY for nuclear fission research 
and atomic weapons development, operated since its beginning by the Uni- 
versity of California; from 1943 to 1947 under contract with the Manhattan 
Engineer District, U. S. Army; since 1947 under contract with the Atomic 
Energy Commission. 

A modern city of nearly 13,000 has grown up on the Pajarito Plateau of the 
James Mountains to house the people required for operation of the project, their 
families and those who serve the needs of the community. 

At 13.8 m. is junction with a paved road (L) to White Rock, now 
a private housing development for Los Alamos employees. 

Left on this road to an Indian trail, 0.2 m. L. or R. on this up the mesa 
to TSANKAWI CLIFF DWELLINGS AND RUINS, 0.3 m., a smaller eminence perched 
upon a larger. The name Tsankawi, given by the Pueblo Indians, is the 
Tewa equivalent for "the place of round cactus." This ruin is between Los 
Alamos and Sandia canyons of the Pajarito Plateau on a long, irregularly 
shaped mesa, the sides of which are strewn with sharp-edged volcanic rocks 
common to this region. The sides of the lower mesa contain numerous caves, 
some formed by erosion and others by human labor. At the summit of the 
first mesa a path in the rock is well defined, worn fully a foot deep in places 
by the constant tread of feet in bygone ages. This trail leads to the abrupt 
walls of the superimposed mesa whose rock sides are indented with a large 
and forbidding group of petroglyphs evidently devised to frighten enemies 

A narrow passage, a few feet from the rock etchings, leads to the summit 
of this mesa. The defile, easily defended, proves the near-impregnable char- 
acter of the summit. The opening, about ten feet high and two feet wide, 
extends snakelike in the rock wall; it is a climb of approximately 20 feet to 
the upper mesa with its magnificent view of the Pajarito Plateau, mountains, 
valleys, and canyons. Westward (R) is the Jemez Range and far to the east 
the Sangre de Cristo Range. The main ruin is about 1,000 feet from the 
citadel, a three-story pile of stone outlining approximately 200 ground-floor 
rooms. Little excavating has been done; the hewn stones still He in heaps. 
It is estimated that the inhabitants lived here until the sixteenth century. 

South from Tsankawi 2.5 m., on an ancient trail in the rock, definable for 
most of the distance, lived Tsankawi's nearest neighbor of the same period, 
the combined cliff dwelling and pueblo RUIN OF NAVAWI. Doubtless the ancient 
inhabitants were constantly passing back and forth between the four towns of 
the Pajarito Plateau Navawi, Tsankawi, Tshirege, and 6towi, These com- 
munities engaged in common occupations, mainly agriculture; that they watered 
their crops by irrigation is evident from remains of ditches and reservoirs. 
No excavation has been done on this ruin, but the main handmade caves and 

TOUR 2 A 281 

entwining steps are plainly visible. At the top of the mesa, reached by four 
well-worn stone paths, is the game trap for which the community is named, 
a pit cut down in solid rock for the purpose of capturing deer, bear, and 
other game. About six feet long and three feet wide at the top, it widens 
out as it reaches a depth of fifteen feet. 

NM 4 at 14 m. runs through yellow pines and in many places are 
wild flowers indigenous to mountain regions. All this section, now part 
of the Bandelier National Monument (see below), was part of the 
Ram^n Vigil Land Grant. 

In PAJARITO CANYON, 17.4 m. f cliff caves honeycomb the entire 
canyon wall beginning at 17.4 m. 

At 18.4 m. is junction of two dirt roads. 

Right on one of these 0.2 m. (park the car beside the road and walk over 
one of the trails) to TSHIREGE (Ind. bird) RUINS, 0.3 m. 

Tshirege, with the extensive cliff dwellings clustered about it, was the 
largest aboriginal settlement in the Pueblo region with the exception of Zuni. 
The main dwelling contained approximately 600 rooms with 10 kivas of the 
circular subterranean type. A defensive wall extended from the southwest 
corner of the main building to the rim of the cliff 150 feet away. Below this 
wall, cut on the face of the cliff, is one of the best petroglyphs in the South- 
west, a representation of a plumed serpent seven feet long. The cliff dwellings 
along the mesa side, extending for three quarters of a mile, contain the largest 
number of caves in one group. 

Tshirege is said to have been the last of the Pajarito Plateau villages to 
be abandoned, undoubtedly because the water supply here was greater than at 
any other Pajaritan settlement. From a spring in the arroyo a quarter-mile 
away water flows during all seasons; Pajarito Creek in wet seasons also 
carries water, and reservoir ruins on the mesa top show that river water 
must have been impounded. W. S. Stallings, Jr., on the staff of the Laboratory 
of Anthropology, Santa Fe, has determined the date of Tshirege as approxi- 
mately 1480 to 1581. 

Traversing the highlands, NM 4 winds through extensive stands of 
yellow pine and juniper where the floor of the forest is covered with 
rabbit brush and a shrub called Apache plume. 

A winding descent begins at 22.1 m. through Ancho Canyon (drive 
carefully) and interlacing gorges. 

At 25 m. is the junction with a paved road. 

Left on this road 3.2 m. into BANDELIER NATIONAL MONUMENT, a 
27,ooo-acre reserve in Frijoles Canyon named for Adolph F. Bandelier, Amer- 
ican of Swiss parentage who gained world renown as ethnologist, archeologist, 
and writer. He was the first scientist to make an extensive survey in this 
region; also the first to study the ethnology and mythology of the Indian 
groups living around Santa Fe as well as in Mexico and Peru. He worked 
in this region between the years 1880 and 1886, living in one of the kivas of 
Frijoles Canyon ruins. At the end of his stay he wrote The Delight Makers, 
an ethno-historical novel depicting life of the early Keres, with Frijoles Can- 
yon and the Tyuonyi Ruins as its setting. El Rito de los Frijoles (the little 
river of the^beans), fed by several springs and the snows of the Je*mez Range, 
threads its way through the canyon, passing between cliffs that contain pre- 
historic dwellings of a Pajaritan tribe whose cliff caves and community struc- 
ture have become noted throughout the world. As the highway approaches. 


the ruins, deep clefts in the earth (L) and sheer stony sides of volcanic ash or 
tuff form a natural barrier to this prehistoric home of the Indian. 

At 3.2 m. the road ends in a small plaza which affords ample parking space. 
Around this plaza are the FRIJOLES CANYON LODGE (dining room available), 
the only available accommodations in the canyon, the MUSEUM, and the 
ADMINISTRATION BUILDING (free guides for foot tours through the ruins), both 
operated by the National Park Service. This canyon, a deep gash 17 miles 
long and varying from 300 to 600 feet in depth, runs from the east slope of the 
Jemez Mountains to the Rio Grande, entering White Rock Canyon and cutting 
through a great crescent-shaped volcanic plain that spreads out like a huge fan 
south and east of the mountains. This plain, formed by ash thrown by once 
active volcanoes of the Jemez Range, is underlaid by earlier flows of basalt. 
The canyon floor is tillable and easily worked. Yellow pine and pinon, inter- 
spersed with cottonwood, box elder, and willow, line the creek banks. It is 
thought that Frijoles Canyon was first occupied about 1250 A.D. During 300 
years the inhabitants built 13 groups of houses, which in their heyday might 
have held a population of between 1,500 and 2,000. These village ruins ex- 
tend for 2.5 miles in the lower part of the canyon. Each village, built of 
tuff blocks, contained numerous rooms and stood one to three stories high. Be- 
low them were cave rooms varying in dimensions from a few feet to as large 
as 10 feet square. The rooms, both on the canyon floor and in the cliff caves, 
were usually coated with clay, which remains intact even to this day. The kiva 
(Ind., ceremonial room), circular in form and either sunken below ground level 
or cut back into the cliff, was an important part of each village. The circular 
form and sunken position is said to symbolize the original earth passage through 
which the early Indians came in their transition from the original "down below" 
world to this world of light. These kivas served as council chambers and were 
the center of the religious activities. 

Of the three other villages on the canyon floor, the great community house 
of TYUONYI and its many kivas are the major remains and are adjudged 
by archeologists the central point of population. Although a fair composite 
picture of the ruins may be obtained from the Administration Building, the 
individual village, the kivas, and caves become much more interesting upon 
closer inspection. 

Left (on foot) from Frijoles Canyon Lodge on a trail winding up the 
south side of the canyon wall and across the south mesa to the SHRINES OF 
YAPASHI (a name given to fetishes representing human forms), part of the pre- 
historic Yapashi Ruins Pueblo on the plateau between Capulin and Alamo 
Canyons southwest of the west rim of Frijoles Canyon. This pueblo, similar 
to other major ruins, consists of a single great community house or group of 
houses with some outlying cliff dwellings. It has been estimated that several 
hundred inhabitants lived here. Forming a triangle with the pueblo ruins are 
two shrines, 9 m., one commonly known as the STONE LIONS and the other desig- 
nated as the SHRINE OF THE STONE ALTAR. The Stone Lions lie west of the 
pueblo ruins in a circular enclosure, 13 feet high. Two parallel walls of 
similar height, forming a passageway five feet in width, extend from one side 
for a distance of 20 feet. Within this enclosure are life-sized effigies of 
crouching mountain lions or pumas carved from lava. While crude, these 
figures are of graceful proportions and are readily identified. They are 16 
laches high and each is two feet wide at the base and six feet long. The 
Keres and other Pueblo Indians still visit this shrine and sprinkle the figures 
with sacred meal. The trail continues to the SHRINE OF LA CUEVA PINTADA 
(the painted cave), 12 m. t a large cavity in the northeast wall of Capulin 
Canyon. Stairs for hand- and foot-holds, cut in the vertical face of the tuff 
wall, afford a perilous ascent to the cave, 50 feet from the base of the cliff, 
where two communicating rooms facing southwest are carved high in the cliff. 
A crude stairway of 16 hand- and foot-holds leads up to the door of the room 
on the left and a similar stairway passes down from the door of the room on 
the right Between the stairways at the cliff's base rises a column of stone 

TOUR 3 283 

three feet high and two feet thick, in the top of which is carved a basin more 
than a foot in diameter and half of that in depth. The larger room has a 
banquette extending around the sides and back, above which are etched many 
pictographs, easily distinguishable in the smoke-stained walls and ceiling. 

On the circular wall at the back of the cave conventional symbols, such as 
clouds, lightning, masked dancers, and the sun are painted with carbon, calcite, 
and red ocher. Occupying a conspicuous position in the center of the frieze is 
a great plumed serpent, the Awanyu of the waters, or rain god. 

Continuing from the junction NM 4 before crossing the J6MEZ 
MOUNTAINS with magnificent views of ranges on the north, 
east and south, arrives at junction with alternate road to Los Alamos 
at 30.9 m. 

VALLE GRANDE, 35.2 m. f long thought to be a valley, has been 
identified as an extinct crater (8,500 alt. of floor; 9,000 alt. of rim), 
176 square miles in area, said to be the largest measured crater on 
earth. Mountains rise up from its sides, and down in the crater cattle, 
horses, and sheep graze. Its grassy, smooth immensity with trees on 
the slopes above and a vast expanse of sky, makes it one of the most 
attractive places in the vicinity of Santa Fe. (During bad weather make 
inquiry concerning road.) 

Beyond Valle Grande is the junction with NM 126 which the route 
follows over the NACIMIENTO RANGE through grassy mountain 
meadows with vistas of great beauty at several points along the road. 
As the road ascends the eastern slope of the range, there is a fine view of 
REDONDO MOUNTAIN (11,250 alt.) to the east toward Valle 
Grande. On through forests of aspen, fir, and pine, past many attractive 
camping spots, to the top of the pass (9,000 alt.), then continuing over 
a dirt road rich red against the dark green of the forests down into 
Senorita Canyon, with magnificent vistas ahead to the west as the road 
twists and turns in its descent. On past and over mountain streams 
and more red road to the plain on which Cuba is situated. This last 
part of the trip is easy when the road is dry. (Inquire about road con- 
ditions after a rain.) 

In CUBA 96 m., is the junction with US 84 (See Tour 9). 


Tour 3 

(San Luis, Colo.) Costflla Questa Taos Verlarde Santa Fe 
Galisteo Moriarty Willard Corona; NM 3, US 64, US 85, NM 
41, US 60, NM 42. 
Colorado Line to Junction US 54 with NM 42, 236 m. 

Bituminous paved roadbed. 

The first section of this route is through mountainous country, with 
superb vistas and panoramas. Care should be exercised because of 
curves, steep hills, and occasional rock slides. There are forests, moun- 
tain streams, small irrigated farms, mining, dude ranches, some cattle 
and sheep, Indians, scenery, and history. The second section is one of 
vast expanses of level farm and grazing land, with mountains along dis- 
tant horizons. Herds and flocks are seen, more numerous than in the 
first section, with large ranches in the Estancia Valley. 

Section a. COLORADO LINE to SANTA FE, 114 m. 

NM 3 crosses the broad Taos Valley and winds through the Sangre 
de Cristo range, seldom dipping below altitudes of 7,000 feet. 

In the tiny hamlet of GARCIA, NM 3 crosses the State Line, 772. 

COSTILLA, 1 m. (7,500 alt., 805 pop.), a trading point for 
ranchers, named for the Rio Costilla (Rib River) which curves through 
the town, is in the southern end of the SAN LUIS VALLEY, whose 
northern extremity reaches far into Colorado. 

In the surrounding area known as Sunshine Valley sheep raising and 
crops of beans, corn, and chili are the main sources of revenue ; a large 
reservoir on the Rio Costilla north of town provides water for irriga- 
tion. UTE PEAK (R), named for the Indians who owned this land, 
raises its pine-topped head abruptly from the valley floor and has always 
been used by Indian, hunter, and trail makers as a landmark. Far away 
COSTILLA PEAK (12,634 alt.), is visible (L), the highest of a 
series of five hogback formations along the Colorado-New Mexico 

Instead of one plaza Costilla had four. In 1852 an expedition of 
settlers from Taos and Arroyo Hondo, under the leadership of Juan 
de Jesus Bernal, journeyed to the site of Costilla and laid out the four 
plazas on land acquired by Carlos Beaubien, who also filed the Maxwell 
Grant (see Tour #). Two of the plazas, LA PLAZA DEL MEDIO 
(middle), the first constructed, and LA PLAZA DE ABAJO (lower), 
part of which lies in Colorado, are along the highway. 

Though Costilla remains an unhurried community that observes 
the feast days it has had many flurries of excitement. Rumors of gold 
strikes on several occasions have attracted floating populations, and the 
formation of a million-dollar Dutch company to irrigate and exploit 
the fertile valley for a time focused attention on this area. 

LA PLAZA DE ARRIBA (upper) was built at the southeastern end 
of the original settlement. A torreon (tower) here, still standing to- 

TOUR 3 285 

day, was a part of the PLAZA DEL PELEE, and is one story high, 
and through its portholes guards kept long vigils for marauding Ute and 
Apache who made repeated attempts to steal sheep and horses. 

Left from the post office in Costilla on a dirt road the highway 
threads the level floor of Sunshine Valley. The SANGRE DE 
CRISTO MOUNTAINS (13,306 alt), rugged and snow-capped, 
barricade the blue horizon (L). Enveloped at times by violet haze, en- 
circled at others with lazily rolling, fleecy clouds, they afford an ever- 
changing picture of grandeur, strength, and beauty. The soil is loose 
and rocky; lack of water makes it suitable only for sheep raising. The 
Rio Grande flows south through the valley, and some farming- is done 
on its banks. Small close-huddled communities dot the river bottom at 
intervals, the economic life of the residents being dependent chiefly on 
the raising of sheep. The valley, approximately 20 miles in width, is 
a vast stretch of sage and rabbit brush. The species of sagebrush com- 
mon in northern New Mexico plateau regions is Artemisia tridentata^ 
a woody, erect bush, with pungently aromatic foliage, which usually 
grows from two to three feet high. 

The rocky sides of beautiful RED RIVER CANYON (L), 21.5 
77?., are outlined with varicolored jagged peaks, their green sides cov- 
ered most of the year with snow. 

QUESTA (sloping land where runs a road), 21 m. (7,469 alt., 
1,119 pop.), originally named San Antonio del Rio Colorado, the third 
largest town in Taos County, is on a ridge of gravel on the north side 
of Red River and west of Cabestro Creek. There is an attractive free 
camping ground at the mouth of the canyon. Unadorned by anything 
modern and with a large majority of its residents of Spanish and Mexi- 
can stock, Questa is still an authentic picture of life as it was during 
the Mexican regime. Agriculture is the main pursuit. Sheep are 
raised in considerable numbers, crops are watered from the Red and 
Cabestro (rope) streams, and some placer mining is carried on in 
near-by mountains. 

Questa had several beginnings and sudden endings because the Ute 
and Apache discouraged adventurous settlers who wished to work the 
fertile river bottoms. 

In 1829 Don Francisco Laforet built a home on the river bot- 
tom but was forced to move to the ridge the better to watch for 
marauders. These settlers held out and in 1872 obtained a grant con- 
taining 115,000 acres. Old documents show that in 1849 one hundred 
families were living in Rio Colorado and eagerly greeted the mountain 
men and traders who came in covered wagons on the old Taos Trail. 
Indians attacked again in 1854 and during this campaign a six-foot wall 
with only one entrance was built around the town. The church, erected 
in 1873, is Questa's oldest builtUng, In 1884 when the town acquired 
a post office, the name was changed to Questa. 

NM 3 dips into a wide fertile valley and passes the tiny settlement 
of EMBARGO, then climbs through an evergreen area for several 


miles. Beyond the woods is the San Cristobal Valley, checked with 
small farms, well-irrigated and well-kept. 

SAN CRISTOBAL (L) 32 m. (7,450 alt., 210 pop.) , is a half-hidden 
farming community settled in 1860, and inhabited almost entirely by 
descendants of Spaniards and Mexicans. Until 1930 there was no post 
office here. 

At 35.2 m. at the top of a hill is a junction with a dirt road. 

Left on this road along LOBO MOUNTAIN (12,104 alt.) to former HOME 
OF Miss DOROTHY BRETT, 2.1 m. t English painter and writer (see Literature). 
KIOWA RANCH, 5 m., owned by Frieda Lawrence, widow of D. H. Lawrence 
(1885-1930), the English author (see Literature), stands below a knoll on which 
5s a mausoleum containing Lawrence's ashes. The road to Kiowa Ranch is 
dangerous when wet and is sometimes impassable in winter. 

ARROYO HONDO (deep brook), 34 m. (6,998 alt., 519 pop.), 
settled in 1823, has three plazas. It is in the Hondo Valley among the 
fertile fields along the river bottom. In addition to crops, sheep and 
cattle are raised. At the turn of the century, a mining boom caused an 
influx of prospectors and gold seekers, but as the output was limited 
the boom soon collapsed and the community settled back to its former 
way of life. Two chapters of the Penitente order are active in Arroyo 
Hondo, and thnr WEST MORADA (no visitors) in the central plaza is 
recognized by its large wooden cross. 

The REAL HOME (L) on NM 3, an old, two-storied, balconied 
house, is owned by the Real family, prominent in the early affairs of 
the community. Beyond the Real home, the highway makes a right- 
angle turn, crosses a bridge over the Hondo River, and continues up a 
steep grade. Near the top of the grade (R) is MARTINEZ STORE 
(1826), which once was the granary and trading center of the village. 

Adjacent to the store and residence are the ruins of the private 
chapel of the Martinez family. 

i. Right from Arroyo Hondo on a dirt road to a charred mass of ruins, 
2 OT., all that remains of TURLEY'S MILL AND DISTILLERY. Simeon Turley, an 
American, came to the canyon in 1830 and in a few years had the most 
flourishing ranch in the Taos district, with herds of cattle and sheep and acres 
of corn and wheat. With characteristic Yankee enterprise, he built a dam, 
impounded the waters of the Hondo, and erected a grist mill which for many 
years served a large section. He added looms and spinning wheels, and on 
his_ ranch were the town's industries. All things necessary to a comfortable, 
civilized life were made here. Many natives and Pueblo Indians worked 
for him and were well paid and well fed. He is mentioned as jolly, good- 
natured, kind, and generous. Then came the uprising of 1847. 

During the insurrection Turley at first took no precautions, believing he 
had no enemies, but when warned that natives and Indians had risen in 
revolt, that Governor^ Bent had been killed (see Taos), and that a party of 
raiders was approaching his establishment, he barricaded the ranch and pre- 
pared for its defense. The besiegers offered him his life if he would turn over 
the ranch and nine Americans with him, but this he contemptuously refused to 
do, and for two days a pitched battle raged. On the second day the attackers 
set fire to the mill. Enveloped by smoke Turley and another made their escape. 
On the way north, Turley met a neighbor whom he had befriended and con- 

TOUR 3 287 

fided in him. This man told Turley to hide in a deserted ranch near by, and he 
promised to return the following night with food and a mule. Then he rode 
straight to the mill and informed the raiders of Turley's whereabouts. At night 
30 of them returned to the deserted ranch, called Turley, and when he came 
out he was riddled with bullets. 

2. Left at the Real House in Arroyo Hondo to UPPER PLAZA, 1 m. t and the 
of the Penitentes, with large wooden crosses at the east of the entrance, stands 
on a hill south of the church plaza'. 

South of Arroyo Hondo, NM 3 climbs a series of switchbacks. 
At 44 m. WHEELER PEAK (13,151 alt.), second highest peak in 
the State, is plainly visible (L). All the mountains of the Sangre de 
Cristo Range at this point have an altitude in excess of 10,000 feet. 

EL RANCHO DE LA PUERTA DEL SOL (L) owned by Mrs. Gusdorf, 
widow of an early pioneer of Taos, is passed at 46.4 m. The settle- 
ment here is known as EL PRADO, south of which the route crosses the 
Rio Lucero (river of the morning star), which, fed from the north slopes 
of Taos Mountain (L) and the Rio Pueblo, is the source of irrigation 
for Taos Valley. 

In TAOS, 45 m. (6,952 alt., 3,831 pop.), (see Taos), is a junction 
with US 64, which the route now follows. 

RANCHOS DE TAOS, 48 m. (6,900 alt., 1,800 pop.), an old 
village of adobe, is a quiet community and the home of many mem- 
bers of the Penitente Order. Near the foothills of the Sangre de 
Cristo Mountains, Ranchos commands a splendid view of the whole 
valley and specially of Taos and its protective background of rugged 
peaks. There is little activity at any time except during festive periods, 
such as St. Francis Day, October 4, and the annual play, Los Co-man- 
ches, which is held on January 25 in co-operation with the adjoining 
village of Llano Quemado. This play in Spanish, enacted on horse- 
back, has as its plot the rescue of two children captured by Comanche. 
The play ends with a grand entrance into the church. 

According to Indian tradition, Ranchos de Taos was founded by 
members of Taos Pueblo who sought better fields for their crops. With 
the coming of the Spaniards, the settlement became known as Las 
Trampas (the traps). As with other frontier towns of New Mexico, it 
was raided by Apache and Comanche. In the center of the village is 
the SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI MISSION, built c. 1730 (but not registered 
at Diocesan headquarters, Durango, Mexico, till 1772) by the Frari- 
ciscans. It fell into disuse and was rebuilt about 1772, but there is a 
dispute as to the date of its founding. This fortress-like adobe building, 
famous for its exceptionally thick walls supported by great abutments 
and its white stucco exterior, is 120 feet long and is surrounded by a 
six-foot wall. The bells are in two front towers, one slightly higher 
than the other. Two of the abutments on the front facade are the full 


width of the towers and form two great pylons flanking an unusual 
arched entrance portal having surface tracery and double, paneled 
doors. Buttresses are also placed at the corners of the transepts, and 
at the end wall of the apse. At the crossing are four diagonal bracings 
aiding two heavy beams supporting the nave and transept vigas, spaced 
unusually close together and springing from double-scrolled brackets. 
The only modern note in the interior is the altar of French design. 
The large reredos, 25 feet high, with its carved pillars and wooden 
partitions, contains seven paintings so old that it is impossible to tell 
which saints most of them represent. There are also several old paint- 
ings done on wood by native artists. 

In Ranchos is a junction (L) with NM 3 (see Tour 11). 

US 64 parallels the Rio Grande, running beside the river for 14 

PILAR, 61 772. (6,550 alt., 130 pop.), a primitive farming com- 
munity on a cone-shaped delta surrounded by rugged hills and canyon 
walls, is an area cultivated by the Jicarilla Apache in pre-Spanish times. 
In 1694 their village was burned by De Vargas. Finally in 1795 twenty 
families were given a grant here, one of the provisions being that all 
pastures and watering places must be communal. That settlement was 
formerly known as Cieneguilla (little marsh). 

In 1822 Governor Melgares ordered that the Jicarilla Apache be 
allowed to live and farm in Cieneguilla, but the Spanish-Mexicans 
protested so vigorously that the order was never enforced. Forgotten 
by the American government, the Indians were in dire straits, starving 
close to the land that really belonged to them. In 1854, when the 
territory had become American, they revolted and were engaged in 
battle near the village by the U. S. dragoons. An unknown number of 
them were killed, as well as 22 soldiers. The dragoons retreated to 
Fort Burgwin where Kit Carson and his niece, Teresina Bent, helped 
bury the dead. Meanwhile, a larger body of soldiers pursued the 
Indians, but they escaped. Later that year they were compelled to sign 
a treaty. The old bridge at Filar, erected in the early i88o's, is the 
newest of a series of bridges that have been built at this spot, the earliest 
believed to be in 1598. A large cross tops a conical hill near by, while 
ahead is a great copper-colored cliff. 

GLEN-WOODY BRIDGE, 64 m. t is a suspension bridge that 
crosses the Rio Grande and leads to the RUINS OF GLEN-WOODY MIN- 
itfo CAMP on the west bank. A town was laid out here in 1902, and 
a large flume, in which was installed a i6o-horsepower turbine, was 
built just north of the bridge on the east bank to supply power for 
mining machinery. A hotel and other buildings were erected and hopes 
were high. But the venture was a failure, and the town literally rotted 
away. Mining activities in this region, embracing the area east of 
US 64 about as far as Picuris, have been widespread. Copper mining, 

TOUR 3 289 

very active about 1900-02, has been practically abandoned owing to the 
low prices of this metal. The only mine open is the Lilac, producing 
lepidolite used in the manufacture of shatter-proof glass and glass cook- 
ing utensils. 

Near RINCONADA (Sp. place in the corner), 68 m. t the river 
valley widens between towering cliffs on both sides of the river. 

At 71 777. is the junction with NM 75, a graded dirt road. 

Left on NM 75, 18 m. to the junction with NM 76 at Vadito. 

Right on NM 76 via Penasco (see below) to LAS TRAMPAS (Sp. the 
traps) at 7 77z v known as "Place of Early Settlers." This adobe-walled town with 
flat-roofed mud houses is a part of seventeenth century Spain and Mexico set 
down in the heart of New Mexico. Customs go back to Spanish colonial days 
and farming is carried on in the manner of the past, crops being harvested by 
hand, goats or horses stamping out the grain in the primitive manner. Wooden 
plows are still used on some of the ranchitos. On the plaza here is the Santo 
Tomds del Rio de Las Trampas Church, first known as The Church of the 
Twelve Apostles and later as La Iglesia de San Jose. It is built of adobe, 
with walls four feet thick and 34 feet high relieved of their severity only by 
small towers on the front facade. Between these two bell towers is an outside 
choir balcony from which in the old days the choir sang while the procession 
moved outside the church. All took part in this, the men on the left and the 
women on the right; at its head marched four men carrying the canopy to 
cover the Holy Spirit of the Estandartes. Behind these came two more who 
chanted the A<ue Maria and sang hymns. Tradition says 350 years is its age, 
but Historic Building Survey gives its date as 1760. There were two bells 
both containing gold and silver which were rung by striking them with a rock. 
One because of its gentle tone was named Gracia (Grace) and was rung for 
Mass and for the deaths of infants, while the other with a heavier tone, called 
Refugio (Refuge), was rung for masses for the dead or for the death of an 
adult. Since Refugio was stolen a few years ago, Gracia is used on all occa- 
sions. The reredos is a fine example of early painting, said to have been 
brought from Spain through Mexico. Within the entrance of the church a door 
(R) leads to a small room in which is kept the death cart of the Penitente 
Order. A black draped, carved skeleton is mounted on a crude two-wheeled 
cart; its wheels, three feet in diameter, hewn from solid logs. Dona Sebastiana 
(as the figure is called) holds a bow and arrow in her bony fingers. She is 
trundled by two men in the Holy Week processions of the Order, and tradition 
has it that the image has been known to discharge the arrow at an unrepentant 

Trampas has long been a center of the Penitentes, their rites being per- 
formed during Holy Week of each year, with a procession of cross bearers and 
the Death Cart to the Calvario (Sp. Calvary), % of a mile from the church. 

Near Vadito is junction (L) with a dirt road. North of this road 0.9 m. to 
PICURIS PUEBLO (8,400 alt.). The name is from Keresan Pikuria meaning 
"those who paint." Some of the Picuris buildings seen here were made by 
Indians of coarsed adobe and are the oldest still standing of any pueblo in 
the Rio Grande Valley. The Picuris make a distinctive pottery from clay only 
known to the Picuris at this time. It is a sericite mica clay which gives 
the clay a distinctive golden sheen. This pottery of special color has been 
made since about 1600. Picuris has begun excavations which are now open 
to tourists who may be conducted through the well-marked ruins for a 
small fee. A museum is being planned to show the artifacts. Picuris celebrates 
San Lorenzo's Day, August loth, with Mass in the morning followed by tradi- 
tional dances. After the pueblo had been visited by the Coronado Expedi- 
tion in 1540, there was no further record of Europeans being here until 1598, 
when Onate commenced organized mission work, establishing San Lorenzo 
(St. Lawrence) de Picuris Mission. By 1629 San Lorenzo was an important 


mission, and the priest was in charge of a number of smaller neighboring 
villages. Father Alonzo de Benavides, the priest-historian, wrote in 1630 that 
there were about 2,000 Indian converts at Picuris; he said these Indians were 
the most savage in the province and were often "miraculously restrained 1 ' 
from killing the Franciscans. Under increasing Spanish domination during the 
seventeenth century, the Picuris grew more and more discontented, and Luis 
Tu-pa-tu, governor of the pueblo, with Jaca of Taos and Catiti of Santo 
Domingo, ably assisted Po-pe in organizing the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. After 
the Spaniards left New Mexico in 1680 it was Tu-pa-tu of Picuris who suc- 
ceeded Po-pe, the main leader of the revolt. There were then about 3,000 
Indians at Picuris and Tu-pa-tu was the most powerful and influential chieftain 
in the entire province. 

Following the Reconquest by De Vargas in 1692, Tu-pa-tu, mounted on a 
fine horse, appeared in full Spanish costume at the governor's palace in Santa 
Fe and offered not only his allegiance but his assistance in subduing the still 
hostile tribes. The Picuris had abandoned their pueblo in 1680, but soon after 
1692 the pueblo was rebuilt on or near the old site, and SAN LORENZO DE 
PICURIS CHURCH, cruciform with a walled forecourt, was erected. It is one of 
the most interesting of the old missions in New Mexico. The only decorative 
element on the exterior is the false, stepped gable end,^ placed in the center and 
pierced with a rectangular opening for a bell. Inside is a gridiron representing 
the instrument of torture upon which San Lorenzo was slowly burned to death; 
and hanging on the wall near the door is a human skull covered with a white 
cloth whose history is no longer known. The altar screen has some very old 

Between 1695 and 1696, Picuris joined with other tribes in asking for wide 
distribution of resident Franciscans in the various pueblos, the concealed reason 
for the request being the desire to scatter the Spanish forces. ' In 1696 they 
joined in the revolt in which five Franciscans and 21 Spaniards were killed. 
In the autumn of 1696 the Picuris feigned a desire for peace in order to save 
their crops, but De Vargas fearing treachery marched against them, captured 
84, many of them women and children whom he distributed as servants among 
the soldiers and citizens who had accompanied him on the expedition. The 
Picuris realized by December 1696 that there was nothing to do but submit to 
the Spanish authority. In 1704 because of some superstition, the remaining 
Picuris again abandoned their pueblo and fled to Cuartelejo, a Jicafilla Apache 
settlement about 350 miles northeast of Santa Fe. In 1706 the captive Picuris, 
through their chief Lorenzo, sent a messenger to Governor Cuervo y Valdez, 
praying for forgiveness and asking aid to return to their old home. The 
petition was approved in a council of war in Santa Fe, and Juan de Ulibarri 
was selected as commander of the expedition to go to Cuartelejo and bring 
back the repentant and homesick Indians. 

The Picuris tribe has intermarried with both whites and Apaches. Less 
than a score of the inhabitants are said to be of pure Pueblo blood. 

Return via NM 76 to PEftASCO (Sp. rocky) (see above), given its name 
because of the rocky outcroppings near by. The town is a survival of several 
tiny settlements of the eighteenth century. 

In the year 1796 three Spanish-Americans from San Jose petitioned Governor 
Fernando Chacon for permission to build two towns in this vicinity. According 
to Private Land Claim 114, the governor acquiesced with the proviso that "at 
least 50 individuals must repopulate the place and hold the land against sale 
for ten years." Thus it is construed that the valley had been settled prior to 
this date although no record of this is found. Seventy-seven took advantage of 
the grant and three settlements were started, Llano (Sp. plain) ; Llano Largo 
(Sp. large plain) and Santa Barbara. The present Penasco was probably the 
lower portion of Santa Barbara and the present village of Rodarte the center 
of the old Santa Barbara. 

The village church, an adobe structure, its front faced with tin sheeting, 
is interesting because of the white marble statue group in the churchyard. 

TOUR 3 291 

The residents of Penasco depend mostly upon farming and sheep raising 
but some weaving is also done. 

From Vadito NM 75 continues east through clustered tiny villages. 

At the settlement of RIO PUEBLO in the valley (R) NM 75 joins NM 3 
(see Tour //). 

US 64 follows the Rio Grande past the rural post office of 
EMBUDO (funnel), 71 m. (6,500 alt., 6 pop.), a former Indian 
pueblo now little more than a few ranches, and across the river a station 
on the Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad, an abandoned rail- 
road line (see Tour 17) that parallels US 64 between Embudo and 
Puye City (see below). In the Spanish archives are bills of sale, dated 
March 21, 1707, and February 17, 1732, for land in and adjacent to 

At 75 m. US 64 leaves the canyon and enters the RIO GRANDE 

VELARDE, 76 m. (5,600 alt., 893 pop.), center of a farming 
community with fine peach orchards, was formerly called La Joya but 
was later named for a prominent family. 

LOS LUCEROS (Sp. the morning stars), 81 m., was once the 
capital of the departamento of Rio Arriba and from 1855 to 1860 was 
the seat of Rio Arriba County. In 1 860 the county seat was transferred 
to Alcalde (see below) , then called Plaza del Alcalde, and in 1880 to 
Tierra Amarilla where it is now. 

ALCALDE (Sp. magistrate, judge) 83 772. (900 pop.), is a trading 
point consisting of flat-roofed adobe houses, a small chapel, and a Peni- 
tente morada. 

US 64 continues along the base of Mesa Prieta (dark mesa) or 
Mesa Canoa (canoe) as it is sometimes called. 

At 89 m. is the junction with Truchas Road (see Tour SA). 

PUYE CITY, 90 m. (5,590 alt., 100 pop.), also called 
Riverside, is the junction with US 285 which is united with US 64 to 
Santa Fe. 

As the highway crosses the Santa Cruz River and mounts a hill, 
there is a glimpse (L) of the village of SANTA CRUZ (see Tour 
8 A). Descending the hill, US 64 continues across two extremely wide 
sandy arroyos and traverses a rolling desert country. This section, 
known as the POJOAQUE (pronounced po-whah-ke) BADLANDS 
or SANTA FE MARL, is said to be one of the most nearly perfect 
exposed river beds in existence. Here, in a region of miniature canyons, 
mesas, and cliffs, smooth pebbles, grasses, and multi-colored rock strata, 
the bones of many prehistoric animals have been found. Remains of 
mammoths and other Pliocene animals have been shipped to eastern 
museums, notably the Museum of Natural History, New York City. 

POJOAQUE, 98 772. (857 pop.), the site of an early Tiwa- 
speaking Pueblo, whose survivors died only two score years ago, marks 
the junction with NM 4 (see Tour 2 A), 


Left from Pojoaque on a dirt road to RANCHO DE BOUQUET, 0.1 m. (privately 
owned), once a noted stopping place for stage coaches. Nambe Pueblo is 
3.07 m. 

US 64 passes through the little village of CUYAMUNGUfi 
(Tiwa Ind., the place where they threw stones), 100 m. This is a 
settlement of adobe houses whose walls are hung with clustered strings 
of red chili in the fall and surrounded in summer by small orchards 
and wide green fields of alfalfa. The ruins of the old pueblo of 
Cuyamungue are one mile below the village on the west bank of the 
Tesuque River (R). South of the settlement are excellent views of 
the Jemez Range (R) and the Sangre de Cristo Range (L). Round- 
about are countless eroded formations in the sandstone-capped hills, the 
most distinctive of which is the CAMEL ROCK (R). 

At 105 m. is the junction (R) with a dirt road. 

Right on this road to TESUQUE PUEBLO, 1 m. (173 pop.) on the west 
bank of the Tesuque River, the southernmost village of the Tiwa-speaking 
branch of the Rio Grande Pueblo Indians. The present form of the name is 
from the Tiwa Tat'unge'onwi, meaning "pueblo down at the dry spotted place." 
This pueblo, first discovered by Coronado's expedition in 1540, is the Indian 
pueblo nearest Santa Fe. The seat of a mission, San Lorenzo de Tesuque, in 
the early seventeenth century, destroyed in the Pueblo Rebellion (1680), it was 
reconquered in 1692 by De Vargas and established under the name of San 
Diego de Tesuque. It became a visita of Santa Fe in 1760, and of Pojoaque in 
1782. In the latter part of the nineteenth century the Mission and its convento 
(monastery) gave way because of age and lack of care. The original sacristy 
became the present Tesuque Mission, The walls of the chapel probably date 
from the early seventeenth century. 

The United States Government Day School for the pueblo was built several 
years ago and in addition to the regular curriculum, interesting work is done 
in native Indian arts and crafts. In spite of its proximity to Santa Fe, Tesuque 
is tenacious of its Indian customs and life. The annual feast day on November 
izth in honor of its patron saint, San Diego, is celebrated by Indian dances 
directly following a morning Mass. Ceremonies and dances that occur during 
the year include the Corn dance, the Eagle dance, the Bow and Arrow dance 
and others* The pottery is distinctive; the water color paintings are purely 
Indian in theme and design. 

Piki or bunjabe, a paper thin wafer bread, is still prepared by the older 
women of the pueblo, especially for ceremonial purposes. These thin sheets 
of corn meal are also useful on journeys. 

Tesuque owns its land by virtue of an original grant from the Spanish 
crown, ratified by the Republic of Mexico 1821, and confirmed by the United 
States in 1848. 

SANTA FE, 114 m. (7,000 alt., 30,000 pop.), (see Santa Fe). 
In Santa Fe is the junction with US 85 (see Tour 1) and US 285 
(see Tour 7). 

Section b. SANTA FE to CORONA, 122.6 m. 

From SANTA FE, m. f over US 85-285 (see Tour 7b) to their 
junction with NM 41 (R), 17.9 m., following NM 41 through the 
richly productive Estancia Valley. 

GALISTEO, 23.7 m. (6,400 alt., 157 pop.), is a typical New 
Mexico farming village in the center of a stock-raising area. Within 

TOUR 3 293 

the Galisteo Valley are nine pueblo ruins, two on the north side and 
seven on the south side, in the Galisteo Basin. Five of these were 
occupied when the Spaniards came, the best known being Galisteo 
pueblo, i l /2 miles above the present village. First called San Lucas by 
Castano de Sosa (1591), it was remaned Santa Ana by Onate (1598). 
During the Pueblo Rebellion (1680), the missionaries here and in 
neighboring pueblos were killed, and these Indians established them- 
selves in Santa Fe until De Vargas drove them out in 1692. In 1706 
Governor Cuervo y Valdez re-established the pueblo, which was renamed 
Santa Maria and later called Nuestra Senora de los Remedios, with 90 
Tano Indians, whose number by 1749 had increased to 350; but small- 
pox and Comanche raids reduced them so greatly that in 1794 the few 
survivors moved to Santo Domingo (see Tour Ib) where a few Tanos 
now live. 

One of the ten churches in the Province of New Mexico in 1617 
was at Santa Cruz de Galisteo. Coronado came here in 1541 on his 
way to Pecos (see Tour la), and the pueblo was visited by Espejo in 


Southward, past Stanley and Otto, NM 41 continues through the 
Estancia Valley to the Junction with US 66, 51.6 m. From the junc- 
tion the route proceeds south on NM 41. MORIARTY, 52.7 m. 
(6,200 alt., 396 pop.), is the center of a farming and stock raising area. 

ESTANCIA, 68.7 77z. (6,117 alt., 797 pop.), is the seat of Torrance 
County. It raises cattle; alfalfa, potatoes, are principal crops. There 
is no irrigation. Estancia (small farm) was first a cluster of ranch 
houses around Estancia Springs, the property of the Otero family. It 
was here that Don Manuel Otero, scion of the prominent New Mexico 
family of that name, was killed (1883) as the result of a dispute over 
the title of his land. There are different versions of the encounter, 
but according to Frank M. King, who wrote an account of it in the 
Western Livestock Journal for April 28, 1936, Whitney and his men 
came up and took charge of the Otero property while Don Manuel 
was away. When he returned he asked Whitney by what authority 
he was there. Whitney was seated beside a table in the room and 
near him was his pistol. He took it up, saying, "By this authority," 
and fired. The narrator of the story said he didn't remember who 
fired first but that "there was plenty shootinV Otero was killed and 
Whitney had his right jaw shot away. In addition, he had two slugs 
in his body. Another man was killed and two were slightly wounded. 
According to one version, Whitney was placed in a light wagon drawn 
by two ponies, driven to Chilili where a spring wagon and a team of 
mules were secured, then driven as rapidly as possible to Santa Fe, 
where he was kept in hiding in a house now owned by Judge Hollo- 
man. There he was apprehended and taken to Los Lunas by special 
train. At the trial that resulted he was acquitted. The property was 
sold by the Otero estate to the New Mexico Central Railroad which 
needed the location for a water tank. 


At 77 m. is a junction with US 60, and the roads are united for 
2.2 miles (see Tour 8a). 

WILLARD, 79.2 772. (6,091 alt., 461 pop.), is in the center of a 
large stock raising region. Here the route follows NM 42 (R). 

At 84 m. (L) is a chain of natural salt lakes from which, according 
to a Spanish document dated 1668, burros laden with salt were driven 
more than 700 miles to the silver mines in southern Chihuahua, Mexico. 
The Spaniards were operating these mines with the aid of Indian slaves 
and needed salt for smelting the ores. The salt traffic, however, had 
gone on for centuries before it was resumed by the Spaniards. It had 
been a staple of trade among the Indians of the Southwest, and was 
known to the Mexican Indians, although it was not then carried by 

NM 42 continues to CEDARVALE, llo.2 m. (6,400 alt., 136 
pop.), center of another dry-farming region. 

NM 42 continues across the northeast corner of the Cibola Na- 
tional Forest, with views of North Peak and Cougar Mountain (R). 

CORONA, 122.6 m. (6,666 alt,, 803 pop.), is situated in an agri- 
cultural district in Lincoln County. Mining, wool, and cattle raising 
are the principal industries. 

In Corona is a junction with US 54 (see Tour 18). 

Tour 3 A 

Junction with US 64 Santa Cruz Chimayo Truchas 18 772. 
Truchas Road (NM 76). 

Two-lane paved road between US 64 and Truchas; graded dirt elsewhere 


No accommodations. 

This route runs through farming communities and mountain villages 
of the Chimayo Valley which is the center of the Chimayo type of 
weaving and has some of the most spectacular scenery in the State. Old 
customs are observed in this section and the Penitente Brotherhood 
flourishes here; El Santuario, a noted sanctuary, is on the route. The 
winding road and sharp turns necessitate careful driving. 

The Truchas Road runs east from its junction with US 64, m. 
(See Tour So) and passes EL SANTO NlffO (Holy Child), 0.5 m. t 
an old section of Santa Cruz. 

SANTA CRUZ, 1.5 m. (4,582 alt, 592 pop.), of importance dur- 
ing the early Spanish period, is a Spanish-speaking village of adobe 
houses around a sleepy plaza with a large modern concrete cross in the 

TOUR 3 A 295 

center. It was first settled by colonists who came with Onate in 1598 
and, attracted by the fertile lands along the Santa Cruz River (R), 
established haciendas. 

For over 300 years Santa Cruz was on the main road between 
Santa Fe and Taos, but a few years ago the village was by-passed about 
a mile to the west by the new highway. 

Abandoned by the Spanish in 1680 at the time of the Pueblo Re- 
bellion, Santa Cruz was occupied by Indians from the Tano pueblos of 
San Cristobal and San Lazaro who established new pueblos here and 
remained in possession until the reconquest in April 1692, when De 
Vargas ordered them to vacate. Some went to live at Chimayo, some 
to San Juan de los Caballeros, and one group to the Hopi country in 
Arizona where they established the pueblo of Hano on the First Mesa. 
The first settlement of Santa Cruz had been on the south side of the 
Santa Cruz River, but the new village was established on the north 
bank, the second Royal Villa (Santa Fe being the first) in New Mexico, 
under the name of La Villa Nueva de Santa Cruz de los Espanoles 
Mexicanos del Rey Nucstro Senor Don Carlos Segundo (The New* 
Town of the Holy Cross of the Spanish Mexicans of the King our 
Master Carlos II) and made the military headquarters of the district. 

Sixty families of colonists from Zacatecas, Mexico were given grants 
in 1695, and 19 families from Zacatecas in 1696. De Vargas assisted 
the colonists in every way. In his official proclamation, he says that he 
will "take the colonists on his saddle-horses, furnishing pack-mules for 
any clothing and house-furnishings they may have, and muleteers to 
help them load." Houses, together with adjoining fields and seed-corn 
for planting, were to be provided. Antonio Moreno, a Franciscan friar, 
accompanied the settlers and under his direction a church was erected. 

Later the village was temporarily deserted, with crops left standing 
in the fields, owing to lack of sufficient military protection, but was 
resettled and a Mission with resident priests was established in 1706. 
About 1710 more settlers were brought by Juan Jaez Hurtado. 

When Major Z. M. Pike passed through the village in 1807, he 
reported a population of more than 2,000. Under Mexican rule from 
1821 to 1846, Santa Cruz was of great political importance and known 
as one of the "wildest" towns of the southwest. 

In the so-called Chimayo Rebellion of 1837 (see History), Santa 
Cruz was the scene of a significant battle between the Mexican Federal 
troops and the Insurrectionists. Juan Jose Esquival, alcalde (magis- 
trate or judge) of the town, was one of the leaders in the revolt. In 
August 1837 Governor Perez marched with 200 troops (the majority 
of whom were Indians) from Santa Fe against Santa Cruz. Upon 
meeting the rebel army on the outskirts of the village, many of his own 
men deserted at the first fire from the enemy. Only a few remained 
loyal, but in the first charge by the insurgents even those were routed, 
seven killed and many wounded. The governor with 23 others man- 
aged to escape to Santa Fe but on the next day, while attempting to 
flee the country, he was met by a group of rebellious Santo Domingo 


Indians a short distance outside of Santa Fe, and was assassinated. His 
head was cut off and carried back in triumph to the rebel camp at 
Santa Cruz. 

During the Taos Revolt of 1847, following American occupation, 
on January 24 when the American army under Colonel Sterling Price 
was advancing to Taos to avenge the death of Governor Bent, another 
noteworthy battle was fought here, the Americans defeating a large 
force of Indians and Mexicans under Chavez, Montoya, and Tafoya. 
Two Americans were killed during the engagement and several 
wounded ; Colonel Price then proceeded to Taos, where the revolt was 
summarily suppressed. 

During Territorial days, Santa Cruz's reputation for disorder in- 
creased. Thomas A, Janvier in Santa Fes Partner says : 

"Santa Cruz de la Canada . . . was said to have took the cake for 
toughness before railroad times. It was a holy terror Santa Cruz was! 
The only decent folks in it was the French Padre who outclassed most 
saints and hadn't a fly on him and a German named Becker. He 
had the government forage station, Becker had; and he used to say 
he'd had a fresh surprise every morning of the five years he'd been 
forage agent when he woke up and found nobody 'd knifed him in the 
night and he was keeping on being alive." 

Dominating the plaza is the SPANISH MISSION, a massive cruciform 
church erected in 1733, one of the largest in New Mexico. It has 
simple exterior lines, a steep gabled front, and square, buttressed corner 
towers. The arched belfries surmounting the towers have pyramidal 
roofs, and the severity of the facade is unrelieved by the usual decora- 
tions for a church of this late period. The interior is a treasury of 
Spanish-Mexican art. The walls of the nave are adorned with Mexican 
pictures of Our Lady of Sorrows, St. Joseph, St. Stephen, and Our 
Lady of Guadalupe. On the north wall is a long niche containing 
figures which represent Christ in the Tomb. Near it is a remarkable 
seventeenth century Spanish wood carving, a figure of St. Francis. The 
high altar is similarly adorned with religious paintings. At the south 
side of the altar, richly painted and paneled doors lead into the Chapel 
of St. Francis. On the north side, the chapel of Our Lady of Carmel 
contains a modern Virgin and two paintings on metal one of St. 
Anthony of Padua and the other of St. Joseph. Adjoining this chapel 
is the sacristy, containing religious ornaments from Mexico and several 
Spanish paintings that originally hung in the nave and suggest the work 
of Murillo. Here also are stored richly embroidered sacerdotal vest- 
ments, altar furnishings of gold and silver, and several very old books. 
This church was the central seat of the Confraternity of Our Lady 
of Carmel and contains a register of all its members, "made by the 
authority of the Pope and the Bishop of Durango" in 1760. 

The church has priests in residence, who minister to a large parish 
including several pueblos, and many Tewa-speaking Indians are chris- 
tened and married by them. The babies of the parish are still baptized 
in the old Chapel of Saint Francis. 

TOUR 3 A 297 

The bell, according to Nina Otero in her Old Spain in the South- 
west, was brought from Spain in the early eighteenth century and its 
lovely tone is the result of gold and silver jewelry given for its casting 
by Spanish ladies of the period. 

The church in the beginning was flat dirt-roofed, but after several 
disastrous rains, the resident priest constructed the present hip roof in 
order, as he said, "to save the church itself!" Changes in the interior 
include the remodeling of the northern chapel about 1920. Preserved 
in the church are historical and ecclesiastical records beginning in 1695 
and described as the most perfect and complete in the Southwest. 

A Catholic Mission School has been built next to the Church in 
modern times. The casa de cura (house of the resident priest) directly 
back of the church, is an old adobe building with a large barn and 
corrals that recall the days, not so far distant, when all the priest's 
journeys to Chimayo, Cordova, Truchas, and other parishes were made 
by a two-horse team and buggy over roads often almost impassable. 

On Santa Cruz Day (May j) the feast of the finding of the Holy 
Cross the cross in the Plaza is always draped in white, and every 
second year Los Moros is presented. This play representing the Con- 
quest of the Moors by the Christians and the recapture of the Cross is 
enacted on horseback, as it was by the soldiers of Don Juan de Onate 
in 1 598 at San Juan de los Caballeros, shortly after their arrival in this 
new province of Spain. 

This performance is given at a number of villages by players de- 
scended from the families of those who first took part in 1598. The 
original manuscript in verse was, no doubt, brought from Spain but 
long ago was lost and the dialogue is now preserved orally. 

East of the Plaza is the PENITENTE MORADA, a secret chapel of the 
Penitente Brotherhood of New Mexico, a survival of the Third Order 
of Saint Francis. 

East of Santa Cruz this is a paved road following the narrow 
Santa Cruz Valley that is planted with fields of corn, chili, frijoles 
(Mexican or pinto beans), apple and peach orchards, and walled in 
by grotesquely eroded sandstone cliffs. A gravelly rock-strewn stream 
curves across the valley floor changing its course from day to day, 
never man-controlled. Adobe houses nestle against tawny cliffs or 
perch defiantly on lookout hilltops ; and in May, lilac-draped mud walls 
rise from barren grounds; young children in joyous mood and dress 
play in the roadway beside wayside crosses that mark the resting places 
of their ancestors. A chapel here, a morada there, or a stark Peni- 
tente cross on a hilltop bear testimony to the people's piety. 

CHIMAY6, 9 m. (6,872 alt., 2,500 pop.), is on the site of a pueblo 
inhabited by a group of Tiwa Indians who were called the Tsimajo 
(Ind., flaking stone of superior quality) and were fine weavers. It is 
supposed the few Spaniards living here before the Tiwa abandoned 
their pueblo learned the craft from them. Chimayo was the eastern 
boundary of the Province of New Mexico from 1598 to 1695, the 
frontier place of banishment for offenders, which in those days meant 


punishment greater than prison. After the Reconquest in 1692, it was 
known as San Buenaventura de Chimayo ^Chimayo of the Good 
Venture)* Today, because of its sheltered position, it is the center of 
farming, fruit culture, and weaving. The road, winding through the 
village, is lined with lilac hedges and with adobe houses and patio walls 
that are covered in June with the yellow rose of Castile. In the fall 
when the shimmering gold of the cottonwoods contrasts with strings of 
scarlet chili that drape the houses, the harvesting of the crops is carried 
on, and grain is threshed on primitive threshing floors with goats and 
horses tramping it out. During Lent processions of Penitentes, creep- 
ing up to the hilltop cross, scourge bare backs with yucca whips. Some- 
times, in the spring of a dry year, can be seen a procession of men and 
women, the leader carrying an image of the Virgin or the Santo Nino 
(holy child) and all chanting prayers for rain as they walk across the 
dry fields. Here are the homes of generations of weavers whose gaily 
colored Chimayo blankets have been called the link between the Navaho 
blankets of New Mexico and the Saltillo of Mexico. Every other 
house contains a hand loom with father, mother, and sometimes children 
operating it. Weaving in New Mexico had so deteriorated by the 
beginning of the nineteenth century that the Spanish authorities sent to 
Mexico for expert craftsmen to teach the colonists; in the spring of 
1805 the brothers Bazan, Don Ignacio and Don Juan, certified master 
weavers, came to Santa Fe under a six-year contract to teach the youth. 
At the capital they found conditions not to their liking so moved to 
Chimayo, which was established as a weaving center, a position it holds 
today though there have been periods of inactivity followed by revivals. 

For a time the craftsmen used wool bought from manufacturers 
instead of that prepared from neighbors' sheep as formerly, but are now 
restoring their blankets' popularity by turning again to native wool, 
hand spinning, and local vegetable dyes. 

At Chimayo is the junction with a secondary dirt road. 

Right on this road over a small stream to a cluster of adobes surrounding 
EL SANTUARIO DE CHIMAY6 1.3 m. t a Christian sanctuary, believed to be on the 
site of the old Tsimajo Pueblo. 

The low-flat-roofed adobe church with its tapering front towers and twin 
belfries is entered through a wall-enclosed garden with towering cottonwoods. 
It was built as a thanks offering by Don Bernardo Abeyta in 1816, and is very 
well preserved. The wide main portal is in the center of a thick retaining 
wall which supports a terrace immediately in front on the church structure. 
Between the front towers at the gallery level is a narrow porch with timber 
posts and roof. Here a smaller doorway opens into the choir loft within. The 
interior is notable for its characteristic Spanish-Pueblo decorations a heavy 
timber ceiling of closely spaced <viga$ t supported at the ends on carved brackets 
and crude plaster walls lined with a low painted dado and hung with numerous 
religious paintings. There are also pierced tin candelabra and a small bulfo 
of Santo Nino. In front of the high altar is an interesting chancel rail with 
perforated wooden balusters. Behind the draped altar is a high reredos, naively 
decorated with painted conventional designs and religious symbols, and over it 
a cross found in the pine tree that grew on this site. It is an exact replica 
of the cross at Esquipulas, Mexico in the Iglesia de Santo Nino. 

A privately-owned square chapel about 50 feet from the Santuario also 

TOUR 3 A 299 

contains a small statue of Santo Nino Perdido, the lost Child. The custodian 
here will respond to the ringing of a bell, which hangs in the campanile, and 
sell layettes, blessed on behalf of Santo Nino, to expectant mothers. It is said 
that these images of Santo Nino go out during the night on errands of mercy to 
the poor, in consequence of which new shoes must be bought for them every six 
months, although many thank offerings consist of doll-size shoes for their wear. 
The Santuario was in possession of the Abeyta family until the fall of 1929, 
when Mary Austin (see Literature} obtained from an anonymous donor $6,000 
with which the Society for the Preservation and Restoration of New Mexico 
Churches purchased the property and transferred it to the Roman Catholic 

Continue (R) on this road to the SANTA CRUZ RESERVOIR (park cars 
at dam base and climb on foot to water's edge), 0.8 m. f built in 1929. The 
water here irrigates about 6,000 acres and provides lake trout fishing. 

The road continues to climb along the crest of a hogback dividing 
two small valleys, with TRUCHAS PEAK (13,306 alt.), highest in 
New Mexico, and TAGS MOUNTAINS ahead, and with the 

At 11 m. is the junction with a dirt road. 

Right on this road, which crosses a small stream and winds up the steep 
foothills, to CUNDIY6, 2.1 m. (5,621 alt., 145 pop.), another hill town where 
a native craft center has recently been established. The specialty is hand- 
tanned goat skins from local goats, each family owning a small flock kept for 
this purpose as well as for milk and meat. About 100 feet above Cundiyo, at 
the foot of a small round hill, called by the Nambe Indians the "round hill of 
the little bells," are the ruins of a large adobe pueblo, said to be one of the 
ancient villages of their people. 

At 12 m., is the junction with a dirt road. 

Right down this narrow road, which tortuously winds across low spurs of 
hills, to C6RDOVA, 0.5 m. (5,742 alt., 573 pop.), said to have first been an 
Indian pueblo, now entirely Spanish-American. Its one street leads along the 
lower edge of a hill. On the left native type adobe houses with portals of pink, 
mauve, blue, and yellow are set in diminutive yards; on the right are chicken 
houses, stables, and corrals that slope steeply to the mountain stream. Between 
the stream and the towering foothills the yellow-green of spring wheat and the 
vivid green of alfalfa fields are outlined with wild plum. There is an adobe 
church dedicated to San Antonio de Padua where the bier, still used at funerals, 
is near the door; for there is no room here for the modern hearse. Cordova 
was the home until his death in May 1937 of the wood carver, Jose Maria 
Lopez, who fashioned with his penknife from juniper and pinon firewood, birds, 
squirrels, and beavers, as well as the figures of Adam and Eve, in dejection, 
leaving the Garden. On a point at the upper end of the village is a large 

The route continues (L) to the crest of a steep hill where there is 
a group of wooden crosses (R) set among the rocks, many ornamented 
with framed photographs of the departed ones. 

At 15 m. is a sharp turn. Here the road winds through several 
dry river beds to TRUCHAS (Sp. trout), 18 m. (7,622 alt., 672 
pop.), mentioned in a Spanish Archive of 1752 as Nuestra Sefiora del 
Rosario de las Truchas, a name longer than its main street. An archive 
dated 1762 tells of the transfer of its people, together with those of Las 


Trampas, to the Parish of Picuris. In March 1772 another archive 
records the requests of the villagers for 12 muskets and powder and pro- 
tection from the Comanche. "Denied" is written in answer to both 
requests. The walls of the adobe houses here are unusually thick 
(Truchas is a very cold place in winter) ; and handsome, hand-carved 
doors are numerous. There is a small Roman Catholic mission of early 
days and a Presbyterian Church and mission training school. Behind 
the village rise the TRUCHAS PEAKS. From Truchas on a clear 
day are visible the La Plata Mountains 150 miles away in southern 
Colorado; the JfiMEZ RANGE and the PEDERNAL (9,857 alt.) 
to the west; SANDIAS, 75 miles to the southwest; and MT. TAY- 
LOR, 150 miles south of west. Spread below is the entire Tewa world 
and a magnificent panorama of the Rio Grande Valley. 

Numerous trails lead out from Truchas into the CARSON NA- 
TIONAL FOREST (good hunting and fishing). East of Truchas, 
a rougher and more erratic road leads into and through the Forest, and 
another, north, runs over mountain trails and across canyons to Tram- 
pas (see Tour 8a) a very difficult and dangerous road, not to be 
undertaken except under the best conditions and then only by those 
experienced in mountain driving. It is safer as a pack trip. 

Tour 4 

(Texline, Texas) Clayton Des Moines Capulin Raton; US 87- 
64, 90 m. 

Two-lane, bituminous-paved roadbed throughout. 

The Colorado & Southern Railway parallels the route between Texline and 

Des Moines. 

Hotels in Clayton and Raton ; tourist camps, motels and gas stations at short 


This route cutting across the northeast corner of New Mexico 
traverses a region strewn with masses of black lava rock. In the old 
days this was a cattle country and great herds roamed here until the 
spring roundups. 

US 87 crosses the TEXAS LINE, m. f at a point 36 miles north- 
west of Dalhart, Texas. 

CLAYTON, 9.3 m. (5,050 alt., 3,314 pop.), the county seat and 
the largest town in Union County, is on a high plateau and its lights 
are visible for miles around. The town is on the C & S railroad and 
serves as trading and shipping point for ranchers and farmers of the entire 
eastern part of the country, which usually has enough snow in winter 

TOUR 4 301 

to provide moisture in the spring for crops. Clayton's population is 
chiefly Anglo-American, although there is a large Spanish-American 

Clayton began as a camping ground for cattle drovers in 1880, long 
before the railroad was built and accepted cattle for shipment. Its first 
store was a tent from which supplies were sold to the cattlemen. In the 
i88o's, such large herds were being driven from points in Texas to 
Springer, New Mexico, and Granada, Colorado that a railroad through 
the northeastern part of New Mexico was planned. 

Senator Dorsey's foreman, John C. Hill, suggested the establish- 
ment of a trading post here and persuaded General Granville Dodge, 
construction manager for the Denver & Fort Worth Railroad Com- 
pany, to make the proposed new town a division point on the Denver & 
Fort Worth system, which became the Colorado & Southern in 1894. 

The first building was a shack put up by C. M. Perrin in October 

1887 a month before the town site was surveyed. The first post office 
was housed in a small frame structure with a canvas roof, and soon the 
Clayton House (hotel) was built. A store was opened on January 13, 

1888 in Perrin's cabin. Another building was used' as schoolhouse, 
courtroom, and public meeting place. In the early 1890*5 the first 
minister came to Clayton. 

In March 1888 the first passenger train was run from the Texas 
Line to Trinidad, Colorado. From then on the town had a rapid 
growth; in 1900 the population was 750. One setback for the deter- 
mined settlers was a severe snowstorm during October and November 
1889, when Clayton was cut off from the outside world for several 
weeks and train service from the north was held up for 13 days. The 
snow averaged 25 inches in depth and piled up in drifts as high as 7 
feet. Frozen horses, sheep, and cattle, as well as human bodies, were 
found when the snow melted. Five cowboys and two sheepherders 
died in the blizzard. Two passenger trains were snowbound at Tex- 
line for several days. Stock shipments from Clayton were practically 
discontinued for the winter. 

Another hazard that made life interesting for the Clayton settlers 
was the wild career of Black Jack Ketchum and his several gangs of 
train robbers. When he was tried and hanged at Clayton on April 26, 
1901, a stockade was built around the gallows to frustrate any possible 
attempt at rescue by members of his gang. 

This two-gun bandit came into Arizona from Texas in the middle 
1890*8. He was large in stature, swarthy as a Mexican, and dangerous 
as a rattler. Following one of their train robberies, in which the loot 
totaled many thousands of dollars, Ketchum and his gang made for 
their hideout on the Diamond "A" ranch south of Separ. It was a 
November morning, 1896, when the desperadoes rode down the moun- 
tain slope into the withering fire of a posse in ambush. A number were 
killed, but Black Jack escaped. Then for several years he operated in 
southeastern Arizona, a part of New Mexico, and northern Sonora. 
Single handed, he held up a train at Twin-Mountain Curve, but this 


proved to be the climax of his career. He was wounded in making his 
escape and was found next morning by a sheriffs posse, wandering on 
the desert in a crazed condition. When a nervous hangman fumbled 
with the noose at his hanging, Black Jack called out, "Hurry it up; I'm 
due in hell for dinner." He asked to be buried face down. One of his 
last requests was for music at the end, and a violin and guitar were 
played in accordance with his wishes. 

When Union County was created in 1893, Folsom and Clayton 
contested the honor of being made county seat. After a bitter struggle, 
Clayton won and a courthouse was built in 1895 that served until 1908 
when a gale unroofed the building and killed several^ persons. Soon 
afterward the present courthouse was erected. When district court was 
held in the eailier building, in April and October, Clayton put on a 
festive air. 

A story is told about Judge Mills, who was attending a formal 
evening party when he was summoned to the courthouse to receive a 
verdict. He rushed to the building, still in evening clothes, opened 
court, heard the verdict, then adjourned. The next day a stranger who 
had attended the session asked a local attorney if it was the custom for 
the judge to preside in full dress. "It is," the lawyer assured him; 
"in Clayton no man would think of going out in the evening in any- 
thing but a full dress suit." 

When Phlem Humphrey, one of three county commissioners, was 
taken to the new courthouse to be tried for murder, he saw the marker 
on the building with the names of the commissioners, including his own, 
and said: "Don't that beat hell! I'm the first one tried for murder in 
my own courthouse." He was acquitted a year later. 

The Clayton Sales Pavilion, owned by Clayton Cattle Auction, Inc., 
was built in 1957 in typical New Mexico style. It is a two-story sales 
ring with an arena that seats 1,000. At the rear is a stockyard accom- 
modating 2,500 head of cattle and connected by a spur with the rail- 

Clayton's Old Western Dance held each winter during the holiday 
season, usually for three nights, is attended by visitors from many other 
States. Guns are checked at the door and prizes are offered for the best 
costumes, the best waltzers, the most recently married couple, the 
longest whiskers, and many other "bests" or "mosts." 

The Union County Fair, held for three days in the early autumn, 
is sponsored by the 4-H Clubs, the Chamber of Commerce, farm women 1 s 
clubs, Clayton businessmen, and other groups. 

t A familiar figure in Clayton was Ernest Thompson Seton, whose Lobo, 
King of the Currumpaw deals with a giant wolf that terrorized the 
ranchers northwest of Clayton for more than five years before he was 
trapped in 1894- So great was the dread of this animal that the price 
on its head finally reached $1,000. 

In this area fossils of sea shells, fresh water snails, and fish have 
been found. In 1935 two distinct species of dinosauria were excavated 
north of Clayton, one carnivorous and one herbivorous. Indian petro- 

TOUR 4 3O3 

glyphs, arrowheads, stone implements, and other artifacts have been 

RABBIT EAR MOUNTAIN (R), 19 m. f is named for a Chey- 
enne chief, called Rabbit Ears (Orejas de Cone jo) because his ears had 
been frozen, who was killed in battle and buried on this mountain* 
Here in 1717 a volunteer army of 500 Spaniards, eager to put an end 
to Comanche raids, killed several hundred of them and took 700 
prisoners. A long truce followed. The Star Mail Route from Kenton, 
Oklahoma to Clayton, carried at first by team and wagon, skirted 
Rabbit Ear Mesa near here. In 1910 it was decided to take a short cut 
across the mesa; but, owing to a legal technicality, the road could not 
be changed unless it was proved that the mail was already using a part 
of the proposed route. So W. G. Howard, the mail carrier, persuaded 
a group of interested men to "hold up the coach" atop the mesa and 
carry it down the steep sides. The problem was not yet settled, how- 
ever, for at the foot of the mesa lived "Shotgun Mary*' Goodin, who 
had definite ideas about roads crossing her ranch. The 24 men were 
effectively held at bay by her, and it seemed the new route was doomed 
until John Spring, a member of the Clayton police whom Mary held 
in great respect, persuaded her to allow the road to go through. 

CLAYTON LAKE, newly developed recreational area is located 
13 772. northwest of Clayton. Excellent fishing and boating. 

Senator Dorsey, who served from Arkansas 1873-79, is responsible 
for several place names in this area. Clayton and Clayton Peak were 
named for his son; Mt. Dora for his sister-in-law, and Mt. Margarite 
and other hills for other members of his family. 

MT. DORA, 27.2 m. (5,280 alt., 250 pop.), at the foot of the 
mountain that bears the same name, has had a post office since 1912. 
It is a shipping point for cattle and sheep as well as for grains and 
produce, but since 1929 it has had only a fraction of its former business. 

GRENVILLE, 36.4 m. (5,300 alt., 231 pop.), conspicuous for its 
grain elevator, is another shipping point for ranch and farm products. 
It developed as a station on the Colorado & Southern Railroad and 
experienced a boom in 1919 when the Snorty Gobbler oil well, five 
miles north, was brought in; its growth stooped in 1925 when the oil 
company failed. There is a good fishing report at Wetherly Dam, 10 
miles west of town. 

At 44.5 772. is the junction with an unimproved dirt road. 

Right on this road 4.1 m. is GOW MOUNTAIN, in the west side of which 
is the GRENVILLE CAVES. The second cave is about a half-mile long and 
branches into two tunnels that connect in the back of the cave. The last room 
contains an aperture about one and one-half feet wide, through which a strong, 
warm wind is said to blow at five minute intervals. The cause of this has not 
been discovered. The floors, covered with boulders of various sizes, resemble 


a creek bed. Since a compass will not register accurately ^within the caves 
owing to the magnetic iron content of the surrounding rock, it has never been 
determined in what direction the caves extend. The walls contain many small 
holes believed to be the homes of rattlesnakes, hence the alternative name, 
Rattlesnake Caves. 

US 87 crosses a wide plateau through a sparsely settled ranch coun- 
try where lava rock is frequently visible and limestone is also found. 

DES MOINES, 54.5 m. (6,666 alt., 207 pop.), named for Des 
Moines, Iowa, is a trading and shipping point for an extensive dry 
farming and ranching area. When the Colorado & Southern Railroad 
extended its lines through New Mexico in 1887-88 a station was set 
at the foot of the Sierra Grande and named Des Moines. For 19 years 
there was no town at this site; but in 1907 two sites were surveyed 
and settled, one founded by R. M. Saavedra, the other by J. F. Branson. 
The former was named for its founder; the latter was called Des 
Moines. Saavedra erected the first building on his property and opened 
a store; within a year Branson's site had a lumber yard, several saloons, 
restaurants, stores, and a post office. In 1915-16, Saavedra took the lead 
in population and several business houses of Des Moines moved there. 
Then the Townsite Company, assisted by railroad interests, bought 17 
acres lying between Saavedra and Des Moines and this tract drew the 
two groups together. When this land had been acquired, the name Des 
Moines was adopted for the consolidated areas. For a time the popula- 
tion increased so rapidly much of it was housed in hastily built shacks. 
An early settler named Rogers became known as the Shack Builder 
after constructing 75 of these shelters in 90 days. 

By 1920 the town reached its peak with a population of 800, but 
with drought and the 1929 economic depression it declined to one-half 
that figure. In 1936 a rich deposit of carbon dioxide started a dry ice 
industry, which failed to develop. 

Twin Mountains, 4 miles northwest of Des Moines, is largely 
composed of red cinders, and has supplied the Colorado & Southern 
Railroad with material for its roadbed and furnished settlers with 
material for construction. 

CAPULfN, 63.6 m. (6,868 alt., 150 pop.), formerly called Ded- 
man, was later renamed for Mt. Capulin. Nearby is the beautiful 
Sierra Grande (Big Ridge), 40 miles in circumference at the base and 
having an altitude of c. 8,200 feet. In Capulin is the junction with a 
road running north to Folsom, passing en route entrance to Capulin 
Mountain National Monument (see Tour 2a). 

In the Capulin-Folsom region, archeological discoveries indicate the 
existence of a human race here some 15,000 years ago. Spear heads of 
stone, called the Folsom points, have been found in close proximity to 
bones of mammoths and an extinct species of bison, indicating that they 
were the tips of weapons used by these primitive people in hunting 
game. In spite of the Folsom finds, northeastern New Mexico has not 
been very extensively explored by archeologists. That future explora- 

TOUR 5 305 

tions may greatly enhance knowledge of prehistoric man is indicated in 
a report by Edward T. Hall, Jr., archeologist, who has made a study of 
this area and says: "Small rock shelters in the sides of canyons have 
produced evidence of occupation by a people who are thought to have 
been linked with the ancient Basket Makers. Pictographs that were 
undoubtedly made by the ancient inhabitants have been located in 
various parts of this area. Indications on the ground surface lead the 
archeologist to believe that a nomadic hunting people roamed this plain 
in search of buffalo, and the early Spaniards report meeting various 
groups of Plains Indians camped in this district. We have evidence of 
occupation here from about thirteen thousand years ago, and it is easy 
to see why the Buffalo Nomads would pick northeastern New Mexico 
as a place to live, since there must always have been an abundance of 
large game that provided not only food but shelter and clothing. . . . 
Since they did not build large permanent houses of masonry, evidence of 
their presence in this region is more difficult to find and can be easily 
overlooked, but it is here nevertheless.*' 

CUNNINGHAM, 81.6 m. f directly south of Johnson Mesa (see 
Tour %a), is a small agricultural and stock-raising settlement. 

In RAT6N, 90 m. (6,400 alt., 8,146 pop.), is the junction with 
US 85 (see Tour la). 


Tour 5 

(Antonito, Colorado) Palmilla Taos Junction Ojo Caliente Es- 
panola ; US 285. Colorado Line to Espanola, 80 m. 

Two-lane, bituminous paved road. 
Accommodations at Ojo Caliente and Espanola. 

This is approximately the route followed in 1778-79 by the Spanish 
Governor, Lieutenant Colonel Juan Bautista de Anza, in his campaign 
against the Comanche chief, Cuerno Verde (Green Horn), for whom 
the Greenhorn Mountains in southern Colorado were named. When 
the discoverer of Pike's Peak was made a captive he was led along here 
en route to Chihuahua, Mexico. Though the region has beautiful 
scenery it is known chiefly for mineral springs at Ojo Caliente. 

From the COLORADO LINE, 772., six miles south of Antonito, 
Colorado, US 285 crosses a flat, grassy plateau lying between distant 


VOLCANO HILL, 12 m. f is an extinct crater. West of here are 
vast open cattle ranges (R). (Drive carefullv to avoid animals that 
stray across the highway). SKARDA, 16 m. was only a railroad 

NO AGUA (Sp. no water), 18 m., was a railroad station, has 
a store, small church, and two or three houses. No Agua Mountain 
(R), on a division of the Carson National Forest, looms against the 

TRES PIEDRAS (three stones), 24 m. (129 pop.), was a Regis- 
tration Station. This small settlement, which now has only a store, 
and a half-dozen homes, was named for sandstone outcroppings that 
surround it. The majority of the population live in the vicinity where 
there are large ranches devoted to stock raising. Many potato and 
grain fields also border the highway. Scattered pinon and juniper border 
the route ; in the spring the blue of the lupine and later the red of the 
Indian paintbrush color the countryside. 

SERVILLETA, 34 m. was another railroad station and small set- 

TAOS JUNCTION, 45 m. (6,900 alt.), was for many years the 
railway station nearest to Taos. 

Left from Taos Junction on graded NM 96 to JOHN DUNN BRIDGE, 10 m. t 
over the Rio Grande in Rio Grande Canyon (see Tour 3a) 

A flat-topped, wind-eroded mesa (R) at 48 m. hems in a narrow 
valley with a dry arroyo that leads into the bed of Comanche Creek 
which is dangerous in floodtime. 

OJO CALIENTE (6,200 alt, 150 pop.), 54 m., has stores and 
gas station and adobe houses that have changed little in a hundred years, 
although there are more peaked roofs. There are fields of corn and 
beans as in earlier times, and in the low hills near by are a number of 
pueblo ruins and several mineral springs for which the town is named. 

Though the Spanish outpost that existed here in 1766 had a fortress 
for protection against the Ute and Comanche and assessed a fine of 200 
pesos and imprisonment in chains against any settler who deserted, the 
place was abandoned in 1790 as indefensible and was not reoccupied for 
20 years. 

When Governor Juan Bautista de Anza, who had explored Cali- 
fornia and founded a colony of 200 at San Franciscojn 1776, reached 
Santa Fe in 1778, he saw the necessity for a show of force against 
warring tribes to the north, especially the Comanche, Ute, and Apache. 
Cuerno Verde, chief of the Comanche, was an implacable foe who hated 
the Spaniards for the death of his father and Anza was determined to 
break his power. 

He set out from Santa Fe August 15, 1779 with 400 Spanish soldiers 
and 200 Indian allies, marched north and crossed the Rio Grande, 
following closely the present route of the Denver & Rio Grande West- 
ern Railroad. 

Ojo Caliente, which had already been abandoned, was one of his 

TOUR 5 307 

stops. From this point he marched directly north into Colorado where 
his columns met the full force of the Comanche war party at Fountain 
Creek on August 31. During the battle Anza succeeded in luring 
Cuerno Verde into a trap along with some of his lieutenants and his 
best warriors. Anza records his admiration for their courage, saying, 
"There, without other recourse, they sprang to the ground and in- 
trenched behind their horses made in this manner a defense as brave as 
it was glorious. Notwithstanding the aforesaid Cuerno Verde perished 
with his first-born son, the heir to his command, four of his most famous 
captains, a medicine man who preached that he was immortal and others 
who fell into the trap. A larger number might have been killed, but I 
preferred the death of this chief even to more of those who escaped, 
because of his being constantly in this region the cruel scourge of this 
kingdom." The power of the Comanche was broken, but the terror 
and hazard of those days was long remembered. 

In 1790 eighteen families living in Bernalillo received permission 
from Governor Fernando de la Concha to settle at Ojo Caliente pro- 
viding they formed "a well ordered and regular settlement on the out- 
skirts of the Canada de los Comanches." It was to be heavily fortified 
"since experience has proven that nobody can last there on account of 
its fatal position." 

After Major Zebulon M. Pike, seeking the headwaters of the Colo- 
rado River in 1807, had been arrested by Spaniards near Taos, he was 
brought through this village, which he describes thus: "The difference 
of climate was astonishing, after we left the hills and deep snows, we 
found ourselves on plains where there was no snow, and where vegeta- 
tion was sprouting. The village of the Warm Springs or Ojo Caliente 
(in their language) is situated on the eastern branch of a creek of that 
name and at a distance, presents to the eye a square enclosure of mud 
walls, the houses forming the wall. They are flat on top, or extremely 
little ascent on one side, where there are spouts to carry off the water 
of the melting snow and rain when it falls, which we were informed, 
had been but once in two years, previous to our entering the coun- 
try . . . 

"Inside of the enclosure were the different streets of houses of the 
same fashion, all of one story ; the doors were narrow, the window small, 
and in one or two houses there were talc lights (window panes of 
mica). This village had a mill near it, situated on the little creek, 
which made very good flour. 

"The population consisted of civilized Indians, but much mixed 
blood. Here we had a dance which is called the Fandango, but there 
was one which was copied from the Mexicans, and is now danced in the 
first societies of New Spain, and has even been introduced at the court 
of Madrid. This village may contain 500 souls. The greatest natural 
curiosity is the warm springs, which are two in number (there are 
actually five), about 10 yards apart, and each affords sufficient water 
for a mill seat. They appeared to be impregnated with copper, and 
were more than 33 above blood heat;." 


Right from Ojo Caliente on oiled road across the Rio del Ojo Caliente to 
OJO CALIENTE MINERAL SPRINGS (bathhouses, pools, hotel, cottages) at 
the foot of Ojo Caliente Mountain. The five springs containing arsenic, iron, 
sodium sulphate, lithia, and soda, and varying in temperature from 98 to 113 
Fahrenheit, were valued by the Indians as medicinal springs before the Spanish 
conquest. The Tewa called the place P'soi (spring of mossy greenness) for 
its green-stained rocks, and regarded it as a dwelling place of tribal gods. 
The springs themselves were the openings between this world and the "dowj 
below world," whence their people first came. The grandmother of Poseyemo, 
a Tewa hero, is said still to live in one of the springs. 

The Spaniards had a settlement here that might have existed before the 
Pueblo Rebellion of 1680. On one of the hand-hewn beams of the old CHURCH 
appears the date: 1689, probably the year the church was finished. In 1747 the 
settlers petitioned the governor to permit their removal to a safer place, but it 
is recorded that they returned here in 1768. 

On the mesa above are the HOMAYO RUINS and HOUIRI RUINS as well as 
PoSE-UiNGGE (or Posege) RUINS, where after considerable excavation arche- 
ologists have concluded that the Indian towns of the Chama, to which these 
ruins belong, are a link between the archaic Pajaritan culture and that of the 
living towns. Posege was occupied at the time of the Spanish Conquest. It is 
said by the Tewa to have been the birthplace of Poseyemo, their legendary 
hero, who was born of a virgin, comes here annually to visit his grandmother, 
and will some day return from the East with the rising sun to rejoin his people. 

South of Ojo Caliente the road winds near the eroded slopes .of 
Dark Mesa or Mesa Canoa (L), following the general course of Rio 
del Ojo Caliente and passing small ranches with flat-roofed adobe 
houses. A mound (R), 60.5 TTZ., near a group of cottonwoods, is all 
that remains of a Tewa ruin. 

Beside a small mesa (L) which the Indians appropriately named 
Stove Ashes Mesa, is GAVILAN, 62 m., a group of scattered houses. 
Here according to legend Poseyemo battled with Josi, god of the 
Christians, but the tale does not name the victor. 

Weather-beaten wooden crosses are visible at intervals along the 
roadside, standing among white ones more recently erected. These mark 
hallowed spots where coffins in rural funeral processions were lowered 
from the shoulders of the pallbearers and prayers for the dead were 
said. A little farther Mesa Canoa comes into full and impressive view. 

The valley widens at 72 TTZ. and the road winds among masses of 
antler cactus, with a great volcanic dyke ahead. At 77 TTZ. the highway 
enters the Chama River Valley near the mouth of the Rio del Ojo 
Caliente. Along here the road is only a few feet above the muddy red 
waters of the river. The Jemez Mountains are visible (R) and the 
Sangre de Cristo Mountains (L) across the Rio Grande. On great 
black boulders along this stretch of the road are many old pictographs. 

US 285 crosses the Chama Valley, passing cultivated fields and typi- 
cal New Mexican settlements, and at 80 m> joins US 84 (see Tour 7) ' 
in ESPAtfOLA (see Tour 7). 

TOUR 6 309 

Tour 6 

(Amarillo, Texas) Tucumcari Santa Rosa Moriarty Albuquerque 
Grants Gallup (Holbrook, Arizona); US 66. 
Texas Line to Arizona Line, 375 m. 

Bituminous-paved, two-lane and four-lane road. 

Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railway parallels route between Glenrio and 

Tucumcari; Southern Pacific Railroad between Tucumcari and Santa Rosa; 

Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway between junction with NM 6 and the 

Arizona Line. 

Accommodations excellent throughout route. 

Over US 66, one of the main transcontinental highways, went many 
of the farmers who fled from the dust bowl and became migratory 
workers in the fruit valleys of California. It is the route described 
in John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath. Because US 66 crosses 
the section of Oklahoma in which Will Rogers was born, some of his 
admirers met in Albuquerque in 1939 and gave this road his name, 
though all US highways are officially designated by numbers. 

The two sections of this route are as different as the opposite ends 
of a cow. At the eastern end, the land is as flat as a cowboy's purse 
the morning after pay day and so level that in the old days the pioneers 
had to drive stakes across it to find their way. It is a continuation of 
che Texas Panhandle terrain and the western terminus of the Llano 
Estacado (staked plains). There is a gradual rise to the western 
section, where the hills and mountains predominate. Agricultural 
areas are passed at different points, mostly irrigated, although there is 
some dry farming in the eastern and central sections. Cattle are 
numerous in the eastern part, but there are more sheep in the western 
part. Because of migrations from Texas and Oklahoma into the east- 
ern half, the linguistic stock is largely English, and this is especially 
true in the larger towns; but farther west, and in the remote villages 
throughout, both customs and language are Spanish. 

Section a. TEXAS LINE to ALBUQUERQUE, 217.3 m. 

Between the Texas Line and the Pecos River lies the western section 
of the staked plains; home of the buffalo, hunting ground of the 
Comanche, then the Spaniard, and later the Americans; repository for 
the bleached bones of those who were either killed in battle or who 
failed to find the water holes. Among the many accounts of the name 
is the Indian legend that stakes were driven in the plains to guide the 
Great Chief who was to come from the east and deliver the Indians 


from their enemies. Chambers' Encyclopedia and Encyclopedia Ameri- 
cana credit the name as coming from the yucca, which viewed from a 
distance is thought by some to resemble poles. The International 
Encyclopedia gives its literal translation, "Palisaded Plain," as the 
meaning. One plausible explanation, however, is that because there 
were no trees to blaze, the trails to the water holes were staked out, 
till this vast stretch of grim and forbidding country became marked 
with stakes pointing the way to water. Llano Estacado is a plateau 
flanking the Pecos River and running north to south for 400 miles, 
from a point 40 miles north of Fort Sumner down to the dry canyons 
which form the headwaters of the Colorado east of Pecos, Texas, then 
sloping eastward about 150 miles to the caprock of Texas, an area of 
some 60,000 square miles. Its maximum altitude of 5,500 feet is on 
the western border, its minimum is 2,000 feet along its southern and 
eastern terminus. The plain remains much the same as it was in the 
days of the buffalo, the bull-whacking buffalo hunter, and the terrifying 
Comanche, except for the windmills that mark the white man's succes- 
sive triumphs in his search for water. 

Captain R. B. Marcy, in a report written in 1849, describes the 
Plains as a view ". . . boundless as the ocean. Not a tree, shrub, or 
any other object, either animate or inanimate, relieved the dreary monot- 
ony of the prospect; it was a vast illimitable expanse of desert prairie 
the dread 'Llano Estacado' of New Mexico; or, in other words, the 
great Sahara of North America . . . even the savages dare not venture 
to pass it except at two or three places, where they know water can 
be found." In his Commerce of the Prairies f Gregg says, "I have 
been assured by Mexican hunters and Indians that there is but one 
route upon which this plain can be safely traversed during the dry 
season; and even some of the watering places on this are at intervals 
of fifty to eighty miles and hard to find." Coronado's expedition to 
the Jumano Indians undoubtedly traversed the northern part before 
turning north to Quivira, and Guadalajara and Castillo are credited 
with crossing it a century later; but subsequent trail makers from the 
east skirted the plateau, and in their journals gave as their reason, "The 
Plains country we avoided because it is so vast and is barren of any- 
thing to eat ... and of water.'* On his survey for a wagon road 
between Fort Smith and the Colorado River in 1858 Edward F. Beale 
reached the Llano Estacado on December 20 and reported: ". . . we 
ascended the mesa of Llano Estacado, and encamped on its summit with- 
out wood or water, but with abundant grass. . . . Before reaching our 
camp a fresh Indian trail was passed, apparently not twenty minutes 
old ; this makes us doubly watchful to-night, as well as anxious, lest 
possibly we may lose a mule or two, to say nothing of the train. 

"December 21 ... traveling over the dead level plain, we camped 
for an hour to graze our animals on the prairie. The grass ... is 
everywhere abundant, but of water there is none, unless at times the 
rains may leave a pool or two standing in the old buffalo wallows. 
We saw not a living thing but a prairie dog and antelope or two, and 

TOUR 6 311 

a crow, in crossing this extensive plain. Evidences enough exist that 
years ago buffalo have grazed on its fine grasses, but now there is not 
one to be seen, or the sign of one less than ten years old." 

Edward Fitzgerald Beale (1822-93) was well acquainted with the 
West. He was a junior officer on the U. S. frigate Congress when 
it reached Monterey in 1846 and took part under Robert F. Stockton 
in the annexation of California. Beale was with a detachment that 
reached General Kearny just before Kearny's forces were surrounded 
by the Mexicans in the battle of San Pasqual, and with Kit Carson, 
Beale made his way through the enemy lines to summon Stockton's aid. 
Later he and Carson were sent overland to Washington with dispatches 
and while crossing the desert Beale conceived the idea of using camels 
for transportation. He persuaded Jefferson Davis, then Secretary of 
War, to import camels, which Beale used in 1857 on his survey of a 
wagon road from Fort Defiance to the Colorado River. His report 
of this trip contains interesting glimpses of New Mexico as well as 
praise for the camels and condemnation of their drivers. 

"July 1 6, (1857) The camels arrived nearly as soon as we did. 
It is a subject of constant surprise and remark to all of us, how their 
feet can possibly stand the character of the road we have been traveling 
over for the last ten days. It is certainly the hardest road on the feet 
of bare-footed animals, I have ever known. As for food, they live 
on anything, and thrive. Yesterday they drank water for the first time 
in twenty-six hours, and although the day had been excessively hot 
they seemed to care but little for it. Mark the difference between 
them and mules ; the same time, in such weather, without water, would 
set the latter wild, and render them nearly useless, if not entirely break 
them down. 

"August 12. Started my train on, it being necessary for me to 
remain until the arrival of the express from Santa Fe. I was anxious, 
moreover, to get the men out of town as soon as possible, as the fan- 
dangos and other pleasures had rendered them rather troublesome. This 
morning I was obliged to administer a copious supply of the oil of boot 
to several, especially to my Turks and Greeks, with the camels. The 
former had not found, even in the positive prohibitions of the prophet, 
a sufficient reason for temperance, but was as drunk as any Christian 
in the train, and would have remained behind, but for a style of reason 
much resorted to by the head of his church, as well as others, in mak- 
ing converts, Le. f a broken hand. Billy Considine says he has seen a 
cut glass decanter do good service, when aimed low, but to move a 
stubborn half-drunken Turk give me a good tough piece of wagon 
spoke, aimed tolerably high. 

"August 17 ... We find this valley, cultivated by the Indians, in 
far better condition, as far as crops and prospects are concerned than 
any part of New Mexico we have yet seen. They seem to have plenty 
of corn and wheat, and are, altogether, quite as well off as their Mexi- 
can neighbors." 

During the Civil War the camels were neglected. Eventually they 


were sold to mining companies and circuses or were turned loose. For 
many years they wandered about the Southwest and even found their 
way into Indian legends. Beale kept a few camels on his California 
ranch and before he left his retirement to serve as minister to Austria- 
Hungary, frequently created a stir in Stockton by arriving in a carriage 
drawn by camels. 

The Comanche were finally driven out of this territory in 1874, 
when Colonel Nelson A. Miles descended upon them from Fort Dodge, 
Kansas; Colonel R, S. Mackenzie advanced from Fort Sill, Oklahoma, 
attacking on the east; and troops from Fort Union, New Mexico, 
threatened from the west. The former "scourge of the plains" were 
taken to an Oklahoma reservation under the guns of Fort Sill, and the 
American Army completed what Indians, Spaniards, Mexicans, and 
the Republic of Texas had attempted. 

In the 1870*8 when buffalo hunting was a lucrative commercial 
enterprise several ' 'floating outfits" (consisting of a cook and several 
"hands" who lived on the plains for a year at a time) killed buffalo 
by the thousands for their hides. Their greed made short work of 
the enormous herds and in 15 years the buffalo had gone from this 
region. By watching the movements of the animals the hunters had 
discovered not only water holes but undersurface water as well. After 
the buffalo disappeared, western cattle were brought to graze on the 
luxuriant grasses. Prairie schooners brought homesteaders whose set- 
tlements grew into towns, and the Staked Plains became staked-out 
areas where men struggled to establish homes and provide food for their 

US 66 crosses the Texas Line at GLENRIO, m. (4,286 alt, 
80 pop.), at a point 73 miles west of Amarillo, Texas. Glenrio is a 
cluster of stores and gas stations among small frame houses. 

ENDEE, 4.7 m. (187 pop.), a blowoff town for the cowpunchers 
in the early years of its existence, is now a sunbaked ruin of dilapidated 
shacks and frame buildings. In its heyday, the town had regular Sun- 
day morning burials for those who had been too slow on the draw. It 
is said that in preparation for their reception, a trench was dug each 
Saturday on the edge of town. 

BARD, 12.9 m. (4,290 alt., 195 pop.), a trading point for ranchers, 
consists of a few shacks and houses about a store and filling station. 

SAN JON, 18 m ., an eastern REGISTRATION STATION (4,192 alt., 
698 pop.), is a busy trading center of ranchers. 

TUCUMCARI, 42.2 m. (4,135 alt., 8,143 pop.), had increased 
its population greatly since the official census was taken in 1940, largely 
through the Tucumcari Irrigation Project which includes $17,000,000 
Conchas Dam on the Canadian R M IsfW. of the city. 

Tucumcari was only a small trading point for cattlemen, until 
the Rock Island arrived in 1901; in 1903, when Quay County was 
organized, this was made the county seat. About 40 per cent of the 

TOUR 6 313 

present population is of Spanish and Mexican descent but each year more 
people from Central Texas and Oklahoma moved here attracted by the 
newly irrigated and vast dry-farming areas. Cattle-raising and shipping, 
dairy farming, ranching, raising of various crops, railroading and tourist 
trade are among the chief industries. 

At Tucumcari is junction with NM 104, which runs (R) to Conchas 
Dam St. Park (fishing, hunting, Lodge). 

Tucumcari is at the junction with US 54 (see Tour 13). 

The Tucumcari Metropolitan Park Area, with Tucumcari State 
Park is (L) at 46.7 m. alongside US 66, within sight of the highway. 

Westward US 66 parallels the railroad through tawny-yellow for- 
mations and cultivated fields with farm houses and windmills in the 
distance. Yucca and bunch grass clothe the plain, and the landscape 
is vivid with red, purple, and green. Fenced pastures enclose beef 
cattle, farm houses, windmills, and corrals. 

There is an especially fine view from 54 m+, and at 60 m. are high 
mesas and rock upheavals, conspicuous in this generally level land. 
Before the military campaigns drove oft the Comanche and confined 
them, the BLUFFS OF THE LLANO ESTACADO (L) were the rendezvous 
for renegade Mexicans and white Americans who acted as "fences" 
for Comanche cattle thieves. This was known as the "Comanchero 
trade." The Indians would drive off cattlemen's stock and sell them 
to the renegades who, in turn, marketed them after altering the brands. 
Charles Goodnight (Charles Goodnight, by J. Evetts Haley) tells of 
three well-defined trails used exclusively by the Indians and those who 
bought their loot, and all three crossed the Llano Estacado. The illicit 
trade flourished for 20 years, during which time thousands of cattle 
were stolen. The Indians usually got the worst of the bargain. On 
this point, Goodnight writes, "One cow went for a loaf of bread or 
a cheap trinket, whereas a quart of whiskey called for the transfer of 
a large herd." Military forces who put a stop to this were aided by 
cowmen, trail drivers, and law officers who took a subtantial toll with 
their own guns. 

The small hamlet of MONTOYA (pop. 92) at 62.6 m., is a load- 
ing point for the Southern Pacific Railroad. It is also the headquarters 
of the T-4 Cattle Company, one of the largest remaining ranches in the 
State of New Mexico. The company has one of the few surviving 
General Stores, established in 1908, which is well worth a visit. There 
is an old Catholic cemetery here. 

West of Montoya the route traverses plains broken here and there 
by sandstone, rock ridges, and small hills with stunted juniper, mes- 
quite, and cactus. 

NEWKIRK, 73.3 7/2. (4,330 alt., 190 pop.), an unloading station 
for construction supplies, increasing in population since work on the 
Conchas Dam was started, until the Dam was completed in 1941. 


Right from Newkirk on NM 129 (gravelled, soon to be surfaced), to 
CHAS DAM STATE PARK, 25 m. Conchas Dam, on the Canadian River, 
forms Conchas Lake. The main dam is 235 feet above the roadway with a crest 
length of 1,250 feet. When the water is level with the top of the emergency 
spillway, this reservoir has a storage capacity of about 600,000 acre-feet and 
covers about 26 square miles extending up the South Canadian Valley about 14 
miles and up the Conchas Valley about 11 miles. It is estimated that this reser- 
voir will reduce flood damage in Texas and Oklahoma, providing water for an 
expanding population and for irrigating thousands of acres of neighboring 

CONCHAS LAKE (fishing, boating, swimming). Boats and motors for rent. 
Rooms and restaurant at the Lodge. 

West of Newkirk more red mesas are visible, with cattle grazing 
on the wide plains. 

CUERVO (crow), 81.9 m. (4,300 alt., 210 pop.), is a group of 
frame buildings, a store, and several gas stations. 

As the road climbs over the bluffs of the Llano Estacado, there is a 
panorama of the Pecos Valley with rolling grasslands reaching to dis- 
tant mountains, and at the top of a rise, Corazon (heart or core) Hill 
(6,220 alt.) comes into view (R). 

The Pecos River rises in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains and flows 
south into Texas draining the eastern part of New Mexico; after the 
buffalo had been killed off, this section became cattle country and the 
tall tales of the buffalo hunters were dwarfed by the taller tales of 
the cowboys. A favorite among them was the legend of Pecos Bill 
who originated in Texas, but eventually covered the entire Southwest, 
for wherever cowpunchers gathered, the spirit of Pecos Bill was in- 
voked in song and story. Many of the legends, including the story of 
the Perpetual Motion Ranch, were based on actual incidents. In the 
finished version the ranch was on a conical mountain so that the cattle 
grazed low on its sides in winter but climbed higher in summer and 
so required little herding by the cowboys. It was offered for sale to 
an Englishman who, when he arrived with his sedate wife and ebullient 
daughter, Sluefoot Sue, insisted upon a count, and sat down to check 
off the number as the cattle were driven past. The enraged cowboys 
made up for the great discrepancy between the actual number in the 
herd and that listed in the contract of sale by driving the small herd 
around and around the mountain while the buyer counted. After one 
bald-faced steer had hobbled past a dozen times, the Englishman asked 
how many of that breed there were, and when told there were twelve 
of that highly valuable strain, he signed the deed and paid the money, 
Pecos Bill, hearing what had occurred when he returned to the Per- 
petual Motion Ranch, slipped away on his horse, Widow Maker, and 
drove thousands of cattle from the plain onto the ranch more than 
enough to make the count an honest one. 

Another Pecos Bill story accounts for the appearance and name of 
the Llano Estacado. When Pecos Bill lassoed a tornado that threat- 
ened his vast herds the tornado bucked, sunfished, and sunned its sides 
in its efforts to escape ; it ranted and tore around until everything was 

TOUR 6 315 

so bare that people had to drive stakes across the country to find their 
way about. 

In the late 1860'$, Charles Goodnight and his partner drove cattle 
along the Pecos from Texas to Fort Sumner (see Tour 8a), and from 
there, under a contract with Santa Fe supply men, drove a hundred 
head a month to that capital. 

After the coming of the railroad early in the twentieth century, 
each succeeding year brought changes and deepened the gulf between 
the old and new ways of living. Tiny settlements that originated as 
trading points for ranchers became agricultural and shipping centers, 
and from populations of ten, twenty, or a hundred, towns grew amaz- 
ingly. Settlers migrated from Oklahoma and central Texas to the 
cities, steadily raising the percentage of resident Americans, but the 
small villages were little affected and still retain their charm, simplicity, 
and Spanish language qnd customs. 

SANTA ROSA, 100 m. (4,616 alt., 2,220 pop.), on the banks of 
the Pecos River, is the seat of Guadalupe County (motels, hotels, tour- 
ist camps). It is a trading place for ranchers and a shipping point for 
livestock and wool, with about 85 per cent of its population of Spanish 
and Mexican descent. The first settlement here was called Agua 
Negra Chiquita (little black water). It developed here after 1865 
when Don Celso Baca came from Mexico and became lord of the 
region under the old custom of range domain. In Santa Rosa is the 
western junction with US 54 (see Tour 18). 

Left from Santa Rosa on NM 91, a paved road, to PUERTO DE LUNA (gate- 
way of the moon), 10.4 m. t where Coronado is said to have built a bridge in 
1541. The town, founded in 1862, was the seat of Guadalupe County until the 
railroad so increased Santa Rosa's importance that the county seat was moved 
there. In the winter of 1862 a committee of thirteen men was appointed to 
examine this site to determine its advantages for settlement. At their favorable 
report, six families moved in. A dike thrown across the Peeps River the fol- 
lowing spring provided water for irrigation, and land cultivation began. Then 
the Navaho came, raiding the herds of the village and killing the herder. Later, 
they returned, killed a boy, and drove off more of the stock. 

In the spring of 1864 the Indians attacked in greater foice, but the settlers 
were better armed, and succeeded in driving them off, killing three. As late 
as 1866 a band of twenty-five Indians drove off a large flock of sheep belonging 
to a man from Anton Chico known as Cuate Real (colloq. Royal Pal). Twelve 
men set out on horseback from the settlement, followed later by thirteen men on 
foot. The Indians were overtaken about 25 miles from the village, but the 
dust raised by the sheep afforded them a screen, and under cover of this they 
surprised their pursuers, who barely managed to drive them off. The sheep 
were recovered, however, as well as a herder whom the marauders had cap- 
tured and who had been compelled to carry water while goaded ahead by 
repeated jabbing with Indians' lances. 

West of the Pecos River at 100.3 m. is the southern junction with 
US 54 (see Tour 13). 

In a filling station at 101.8 m. is a BILLY THE KID MUSEUM. 
Most of its relics are from Maxwell's house (see Tour 8a). There is 
also an old account book from Lucien Maxwell's days in Cimarron 

316 N E W M EXICO 

(see Tour %b), showing purchases in 1851 by Christopher (Kit) 
Carson, the guide and scout. 

At 117.8 m. is the junction with US 84, completely paved through- 

Right on US 84, which runs through open range country dotted occasionally 
with cane cactus and revealing vistas of seemingly endless rolling country. 

At DILIA, 16 m., is me junction with a paved road; L. on this 6 m. to AN- 
T6N CHICO (5,270 alt, 500 pop.), near Tecolote (owl) Creek which joins 
Can6n Blanco about 5 miles south of here. Anton Chico (nickname for Sangre de 
Cristo) is a shopping place for ranchers and during the season for sportsmen 
attracted by the excellent deer and turkey hunting in the country immediately 
to the west. Stock raising is the principal occupation. 

US 84 continues to a junction with US 85 at ROMEROVILLE, 42 m. (see 
Tour la)* 

US 66 crosses flat plains with sparse growths of scrub juniper and 
pinon and occasional flocks of sheep guarded by lone herders. 
PALMA, 145 m., is a crossroads hamlet. 

Right from Palma on NM 3 a graded gravel road, across Canon Blanco, to 
VILLANUEVA, 24 m>, center of a game-hunting area. 

At 150 m. CERRO PEDERNAL (flint peak) is visible (L). 
Although not high, it is an outstanding landmark in this level country. 
Stories of buried treasure on its summit have caused it to be pitted 
with excavations by hopeful fortune hunters. There is a large spring 
at its base, which makes the place a natural camping ground. Many 
fights over possession of this spring took place in the heyday of the 
cattlemen. The name refers to the many arrowheads found around 
its base. 

On the plains is CLINES CORNERS, 156.8 m. Westward the 
terrain becomes undulating, with more heavily wooded areas of pinon 
and juniper. (Avoid straying cattle on the highway.) 

In MORIARTY, 178 TO., another crossroad, is the junction with 
NM 41, a bituminous-paved, two-lane road (see Tour 3b). 

West of BARTON, 190.9 m., which consists of a tourist camp, 
but now a ghost town, the road winds through hilly country into 
Tijeras Canyon, passing trading posts and wayside gas stations. 

At 200.4- 77z. is the junction with NM 10 (see Tour 15). 

TIJERAS (Scissors), 200.5 m. (770 pop.), is within the bound- 
aries of CIBOLA NATIONAL FOREST; west of the village where 
US 66 emerges from the canyon there is a fine view of the Rio Grande 
Valley and of Albuquerque in the distance. 

ALBUQUERQUE, 217.3 m. (4,943 alt., 201,189 pop.) (see page 
In Albuquerque is the junction of US 85 (see page 247). 

Section b. ALBUQUERQUE to ARIZONA LINE, 156 m. 

US 66 passes the fertile farms and orchards of the Rio Grande 
valley. Beyond these are arid, grass-covered plains and plateaus that 

TOUR 6 317 

sweep toward mountains. The gray-green clumps of sage, desert 
grasses, and low bushes, yellow with flowers in summer and autumn, 
meet the blue-green trees that dot the sides of hills and mountains. 
The road cuts through occasional stretches of earth whose vivid reds 
and yellows sharpen the contrast with the soft deep blue of the moun- 
tains and the brilliant turquoise of the spreading sky. It is a land- 
scape of changing colors. Brilliantly colored geologic formations ap- 
pear, some with smooth contours and others with the sharp outlines 
of a violent upthrust. Near the road are a few tiny villages of Indians 
or Spanish-speaking Americans or the solitary dwelling of a Navaho 
family. This is a sparsely peopled region whose lifeblood is water 
where it flows is nurture. 

For more than 400 years, over parts of this route or on roads branch- 
ing from it, have moved soldiers of fortune, prospectors, priests and 
missionaries, colonists and caravans, traders and trappers, thieves and 
murderers, sheepherders and cowboys with their herds and flocks. 
Where the dwellers of the plains once roamed and hunted, docile sheep 
now set the mood, supply food and covering, and signify capital re- 
sources. Near the Arizona Line, where the highway approaches the 
southern boundary of the Navaho reservation (see Tour 6C), there 
is an occasional glimpse of a hogan (Navaho dwelling) with an Indian 
tending his flock of sheep near by. Approaching Gallup, the sandstone 
cliffs on the right stand higher, looking down with changeless calm 
upon those who now hurry by, safeguarded inheritors of adventurers 
who paved the way. 

West of Albuquerque, m., are vistas of richly colored mesas and 
desert, stretching to the Arizona Line. The color and the forms are 
even more fantastic farther north (R), and the artist who attempts 
to paint this country must wrestle with the problem of light that shifts 
so rapidly he has scarcely time to outline a scene before it has changed 
entirely. This is especially true at sunset, when there is usually such 
a riot of color that if it could be accurately presented it would seem 
a gross exaggeration to those unfamiliar with the country. Here is 
such vastness of sky, such piling up of cumulus clouds on the horizon, 
that at times the whole universe seems to be made of sky and cloud. 
Though many come to New Mexico for the benefits of its sunny, dry 
climate, even more are attracted by the beauty of the landscape. The 
San Jose River (R) parallels US 66 as it crosses the eastern boundary 
of the LACUNA INDIAN RESERyATION, 32.6 m., a grazing area 
of 125,225 acres set aside for the Indians of the Laguna Pueblo. The 
Rio Colorado (Red) empties into the San Jose river at 32.6 m. 

At 40.6 772. is a junction with a dirt road. 

Right on this road to MESITA, 0.6 m., a small settlement of Pueblo Indians 
from the Laguna grant. The cluster of adobe houses, at the foot of a red- and 
buff-colored mesa, rests on a lava bed. 

US 66 dips into the San Jose river bottom through a broken, color- 
ful country. Along the river bank is a great lava flow; dark mesas are 


tapped with sand dunes and black lava beds protrude on both sides. 
From the top of the rise is a glimpse of the Laguna Indian Pueblo, 

Across the San Jose River is the settlement of Old Laguna (L), 
45 TTZ V and the junction with a graded dirt road, good in dry weather 
(difficult when wet). 

Right on this road to PAGUATE, 7.2 m> t a Laguna village of about 500 
Pueblo Indians who are employed at uranium mining. 

SEBOYETA (from Cebolleta, tender onion), 13.8 m. on the dirt road, is one 
of the oldest settlements (7,500 alt., 400 pop.) in this region and was long 
an outpost in enemy territory. A temporary settlement was made in 1746, 
and in 1749 the Franciscans established a mission for the Navaho who promised 
to live in the walled town; but after a year of sedentary life these strolling 
herders deserted and resumed their old ways. When colonists were sent up 
from Mexico, the Navaho regarded them as invaders and waged war. There 
is a long record of strife in the old Spanish archives. The colonists were aided 
from time to time by friendly Laguna Indians, who hated the Navaho, and by a 
detachment of soldiers who were sent to garrison the fort ; but time and again, 
their cherished crops were stolen. In later years when the villagers grew 
stronger, the young men o{ the town would go out on raids and steal Navaho 
boys and girls for slaves. It was the custom when a marriage was arranged 
in the town to give the Cebolletenos an order for one or two Navaho boys or 
girls as a wedding present. The town now has a day school, whose curriculum 
includes two years of high school, and a vocational school established in 1936 
for those over 16, who are taught tanning and woodworking. As in many 
remote New Mexico communities, Seboyeta men belong to the Penitente brother- 
hood. In the little adobe church, built in 1823, are two objects used in their 
processions a cart in which the effigy of death (/4 muerte) is carried and 
El Santo Entierro (The Holy Sepulchre), constructed on a wooden frame with 
two handles at both ends. Within, plainly visible, is the Cristo dressed in long 
garments of white with the crown of thorns pressed down tightly on the head 
and drops of blood painted on the^ face. In the choir loft (L) is a sacred 
painting in oil, and one of a patriarchal figure (R) with the words "Elias 
Francis and Son" in the lower left corner. Elias Francis was a Syrian peddler 
who visited Seboyeta about 1880, settled there, and for 50 years was its most 
influential citizen. 

Left (inquire directions in village) 1 m. from the church on a dirt road to 
a SHRINE OF OUR LADY OF LOURDES (L) in a natural recess under overhanging 
rock. The altar is carved out of the rock wall. At the base of the rock near 
the altar flows a spring of clear water, which runs off into the Paguate River. 
The story is that in the early days, after the Navaho had reduced the settle- 
ment's male population to 15, the colonists walked to Chihuahua, Mexico with 
their families, begging to be sent back to Spain; but the Viceroy insisted they 
return to Cebolleta and perform their contract to colonize. So they walked once 
again the thousand and more miles back to Cebolleta and erected a shrine to 
Our Lady of Mercy, vowing that so long as Cebolleta stood, they would hold 
feasts each year in Her honor. Cebolletta stands. And there is the shrine, 
though the present image of Our Lady is not as old as the shrine itself. 

LAGUNA PUEBLO, 47.3 m. (5,795 alt., 3,807 pop.), was named 
for a nearby lake that has since disappeared. There was a small settle- 
ment of Indians at this place in 1697, but the pueblo was not estab- 
lished until 1699 when the Spanish governor, Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, 
ordered it done, while he was on an expedition to Zufii. This is the 
only pueblo establishment subsequent to the Spanish invasion and is 
the largest east of the Continental Divide. Its people are a mixture 
of four Pueblo linguistic stocks: Tano, Keres, Shoshone, and Zufii. 

TOUR 6 319 

It is the "mother pueblo" of seven summer or farming villages scat- 
tered within a radius of a few miles at points where there is irrigation. 
The houses are mainly of stone plastered with adobe. 

There are Government schools at all the little Laguna settlements 
roundabout so nearly all the people can speak English though the lan- 
guage they use mostly is Keresan. This pueblo is one of the most 
progressive, perhaps owing to the influence of three young American 
surveyors who came here in 1870 and married Laguna girls. Many 
of these Indians, in addition to attending the Government schools, have 
worked on the railroad, and this has made them more willing to accept 
white men's customs, though they have managed to retain much of 
their native culture and blend it with their Roman Catholic religion. 
Like other Pueblos, they are farmers, but many are in uranium mining. 

Because of its accessibility this pueblo is often visited and is well 
known. It is a trading center for the Navaho, especially on the feast 
day, September 19, when a harvest dance is given. Other dances, such 
as Buffalo, Tablita, and Deer, are given at intervals during the year. 

SAN JOSfi DE LAGUNA CHURCH (1699), unlike many of 
the New Mexico mission churches, is of stone with plain, massive walls 
having only four openings of any size the doorway, a window in the 
middle of the front facade, and two small belfry openings in the false 
gable front, with a glistening cross above. The rooms adjoining the 
church, which once were a convent, add to its massive appearance as 
does the churchyard enclosed by an adobe wall. The plaster on all 
the buildings is of native earth and the walls have been smoothed down 
to their present lines by time and weather. The decorations of the 
interior are the works of Indian craftsmen. All around the side walls 
are designs in red, yellow, and green bordered with heavy black lines 
with birds at intervals. On the ceiling of the chancel are painted Indian 
symbols of the sun, moon, stars, rain, and a rainbow ; on the walls hang 
paintings of two saints, Santa Barbara on the north and San Juan 
Nepumoceno on the south. A large painting of St. Joseph done on 
elk's skin hangs on the reredos, and above are the figures of the Trinity, 
their halos triangular instead of circular. The altar is covered with 
animal skin, tightly drawn and painted with Christian symbols. The 
ceiling of the nave is of the usual carved and ornamented vigras. 

PARAJE (place) 50.5 m., is a small settlement of Laguna Indian 
farmers, a trading post, and also the junction with NM 23 (see 

At 55.7 77z. is the junction with a dirt road. 

Right on this road 1.4 m. t to CUBERO (6,210 alt., 2,496 pop.), a village of 
old adobe houses, that was Darned for the Spanish governor. It was formerly 
occupied by Indians from San Felipe and other pueblos. There is a pueblo 
ruin near by, but it is difficult to find without a guide. 

From Cubero the dirt road continues 7 m. to a fork; L. from the fork 22 m. 
to a second .fork and L. 8.6 m. to SAN MATEO (287 pop.) in the Cibola 
National Forest. This small village is a trading center for sheep ranchers. 
North of it are the remains of PUEBLO ALTO, which was approximately 100 feet 
wide and 200 feet long. Enough of the walls remains to show that it was a 


two-story structure. In the western part is a tower, square on the outside 
and round within. The pottery found is of the Chaco Canyon type (see 
Archeology). Ruins of a stone pueblo are also within the town limits, and 
small house ruins are east and west of the village. 

From 56 m. MT. TAYLOR (11,369 feet) is visible (R), the high- 
est peak in this section. 

US 66 continues through stretches of desert with multi-colored 
formations and with but little cultivated ground, except in the settle- 
ments off the road. These native villages are as unchanging as the 
woman in one of their stories. When she was called before a local jus- 
tice he asked her age. "I have forty-five years." "But," said the justice, 
"you W ere forty-five when you appeared before me two years ago/* 
"Senor Judge," she replied proudly, drawing herself to her full height, 
"I am not of those who are one thing today and another tomorrow!" 

SAN FIDEL, 59.6 m., is a small trading center for the ranchers of 
the district. 

SANTA MARIA DE ACOMA, also known as McCarty's, 66 
m., just off the road (L) is a farming community of Acoma Indians. 
A number of adobe houses clustered against the rocky hillside, the new 
stone church, and the people themselves, present a picture of yesterday. 
Along the road in summer are Acoma women and children in tradi- 
tional Pueblo costumes seated under brush shelters with baskets of 
Acoma pottery to sell. 

GRANTS 78.3 m. (6,464 alt., 10,274 pop.), is a railroad town 
and trading center for a large agricultural and ranching territory. Of 
late years, the fabulous ore, uranium, dominates the present and the 
future of this area. The Jackpile uranium mine, discovered and de- 
veloped by The Anaconda Company on the Laguna Indian Reservation, 
employs some 250 Lagunas who send some 3,000 tons of ore daily 40 
miles by rail for processing at Anaconda's Bluewater Mill. 

Grant's history begins in 1872 when Don Jesus Blea settled here and 
called his home under the cottonwoods Alamitos (little cottonwoods). 
In 1873 came Don Ramon Baca with his family. When the Santa Fe 
Railway reached this point in 1881, Alamitos became a coaling station 
and was renamed for the Grant brothers who constructed the railroad. 

At 79.2 m. is the junction with NM 53 which unites with US 66 
west for 2 miles. 

Left on NM S3 to SAN RAFAEL, 3.3 m., and PAXTON SPRINGS, 26 m. 
(L), 1 m. to the PERPETUAL ICE CAVES. In a volcanic sinkhole, its crevices 
are perpetually packed with solid ice, aquamarine in color and banded 
with dark horizontal stripes. The ice bed is approximately 50 feet wide and 
14 feet high. Its depth underground is unknown. E. R. Harrington, a scientist, 
thus explains the phenomenon: "The basaltic formation offers perfect drainage 
for melting snow, and ray investigations show that the greatest amount of ice 
forms during the spring when the snow is melting on the surface. Conditions 
such as the slant of the sun, temperature, formation of the cave, etc., result in 
free circulation of air in winter, freezing ice and drawing the cave full of 

TOUR 6 321 

very cold air. In summer changes in conditions result in practically no circula- 
tion of air. Cold air in the cave has a tendency to remain there, and what 
few eddy currents of warm air enter are chilled to the freezing point. Thus 
the perpetual ice." Ranchers from the vicinity used to come here for ice during 
the summer. Farther south in the lava flow are several other ice caves that are 
less well known. A myriad of recent folk legends surround the lava flow and 
its various features. (Tourists should wear stout shoes for walking over the 
lava bed.) 

Return now to PAXTON or PAXTON SPRINGS. It is a logging camp 
(7,500 alt.), and the terminus of the Breece Company Railroad which car- 
ries logs and lumber to the main line of the Santa Fe at Grants. The spring 
a stream of cool clear water, was named for the Paxton family, early settlers. 
NM 53 crosses the CONTINENTAL DIVIDE at Oso (Bear) Ridge just before 
its junction at 22.2 m. with NM 174. From here to the ice caves (alternate 
route) it is 1.7 m. farther. 

Through groves of pines, standing on a rocky terrain, the state road passes, 
several ranches. Red sandstone bluffs begin to mark the landscape at the ap- 
proach to El Morro (headland) which is visible at 39 m. The settlement of 
EL MORRO is at 42 m. and at 44 m. is EL MORRO NATIONAL MONUMENT 
comprising a tract of 240 acres, established in 1906 to preserve INSCRIPTION 
ROCK, a camping place on the old Acoma-Zuni trail. 

The rock, with a base roughly triangular and narrowing to a rounded and 
comparatively thin edge at the eastern end, covers about iz acres. The stratifi- 
cation is slightly tilted. The top stratum is much harder than the bottom and 
has served as a shield to protect the softer layer below and preserve the out- 
lines of the rock. Here, in centuries past, with what instruments it is difficult 
to say, perhaps sword points, the Spaniards and others carved historical 
"entries." The earliest now legible (1605) w tna * of Governor .Onate, the 
first colonizer of New Mexico. It is thought Coronado passed this point 65 
years earlier, but there is no record in the rock which contains more than 500 
deciphered inscriptions and names* Numerous Spanish governors following 
Onate left their names. General Don Diego de Vargas, who reconquered the 
Pueblos after the rebellion of 1680, carved a brief record of his conquest, as did 
many explorers and members of expeditions into the Pueblo country. One of 
the names is that of Lieutenant Edward Fitzgerald Beale (see above). Mem- 
bers of freight and immigrant trains likewise recorded their passage. Soldiers, 
scouts, traders all sorts and conditions of men left their mark, the only claim 
to immortality some of them have. On top are ruins of three pueblos, par- 
tially excavated and restored. They are said to be the remains of an 
early Zuni habitation. The cleavage, a blind canyon, runs deep into the heart 
of the rock, and in this an old spring has been uncovered. It had been re- 
ported by members of earlier expeditions, but was lost in later years and was 
rediscovered recently by an old Navaho who had served under the Apache, 

Drainage from the rock accumulates in a deep basin on its south side, 
forming a natural reservoir which for the past hundred years has been used as 
a public watering place. 

NM 53 continues to RAMAH, c. 57 m., which is 3 miles east of the Zuni 
reservation (see below), and continues to junction with NM 32 at 69 m. 

US 66 passes over the Santa Fe Railway, 81 m. f and at 82 m. is 
the western junction with NM 53, a rough dirt road which also leads 
to SAN MATED (see above). 

BLUEWATER, 88 m., is a railroad loading station. 

L. from Bluewater 9 m. is BLUEWATER LAKE (see below). 

Red sandstone cliffs (R) are at 92 771. and the volcanic cone (R) 

El Tintero (inkwell) from which lava is said to have flowed as far 

east as Grants. From this point are good views of the western slope 


of Mt. Taylor showing the high, lava-capped plateau from which it 

98 m. junction with St. 412. 

Left on St. 412 some eight miles to BLUEWATER 

THOREAU, 104 m., is a junction with an improved dirt road to 
Bluewater Reservoir State Park. 

Left on this road (almost impassable in wet weather) to BLUEWATER 
RESERVOIR (cabins, fishing, boating, swimming), 11 m. which contains the 
impounded waters from the Zuni Mountain watershed and fills three great 
depressions in the high tablelands. A dam constructed in 1926-27 by the Toltec- 
Bluewater Irrigation District across two lofty natural walls of solid rock 
creates a deep lake one mile wide and seven and one-half miles long. 

At THOREAU also is the junction with NM 56 to Crown Point 
and to Chaco Canyon (see Tour 6B). 

US 66 crosses the CONTINENTAL DIVIDE at 110 m. 

At 124 m. is the junction with a paved road. 

Left on this road to FORT WINGATE, 3.3 m. (475 pop.), the integral part 
acres. The fort is named for Captain Benjamin Wingate who was killed in 
1862 at the Battle of Valverde (see Tour Ic). In 1850 a post named for 
Wingate was established at Cebolleta (Seboyeta) by the United States War 
Department and maintained as such until 1862, when it was moved to El Gallo 
near the present settlement of San Rafael, five miles south of Grants. This 
latter was the second Fort Wingate as established by Brigadier General James 
H. Carleton in the fall of 1862. Quarters were furnished for six companies of 
men, but the first garrison actually consisted of two companies. In 1863 this 
was increased to three companies, including one of California volunteers and 
two of New Mexico volunteers. It was headquarters of Kit Carson when he 
rounded up the Navaho but after the Navaho were brought back from their 
exile at Bosque Redondo (see Tour 8a) 3 old Fort Wingate was abandoned, 
and in 1868 the new fort was established here. This place was called Ojo del 
Oso or Big Bear Springs and was the site of a fort called Fort Fauntleroy 
(established in 1860) after General Thomas Turner^ (Little Lord) Fauntleroy, 
an army officer who later resigned his commission in order to join the Con- 
federates. Because of this desertion Fort Fauntleroy was renamed Fort Lyon, 
but in 1866 when the post at El Gallo was moved here, the name was changed 
to Fort Wingate. 

From 1882 on the fort was often used as headquarters and outfitting post for 
ethnological and archeological expeditions. Fort Wingate was retained by the 
government as a military depot until about 1910. In 19x4 the old buildings 
were used for housing 4,000 Mexican troops and their families who had been 
forced from Mexico into Texas at Eagle Pass during the Villa uprising. Some 
time after 1925 Congress appropriated $500,000 for a school for the Navaho 
on the Ftfft Wingate Military Reservation. The barracks have been made into 
dormitories, and the square where soldiers drilled is now a ball field. Included 
in the equipment are three reservoirs, and irrigated fields. 

The Magazine Area, where explosives are stored by the army, comprised in 
1936^ about 5,000 acres. Large quantities of explosives were kept there im- 
mediately after the World War, when this area was taken over by the Ordnance 
Department. In 1929, all land north of the Santa Fe tracks, approximately 
1,500 acres, ^ was turned over to the Bureau of Indian Affairs to be used as 
Indian grazing land. 

In 1941 ammunition storage igloos were built visible from US 66. 
From the top of the hill south of Fort Wingate is one of the finest views 
in McKinley County. Stretching for miles is a broad expanse of red sandstone 

TOUR 6 323 

cliffs colored like the Painted Desert of Arizona. Before the coming of the 
Americans, the Navaho under Chief Mariano used this section as an agri- 
cultural and watering place, called Shash'titgo (Navaho, bear springs). Lake 
Mariano to the north was named for this chief whose descendants still live in 
this vicinity. 

The road continues through forests of pine, spruce, and juniper and groves 
of white aspen to McGAFFEY (8,300 alt.). 10 i v which was a sawmill town 
before the lumber company cut out the timber and moved away. There are 
summer cottages here, a spring near the site of the old McGaffey sawmill, and 
a small lake (fishing). McGaffey is in the Zuni District of the Cibola Na- 
tional Forest over which the Forest Service has jurisdiction, and the entire 
military reserve is a Federal game refuge (no hunting). 

West of Pyramid Rock (R), 127.5 771., US 66 continues along a red 
shale valley near the foot of great red cliffs. At 128 m. is an unob- 
structed view of a rock formation called NAVAHO CHURCH, an object 
of veneration by the Navaho. In these formations are several large 
caves, and it is said Kit Carson, in his roundup of the Navaho, used 
one of them to shelter his small partv during a storm. 

In REHOBOTH, 130 m. (6,606 alt., 223 pop.), is REHOBOTH 
MISSION, a school and hospital for the Navaho maintained by the 
Christian Reformed Board of Missions with headquarters at Grand 
Rapids, Michigan. Approximately 160 students are enrolled each year. 
The school opened in 1903 with six Indian pupils under the supervision 
of the Reverend L. P. Brink. 

Near Gallup, the sandstone cliffs (R) seem to push themselves out 
of the ground. A gigantic upheaval which tilted the cliffs from hori- 
zontal into a semi-vertical position, known as the Zuni Uplift (see 
Geologry), marks the southern terminus of these beautiful formations. 
Beyond this, on a lower level, is another sandstone formation extending 
almost to the Arizona line and inclosing the coal beds for which Gallup 
is noted. Near Gallup the road passes through breaks in several intru- 
sive dikes. 

GALLUP, 135 m. (6,514 alt., 14,089 pop.), is a railway division 
point and a thriving industrial and trading center. Its principal indus- 
try is coal mining, most of the mines being in the immediate vicinty. 
Uranium, coal, oil, helium, lignite, and gas are mined in the area 
and they all spur the economy considerably. The history of Gallup 
is recent, dating back to 1879, when the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe 
Railway sent two mining engineers to prospect for coal, which was 
found here in large deposits. The railroad pushed through the section 
in 1 88 1. Before this, sheep and cattle men occupied the territory, but 
when the government granted to the railroad alternate sections of land 
on both sides of the tracks in a forty-mile strip, ranchers were forced 
to graze their stock farther inland. Before the railroad was built there 
was only a saloon and general store here it was built about 1880, was 
called the Blue Goose, and is still standing that served as a stop on 
the Westward Overland Stage. After this point was made a railroad 
station and the mines were opened, settlers came in increased numbers, 
and the town grew steadily. Incorporated in 1891, it organized a local 


government and in 1901 was made the county seat of newly-formed 
McKinley County. 

The coal mines have been operated continuously. Two in the 
immediate vicinity have offices in the town, and three others are within 
a radius of ten miles. Two large brick kilns have been built here 
because of the coal. Gallup is the main shipping point and buying 
center for the Navaho wool clip, thousands of pounds being shipped 
annually; it is also a buying center for the growing pifion nut industry. 
Wool combing and packing and the shipping of sheep and cattle from 
the grazing lands of the Zuni mountains are important activities here, 
and the town serves as a trading point for the Zuni and Navaho from 
the near-by reservations. 

Gallup is most crowded during the four days of the Intertribal 
Indian Ceremonial, which until 1939 was held the last Wednesday, 
Thursday, and Friday of August, now advanced a week because the 
Hopi rain makers to the north have "batted a thousand" in their annual 
Snake Dances and the Gallup Indian Ceremonial virtually coincides 
with it. By getting a jump on the Hopi rain priests it was hoped that 
the Gallup show would not be dampened. 

The Ceremonial originated in 1922, when a small group of Gallup 
businessmen organized a modest exhibit and invited a few Indians to 
dance at the McKinley County Fair in order to encourage the Indian 
to preserve his ceremonials and to improve his arts and crafts, also 
to inform .people generally of the artistic excellence of the Indian artist 
and craftsman. Now it includes more tribal dances of various kinds 
than could be seen in years of going to Indian dances, more beautiful 
costumes, more color, more fascinating choregraphy than any ballet or 
tribal dances elsewhere produces. Here Navaho, Apache, and Pueblo 
Indians, hundreds of them, take part in the dances and contribute to 
the arts and crafts display. Navaho men make sand paintings and 
Navaho women weave blankets, while on the concourse men and boys 
race bareback, and undemonstrative Indians from a score of tribes look 
on without showing the intense excitement they feel. Here Indians 
from all tribes trade, many attending the ceremonial as much for this 
reason as for the dances, races, and general excitement. Groups of 
three or four Indians will squat on the ground, the men in a huddle, 
the women near by pretending a lack of interest in the proceedings 
which their sharp, keen glances belie. Perhaps none of the traders 
speak the same language, so that signs are used, fingers are pointed 
and heads nodded in agreement or an averted glance indicates that the 
signaled propositions are not agreeable. If goods are being traded, 
fingers point to the article held by the one offering it and then point to 
the article or articles desired in exchange. If money is offered, one 
extended finger means one dollar, another finger laid across it means 
one and a half, and so on. No outward sign or behavior indicates the 
battle for advantage, no flicker of eyelash or facial expression conveys 
any inkling of the real status of the transaction or how near to agree- 
ment the parties are. And when the deal is made or no deal results, 

TOUR 6 325 

they separate and move off without the slightest outward evidence of 
elation or satisfaction. 

Gallup is the junction with US 666 (see Tour 6C). 

Left from Gallup, 29 m. on NM 32 and then Right on NM 53 to ZUffil 
PUEBLO, 41.7 m. (4,200), on the north side of Zuni River, whose waters are 
used for irrigation. Approaching the large village of red sandstone houses, the 
ruined mission is visible in the center of it and corrals are interspersed among 
the houses. Vegetable gardens are visible across the Zuni River. At the 
entrance to the pue"blo are some trading posts, with others farther on at the 
southern and western bounds of the settlement. The Zuni are farmers and 
sheepherders, noted for their dances and their arts and crafts particularly the 
making of turquoise jewelrv. 

The ZU5JI MISSION CHURCH (1705) is a crumbling ruin. Its massive 
front towers flank remains of a once deep and shadowed entrance loggia. The 
timber floor of the loggia balcony is still intact as is its supporting, bracketed 

Zuni is most interesting to visitors during the Shalako, a festival in which 
the gods enter the village, late in November or early in December, to bless 
the new houses. The Zuni houses are built of red sandstone, with high-ceiled 
and spacious rooms. The six Shalako who come to bless them present a most 
imposing appearance; they are about ten feet high and have glossy black hair 
five feet long hanging down their backs. Each great mask, executed with superb 
artistry, is supported by a man who works, by hidden controls, the huge, beak- 
like mouth of the god and at intervals utters his bird-like cries. The masks are 
the largest of any group of American Indians. 

The name Zuni is a Spanish adaptation of the Keresan SunyVtsi or Su'nyltsa, 
the meaning unknown. The name of the tribal range is $hi'<wona f corrupted to 
Cibola (see-bo-la). In 1539 Fray Marcos de Niza, seeking the seven cities of 
Cibola, set out from Mexico with Esteyan, a Barbary Moor or Negro (there is 
conflict of opinion) who had accompanied Nunez Cabeza de Vaca on his journey 
from Florida to Mexico. Great excitement attended the departure of this 
expedition, for it was believed that gold, silver, and jewels were to be found 
in greater abundance in Cibola than the Mexican conquerors had ever known. 
When word reached Fray Marcos that the Zuni had killed Estevan, who had 
been sent ahead with the Indian guides, Fray Marcos hurried forward. From 
an adjacent eminence he viewed Hawikuh (Abacus), the principal of the seven 
villages, and it is thought that in the golden rays of the setting sun Fray 
Marcos believed this mass to have walls of gold, which made all the fabulous 
stories seem credible. Without entering any of the villages, he hastened back to 
Mexico, where his glowing accounts hastened the later Coronado expedition 
which marched upon Cibola (1540). In this meeting with the Spaniards the 
Indians were on guard and suspicious. Friction developed, and after the en- 
gagement that followed, the Indians retreated. 

The Spaniards continued their advance to Hiwikuh, which Coronado called 
Granada. He carried the place by storm, but found nothing of value. The 
"Kingdom of Cibola" consisted of just seven ordinary pueblos, and Coronado 
reported that Fray Marcos "had said the truth in nothing that he reported." 
Hawikuh became the base of operations for a time, and from here expeditions 
were sent to Tusayan (the Hopi country), the Grand Canyon of the Colorado, 
and to the Rio Grande and beyond, where, after the arrival of the main force, 
the Spaniards entered winter quarters. 

Cibola was visited by Chamuscado in 1580. He reported but six villages. 
In 1583 came Espejo, who was the first to call the village, known as Halpna, 
Zuni adding that its other name was Cibola. He found some Mexican Indians 
who had been left there by Coronado. Espejo also reported six villages, one 
of them Hawikuh, indicating that one of the villages had been abandoned 
between 1540 and 1583. The ruins of Hawikuh are on the Zuni River about 
18 miles south of Zuni. Part of these have been excavated, and much valuable 


information uncovered. In 1598 Onate, first colonizer of New Mexico, visited 
Zuni and the six villages, now in ruins. 

The first mission was established at HAwikuh^ in the summer ^ of 1629 by 
the Franciscan order, which sent three missionaries. Between this date and 
1632, Fray Francisco Letrado was sent to Zuni, where he was murdered by the 
Indians on February 22, 1632. Five days later Fray Martin de Arvide, who 
was en route to Zuni, was overtaken by a band and killed. Fearing reprisals 
by the Spaniards, the Indians again fled to their stronghold, Taaiyalone (Corn 
Mountain), as in Coronado's time, and remained there until 1635. From then 
until 1670, theit history is almost a blank. On August 7 of that year the 
Apache (some say the Navaho) raided Hawikuh, killed its missionary, Fray 
Pedro de Avila y Ayala, and burned the church. Hawikuh was never re- 
established as a mission. At the time of the Pueblo Rebellion, 1680, there were 
but three villages beside Hawikuh. The Zuni took part in the rebellion, slaying 
their missionary and again fleeing to Taaiyalone, where they remained until 
New Mexico was reconquered by De Vargas in 1692. They built a new pueblo 
on the north side of the Zuni river, the present Zuni pueblo. A church was 
erected about 1699, but in 1703 the village was again without a resident priest, 
owing to the killing of a few Spanish soldiers who had mistreated the Indians. 
After this act of violence, they again fled to Taaiyalone, where they remained 
until 1705, when they settled in the plain, and the missionary returned to them. 
A garrison was kept at the pueblo for several years. There were times when 
they were at enmity with the Hopi, but peace was restored in 1713. There was 
a mission throughout the eighteenth century and well into the nineteenth, but 
the church gradually fell into ruins and was only occasionally visited by 
priests. For some time after the territory became part of the United States, 
Zuni was entirely abandoned by white people. 

In 1857 when Edward Fitzgerald Beale (see above), was surveying for a 
wagon road he wrote the following account of this place: 

"August 29. Arrived at Zuni, an old Indian pueblo of curious aspect; it is 
built on a gentle eminence in the middle of a valley about five miles wide, 
through which the dry bed of the Zuni lay (sic). As we approached, corn- 
fields of very considerable extent spread out on all sides, and apparently sur- 
rounded the town. This place contains a population of about two thousand 
souls. The houses, although nearly all have doors on the ground floor, are 
ascended by ladders, and the roof is more used than any other part. Here all 
the cooking is done, the idle hours spent, and is (sic) the place used for 
sleeping in summer. Each house or family has a little garden, rarely over 
thirty feet square, which is surrounded by a wall of mud. Inside of these, 
and completely encircling the town, are the corrals for sheep, asses, horses, 
which are always driven up at night. We saw here many Albinos, with very 
fair skins, white hair, and blue eyes. The Indians raise a great deal of wheat, 
of a very fine quality, double-headed. The squaws are more expert at carrying 
things on their heads than our Southern Negroes. I saw one ascend to the 
second story of a house by a ladder, with an earthen jar containing a full 
bucket of water without touching it with her hands. It was quite amusing to 
see the men knitting stockings. Imagine Hiawatha at such undignified work. 
Tne old Jesuit church is in ruins; but a picture over the altar attracted our 
attention from the beauty of four small medallion paintings in each corner, 
which are very beautifully done. . . . White intercourse (traders) with these 
Indians seems to have destroyed with them all the respect they had for the 
Catholic religion, without giving them any in return. Like all Indians who 
have a fixed abode, they are quiet and inoffensive. . . . We found here a few 
indifferent ^peaches, the only effect of which was to carry us back, in fancy, to 
home at this season. The melons also are quite poor, almost unfit to eat." 

Two years later another survey again brought Beale through this country 
and he records: "March 16. . . . I . . . found it hard to realize that we 
had reached by so excellent a trail, & without a single hard pull, the dividing 
ridge of the dreaded Rocky Mountains. The country here, even at this for- 
bidding season, is beautiful, & the forests of pine and abundant grass render 

TOUR 6 327 

it particularly favorable for settlement. . . . Tomorrow I shall despatch two 
wagons to the Indians at Zuni, in hope to find corn there, and the Indians in a 
selling humor. In this respect all Indians are singular. They either sell readily 
and for little or nothing, or not at all, & are as capricious in their dispositions 
as possible." "March 27. We entered Zuni today. . . . The day was very 
disagreeable, with a high wind blowing the dust in every direction, reminding 
us of Washington City in a winter gale. . . . The old governor met me in 
the town with many compliments and congratulations. . . . He had a long 
list of grievances. The United States had persuaded him into an alliance 
with the troops as auxiliaries in the late war with the Navahpes; his people 
had fought with our troops side by side like brothers; the United States had 
found it convenient to make peace with their enemies, & had left their auxiliaries 
the prey of iheir powerful & numerous foes. I told him I thought it served 
him right for meddling in things which did not concern him, and warned him 
for the future to avoid all 'entangling alliances. 1 " 

In recent years the government has built extensive irrigation works here 
and established a large Indian school; the younger generation is being educated 
and is learning the English language. In character and customs, the Zuni 
resemble Pueblo groups generally. They are quiet, good tempered, industrious, 
and friendly toward Americans, but distrustful of the Navaho and bate the 
Mexicans. There are several trading posts at the pueblo, where the various 
arts and crafts may be seen and bought. 

US 66 leaves Gallup and the REGISTRATION STATION is passed. 

From Gallup the countryside is desert-like plains with occasional 
sandstone outcrops in fantastic shapes. 

The road veers to the southwest at 144.5 m., passing Defiance trad- 
ing post and Rocky Point trading post which serve the Navaho. Half 
a mile farther the Santa Fe Railway again crosses the route on an under- 
pass. MANUELITO, 151 m. (8,260 alt., 150 pop.), is also a trading 
center for the Nayaho, and a wayside museum is maintained. A num- 
ber of Navaho hogans roughly octagonal or round structures of 
timbers or masonry walls with timber and dirt roofs and side walls 
chinked with mud are seen here along the route. The settlement 
was named for Manuelito, a prominent Navaho chief, elected in 1855 
when a treaty, not ratified by Congress, was arranged with the Navaho 
to end their depredations. Lawlessness on their part continued for 
another eight years, however, until they were all finally subjugated. 
Manuelito was made head of the police force and proved loyal to his 

At 156 m. US 66 crosses the ARIZONA LINE, 54 772. east of 
Holbrook, Arizona (see Arizona Guide), 


Tour 6 A 

Junction with US 66 Acoma Pueblo ; 13.7 m. NM 23. 

Graded road-bed. 
No accommodations. 

This route to Acoma Pueblo, the Sky City, crosses the tilled fields 
of the Acoma Indians and a sandy plain sparsely covered with rabbit 
brush and dotted here and there with juniper trees. NM 23 branches 
south from its junction with US 66, m. (see Tour 6) at a point 
4.6 miles west of New Laguna and winds through the settlement of 
CASA BLANCA (white house) at 0.7 m. The characteristic caprock 
formations of the Acoma area appear along the mesa tops at 4 m., 
closing in the plain to a valley confine. NM 23 crosses the northern 
boundary of Acoma Reservation at 10.3 m. 

The ENCHANTED MESA (L) 10.6 m. called by the Acoma, 
katzimo (Ind., enchanted), is a sandstone butte 430 feet high, golden 
brown, outlined by precipitous walls and sharply turreted pinnacles, 
with heaps of sharp detritus at its base (only experienced climbers should 
attempt the ascent). The Acoma have a tradition that their ancestors 
once lived on its top, but the path was closed by a storm. The people 
tending their fields on the plain below were not able to regain their 
homes, and those who were caught on the summit died of starvation. 

On ACOMA ROCK, 13.7 m. f which is of fairly level topped sand- 
stone covering 70 acres and rising abruptly 357 feet from the wind- 
swept plain is ACOMA PUEBLO (7,000 alt., 1,679 pop.). (Admis- 
sion $i; permission to photograph must be obtained from the governor. 
Usual fee: $i for small cameras and $$ for movies.) This pre-Colum- 
bian Keresan-speaking pueblo is said to be the oldest continuously occu- 
pied village in the United States. From a distance the pueblo appears 
to be part of the natural cliff and not readily distinguishable as a 
habitation. Approaching the high fortress-like city are well-defined 
foot trails, which are still used, but some of the Indians prefer to 
ascend by the ancient toe- and finger-hole trail. The only trail accepted 
as existing before 1629 is the ladder trail on the northwestern side, 
formed by a combination of ladder and toe- and finger-holes cut in the 
solid rock and tortuous passages worn deep by years of age. This came 
to be known as "Camino del Padre" after Father Ramirez made his 
famous ascent. The Burro Trail, built under the direction of the same 
priest, so that a more comfortable and less hazardous route might be 
possible, has at its top a large wooden cross, which is still decorated 
with flowers on "Cross Day" in May. The trail principally used by 
visitors today is the one to the right of the Ladder Trail, leading over 

TOUR 6 A 329 

a wind-deposited sand rampart to a short ascent by stone steps. If 
taken leisurely it is not tiring to those able to do a moderate amount 
of uphill walking. 

The dwellings, 1,000 feet long and 40 feet high, are built in three 
parallel lines of stone and adobe running east and west. Each struc- 
ture consists of three stories terraced and built in the usual Pueblo 
style. The first story, between 12 and 15 feet high, originally had 
no openings except a trap door on top, being used exclusively for the 
storage of supplies. Ladders led from the ground to the second story, 
but the third story and roof are reached by steep narrow outside steps 
against the division wall. In appearance these long rows are com- 
munity houses, but there is no communal or socialistic mode of life. 
Each family is completely separated from the others by substantial 
division walls. Many of the oldest houses still have windows of 
selenite, mined in the vicinity. The house groups are separated by 
streets of medium width, the one between the south and middle row 
being wider than the others and providing a plaza for ceremonials and 
festivities. The rooms of these groups have low ceilings, and at one 
end stand three lava-rock metates enclosed in a low wooden bin, sloping 
somewhat like a washboard in a tub, and used for grinding corn. The 
women use a small beveled stone or lava slab called a mano to crush 
the grain. This falls over the edge between the slabs, each met ate 
grinding finer meal. There is also a fireplace for warmth and cooking. 
Outside are beehive-shaped ovens where all baking is done, save that 
of the guayave or paper-thin bread (called piki in Hopi and hewe in 
Zuni). This bread, which is given great care, is baked on highly 
polished stones and placed upon a special firebox directly over the blaze. 
Usually made from blue cornmeal, the bread tastes something like 
popped corn and is sustaining on long journeys. 

Men do all the heavy part of house construction including the 
carpenter work, but the women often build the adobe walls and do 
the plastering. Once a year, before the Saint's festival, the inside walls 
of the houses are freshly whitewashed. Against them are hung gar- 
ments of skins, blankets, guns, trinkets of all kinds, and silver jewelry 
made by Acoma artisans. Adding color to this array are twisted strings 
of red chili and dried muskmelon, bags of dried peaches, jerked mutton 
from the family's flock of sheep, and jerked venison from the pueblo 
hunt, all hung from the beams as winter food supply. At night wool 
colchones (mattresses) are laid on the floor; during the day they are 
rolled and placed against the walls where, covered with gay Wankers, 
they make comfortable seats. 

Acoma pottery is thin and slightly less durable than that of Zuni, 
but its designs have more variety. Flowers, birds, trees, and leaves are 
introduced with geometric patterns. Reds and grays, applied before 
firing, approach an accidental glaze afterward. 

Instead of the inhabitants of the Great Rock going to the farming 
villages just for the planting and harvesting seasons as was their cus- 
tom, more of them live in the summer towns the year round, returning 


to the mesa top only for ceremonies or festivities at stated intervals. 
The annual festival at Acoma (Sept. 2) honors Saint Stephen, their 
patron saint, and is unlike that of any other pueblo, being the dramatic 
representation of Saint Stephen's arrival in New Mexico. Early in 
the morning a long procession appears several miles away on the plains 
below the citadel and slowly approaches. At the foot of the mesa it is 
met by the governor and war captain of the pueblo, who, after a con- 
ference, escort the "strangers" up the steep trail to the top and welcome 
them to the villages. After more ceremonies, both parties enter the 
church. A feature of this ceremony is a small hobbyhorse which is 
conducted into the church and up to the very altar itself, where more 
ceremonies take place; afterwards games and dances continue outside. 

Acoma is much the same as it was in 1540, when Captain Hernando 
de Alvarado of Coronado's army discovered it and called it Acuco. 
The native name, Ako f is of obscure etymology. The Acoma call their 
own people Akomi (the "mi" meaning people) ; it has been translated 
as "people of the white rock." Charles F. Lummis called it "the sky 
city." Just when the pueblo was built on this natural stronghold no 
one can say. The Indian tradition gives the time as following the 
destruction of the Enchanted Mesa, ages ago. It was here when Fray 
Marcos de Niza sought the Seven Cities of Cibola in 1533 ; and Antonio 
de Espejo in 1563 remarked upon the precipitous trail cut in the solid 
cliff leading to the top. The first Spanish foothold in Acoma was in 
1598 when the pueblo voluntarily submitted to the authority of the 
Spanish crown as represented by Don Juan de Ofiate, but only that 
they might trick him later, Ofiate refused to be lured into a room by 
Chief Zutucopan, however, and escaped the fate of Don Juan de Zal- 
divar who, with his detachment, was attacked without warning, and all 
but four soldiers were killed. Those leaped off the rock. The follow- 
ing months (December 1598), as soon as Onate could marshal the 
weakened Spanish force, a band of 70 under the leadership of Vicente 
de Zaldivar, who insisted on the right to avenge his brother's death, 
were sent to punish Acoma. They engaged in the assault on the 22, 
23, and 24 of January 1599, and the forcing of that fortress was an 
epic struggle. 

The mission here was assigned to Fray Andres Corchado in 1598 
and later to Fray Geronimo de Zarate-Salmeron ; but because of the 
hostility of the inhabitants, a church was not established here until 
1629, when Fray Juan Ramirez, the first permanent missionary, was 
escorted to Acoma by Governor Francisco Manuel de Silva Nieto on 
his expedition to Zufii during July and August, 1629. Legend says 
that Father Ramirez walked alone from Santa Fe to Acoma, having 
no defense save his cross and breviary, and that as soon as he was seen 
by the Acoma attempting the ascent of their stronghold, he was pelted 
by rocks and arrows sufficient to kill a dozen men, but not one pierced 
his habit. It happened too, in the tumult on the top caused by his 
appearance, that a little girl was inadvertently pushed off and fell upon 
the pointed rock 60 feet below. The good Franciscan reached her, 

TOUR 6 A 33 1 

knelt and prayed beside her, then carried her unharmed up to her 
astounded relatives and neighbors. It was then the Acoma received 
him as one more than human, and soon after became his followers.^ 

After the Pueblo Revolt in 1680, the Acoma people remained hostile 
for 1 6 years. In November of 1692, De Vargas and his small army 
reached a watering place called El Pozo (the well), a place from which 
the rock of Acoma could be seen. In his journal, De Vargas wrote: 
"We descried the smoke made by those traitors, enemies, treacherous 
rebels and apostates of Zueres (Keresan) tribe." Within musket-shot 
of the Penol, the greeting of "Hail" was exchanged between the 
Spaniards and the Indians, but it required all the patience De Vargas 
could muster to finally persuade this most difficult of all pueblos to 

The Spanish Grant of 1659 was confirmed by the United States, 
December 22, 1858, but the Acoma Indians formally applied for their 
land in 1863, when seven Pueblo governors went to Washington to 
confer with President Lincoln and settle boundaries. After the con- 
ference, Lincoln presented each governor with a silver-headed cane 
upon which was engraved (varying only as to the name of the particular 
pueblo) : 

"A. Lincoln 

Prst. U.S.A. 



This cane is passed to each succeeding governor when he is elected 
in January, and constitutes his badge of office. When the governor 
is away his representative keeps the cane. In 1877 tne Acoma had 
more than 95,000 acres; 17,400 acres have been added since by execu- 
tive order making the present area more than 113,000 acres, 900 acres 
of which are irrigable, with 600 acres cultivated at Acomita and 

SAN ESTEBAN REV (Saint Stephen the King) MISSION is claimed 
by some historians to be the church built here through the efforts of 
Fray Ramirez in 1629, with additions made after the Pueblo Revolt 
of 1680; others say the original edifice was destroyed in 1680, when 
Fray Lucas Maldonado, the Acoma missionary at the time, was mur- 
dered. However, the present church, undoubtedly remodeled in 1699 
and repaired in 1923 by the Museum of New Mexico, is one of the 
finest of all the old pueblo missions. It is 150 feet long and 40 feet 
wide, with walls 60 feet high and 10 feet thick, a marvel of adobe con- 
struction. Every ounce of material used in the mission, as well as the 
soil for the campo santo (burial ground), was carried up the steep pas- 
sage on the backs of zealous Indian women. The heavy roof beams, 
each 40 feet long by 14 inches square, were cut in the Cebollata 
(tender onion) Mountains, 30 miles distant, and carried on men's 
backs to the top. The front walls of the church, devoid of architectural 
ornament, are so sloped that they form great buttresses, topped with 


square towers and open belfries. On the end wall of the chancel, con- 
trasting with the bare, white walls of the nave, is a richly carved and 
painted reredos. It is divided into panels by twisted, serpentine columns, 
each panel having a painting of a saint placed above scroll and shell 
motifs. The huge carved vigas are supported by elaborately carved 
scroll brackets. Adjoining are the priest's residence, patio, and a look- 
out, the latter a vantage point from which an enemy might be seen. 
This affords a magnificent view of the countryside. The burying ground 
is perhaps a greater marvel than the church, and probably the only 
one of its kind in the world. The Acoma converts wanted their dead in 
consecrated ground near by, so they built a stone retaining wall almost 
10 feet high at the outer edge, enclosing an area 2OO feet square ; then 
from the plain below they carried up enough earth, a sackful at a time, 
to make their sacred graveyard. That the name of the mission was 
changed at one time to San Pedro is evidenced by the inscription on the 
old bell in the northeast tower of the church, which notes "San Pedro, 
1710." Subsequently, Saint Stephen resumed his sway. 

One of the most unusual law suits in the United States, in which the 
Pueblo of Acoma was plaintiff and the Pueblo of Laguna defendant, 
was fought through the courts from 1852 to 1857 for possession of the 
painting of Saint Joseph, now at Acoma. The picture was said to have 
been presented to Father Juan Ramirez by King Charles II of Spain, 
and taken by him to Acoma in 1629, when he founded the mission here. 
The natives of Acoma believed (and still do) that Saint Joseph endowed 
the painting with miraculous powers, and it is still held in great venera- 
tion. During all the Acoma prosperity, the neighboring Pueblo of 
Laguna, which had suffered from drought, epidemics, floods, and other 
calamities, grew envious and asked to borrow the picture. The Acoma 
consented. From this time, so the story goes, Laguna fortunes changed; 
those ill became well, the crops were good, the women bore children. 
Months passed, and the Acoma, weary of waiting for the return of their 
beloved picture, sen'- *jiessengers to inquire the reason for the delay. 
They received no satisfaction. A council was held. After a solemn 
Mass it was agreed that lots should be drawn. Twelve slips were pre- 
pared, eleven of them blank; on the twelfth was a rude sketch of the 
prized picture of San Jose. All twelve were shaken up in a jar, and 
two little girls, one from Acoma and one from Laguna, were chosen 
for the drawing. On the fifth drawing, the Acoma child drew the 
sketch of San Jose. "So," said the priest, "God has decided in favor 
of Acoma," and the sacred painting was taken triumphantly to its former 

One morning while Acoma was still rejoicing its people went to pray 
before their beloved saint, only to find the picture gone ! A war would 
have followed had not Father Lopez counselled that the matter be taken 
to the United States District Court at Santa Fe. His advice was fol- 
lowed. The decision was in Acoma's favor, but Laguna appealed the 
case to the Supreme Court. However, in 1857, the final decision also 
went to Acoma. Rejoicing over their victory, a committee was ap- 

TOUR 6s 333 

pointed by the Acoma to bring back the sacred painting, absent more 
than half a century. They had gone but half the distance to Laguna 
when, "miracle^of miracles/' they found the painting of San Jose under 
a tree! The Acoma believe that San Jose had already heard of the 
decision and started to return, but being weary, tarried under the tree 
where he was met by his jubilant people. 

Tour 6B 

Junction US 66 Crownpoint Chaco Canyon National Monument 
64.3 m. NM 56. 

Graded dirt road entire distance; sharp declines over dry arroyos and washes, 
bad to impassable during rainy season; dusty when dry 
No accommodations except picnic and camping area. 

This route, through one of New Mexico's most important pueblo 
ruins, courses a high flat country bordered with sandstone upthrusts and 
cut by arroyos and hills that are sparsely covered with grama grass, 
pinon and juniper. The region is vast and open, with far horizons. 

NM 56 branches right from US 66 part way between Gallup and 
Grants at THOREAU, m. In the first few miles great sandstone 
ridges, magnificently sculptured, border the road on the left. For the 
most part the land is flat with occasional hills and rugged gullies, and 
everywhere the color is alluring, especially at sunset. Despite the gen- 
eral aridity, some springs of clear, pure water are present, seepages from 
formations in the substrata. 

The ANTOME INDIAN MISSION, 5.3 m., is operated under the aus- 
pices of the Christian Reformed Church. Winding northward, the 
highway courses over valley country, flanked again by hilly country- 

Towerlike KIN YAAH RUIN (Navaho, tall house), 23.5 TTZ., is the 
ruin (R) of a pueblo believed to have been constructed by peoples 
affiliated with those of Chaco Canyon. Surrounding the ruins are re- 
mains of a well-defined Navaho irrigation system, two reservoirs, and a 
main canal 25 to 30 feet wide and in several sections 3 feet deep, 

CROWN POINT, 26.3 772. (2,752 pop.), is at the edge of a plain, 
surrounded by low-lying hills opening at the north end of Devil's Can- 
yon, three miles from the crown-shaped butte far which it was named. 
Before all the Navaho subagencies were consolidated at Window Rock, 
Arizona, this was the seat of the Eastern Navaho Agency; it still has 
a United States Indian School. 


Although NM 56 runs a few miles east of the Navaho reservation, 
it traverses typical Navaho country, on which the Navaho have lived 
and grazed their flocks for centuries. From the highway are glimpses 
of hogans (Navaho dwellings) blending into the brown soil, solitary 
Navaho riding their ponies, rude wagons containing the entire Navaho 
family and their inevitable dog, and flocks of sheep tended by child 
herders. Grass is plentiful, and in summertime wild flowers abound 
after the periodic rains. The high altitude gives clarity to the atmos- 
phere, and distant views are brought into sharp relief. 

SEVEN LAKES, 42,8 m. t is a one-family settlement. Since the 
home was destroyed by fire the family is now residing in the old school 
house. Formerly there were seven lakes in this vicinity, but at present 
these lakes are all dry. Oil was first discovered in 1923, but the wells 
were shallow and the output so limited that pumping operations have 
been abandoned. Fifteen miles to the east a small field is still in 

Bonito {admission free), 64.3 m. f containing some of the greatest sur- 
face ruins in the United States, consists of 32 sections of land owned by 
the United States Government. The magnificent Chaco National Monu- 
ment is in and about Chaco Canyon, a valley roughly ten miles long and 
a mile wide, eroded through a sandstone cap, in whose bottom during 
the rainy season flows the flood water. There ruins are without equal 
north of central Mexico. 

The Monument is administered by the National Park Service. A 
permanent custodian is stationed near the ruins of Pueblo Bonito ( Beau- 
tiful Village) to give information and assistance. A picnic and a 
campground area are maintained. Among the 18 major ruins and 
countless smaller ones, archeologists have identified house sites of the 
Basket Makers (see Archeology). Here also are the unit-type houses 
of the first Pueblo Indians. This culture period developed through 
Pueblo II and flowered in the Pueblo III or classic period. 

In the monument a branch road leads (R) just over the bridge, 
passing most of the large ruins that are not on the main road. 

Beginning with Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl the most noted ruins 
are Taba Kin (Pueblo del Arroyo), Casa Rinconada (corner house), 
Kin Kletso (Navaho, yellow house), Pueblo Alto (high village), 
Casa Chiquita (little house), Pefiasco Blanco (white rock), Hungo 
Payi, Una Vida (a life), Tzin Kletzin (Navaho, black house), Kin 
Biniola (Navaho, house of the winds), Wijiji, and Pueblo Pintado 
(painted village). In addition are innumerable sites which may be 
classed as accessories of the Pueblo culture single-house ruins, sanctu- 
aries, reservoirs, stairways, trails, and ditches. All these evidence a 
civilization that utilized its economic resources and had a religious, 
social, and aesthetic development. And since, in the main, the Pueblo 
III ruins of the Chaco have characteristics in common, Pueblo Bonito 
and Chetro Ketl can be taken as examples. 

TOUR 6fi 335 

PUEBLO BONITO, close to the perpendicular north wall of the can- 
yon, is the largest, the best-known, and most completely excavated of 
the main ruins in the Chaco region. The Hyde Expedition (1896-99) 
centered their research work on it and subsequent excavation was under- 
taken by the National Geographic Society (1922-26) under the direc- 
tion of Neill M. Judd, curator of Archeology, United States National 
Museum. Through tree-ring dating, experts conclude that Pueblo 
Bonito was under construction in 919 A.D. Additions were made in the 
years 1017, 1033, and 1102 and the village was undoubtedly occupied 
in 1127. Pueblo Bonito differs from the majority of the ruins, being 
D-shaped rather than rectangular, or E-shaped. The building, sur- 
rounding three sides of a court, is terraced back from an initial height 
of one story at the court to three or more stories at the rear. The 
straight, fourth side of the court was enclosed by a tier of one-story 
rooms. Pueblo Bonito contained over 800 rooms and could easily have 
sheltered 1,500 people at one time. The masonry of its walls is of 
particular interest. They are composed of medium-sized stones hewn 
with stone implements, and so reinforced with small spalls that they 
present an almost mosaic-like pattern. Some of the rooms still have 
their ancient timbered ceilings; it was from these timbers and an 
occasional log found in the walls that the dating was accomplished. 
Within the court were 32 kivas, where clan and fraternal religious 
rites were observed. That Bonito was an exceptionally wealthy com- 
munity, is in accord with the Navaho myths of No-qoil-pi, the Great 
Gambler, who not only won the possessions of the people of the region, 
but enslaved them as well. Among the rich artifacts found here are 
thousands of dish-shaped, perforated turquoise beads, turquoise and shell 
pendants, exceptionally fine turquoise and shell mosaics, carved birds 
and insects, and a frog of jet with eyes of inlaid turquoise. The most 
spectacular find was an extraordinary turquoise necklace recovered by 
Mr. Judd in 1924. 

Pottery here was elevated to the plane of a fine art. The potter's 
wheel was unknown, but a crude substitute in the form of a shallow 
basket or the bottom of a broken olla (jar), was sometimes used as a 
movable work table upon which a new vessel was fashioned. The 
Chaco Canyon ruins contained beautiful pitchers, ladles, and bowls. 
The tracing of thin black lines over their highly polished (not glazed), 
gray surfaces, to form unusual and exquisite patterns, was the art of 
Bonito women. Tall, cylindrical jars, unlike those from other regions 
with design rarely if ever duplicated, show that their pottery stands 
close to the apex of ceramic achievment among pre-Columbian people 
of our country. 

It fs the regret of the archeological world that the main burial 
grounds of these large ruins have never been found. Only a scant num- 
ber of burials have been unearthed. 

CHETRO KETL, a large partly-excavated major ruin of a community 
home, which if set down in a modern American city would occupy an 
average city block, is a quarter of a mile east of Pueblo Bonito. Dr. 


Edgar L. Hewett, director of the School of American Research in 
Santa Fe and in charge of the excavation, says, ". . . as a community 
dwelling, built by people for their own domestic purposes, I know of 
nothing to compare with it ancient or modern." Chetro Ketl con- 
sists of a large main house and a succession of talus villages built against 
the cliff for a thousand feet. Basically, Chetro Ketl followed the "E" 
plan of architecture, but it varied from the type in that one of the 
wings of the "E" was completely extended and the other only partly. 
The great curved front which tied in the two ends of the "E" was not 
merely a wall but also a rampart of one-story rooms. Beneath this 
rampart was a walled trench about eight feet deep (probably covered) 
which prior to the construction of the rampart served as a protected 
passage-way from one wing of the town to the other, and was an in- 
strument of defense. It had the usual terraced rooms, three to five 
stories high along the back wall, which was over 470 feet long. These 
rooms, as at Pueblo Bonito, surrounded three sides of a court contain- 
ing the kivas. The kivas of Chetro Ketl are of three types the great 
kivas, the small kivas, and the tower kivas. Kiva "G" the upper of a 
vertical series of kivas was constructed 1103 A.D., according to the 
tree-ring dating. The great kivas are always very large, and the one 
at Chetro Ketl measures 60 feet in diameter. In this sanctuary were 
three successive levels built one upon the other, each a replica of the 
pattern. The lower part of each of two main walls is encircled by a 
bench of masonry; near the middle of the floor is a raised fireplace, 
and on both sides of it a rectangular, vault-like structure of rock. 
Whether the great kiva was roofed has not been determined. A series 
of small rooms partly surrounds the kiva on the south side. Interesting 
are the crypts of the lower levels, safe-like sealed caches which yielded 
many strings of beads and turquoise pendants and ritualistic talismans. 
The small kivas at Chetro Ketl, seldom more than 25 feet in 
diameter, have, like the larger ones, a low bench about the base of their 
walls. On each bench are several small blocks of masonry, 12 or so 
inches high, set an equal distance apart; each block usually encloses a 
short, heavy beam which runs back into the main wall of the kiva. 
Near the center of the floor is a firepit, and under the south wall runs 
the air duct or ventilator, opening through the floor near the firepit. 
West of the firepit is a single rectangular, masonry-lined vault. The 
tower kivas, built within the walls of the community houses, were 
completely surrounded by living rooms. Circular in shape, they were 
enclosed by walls in a square to separate them from the living quarters 
and obviously to fit into the general square layouts of the main entrance. 
The caverns were filled with earth. Pottery and bead work, tools, 
and artifacts are of the same general type as found at Pueblo Bonito, 
and archeologists have agreed that the inhabitants of Chetro Ketl were 
contemporaries of the Bonitians. 

The Chaco group of ruins has been recognized as one of the most 
important archeological districts north of the Mexico Plateau, and its 
excavations an important archeological project in the Southwest. 

TOUR 6c 337 

NM 56 continues through OTIS at 25 m. from the Monument to a 
junction with NM 44 at 26 m. (see Tour P), at Blanco Trading Post. 

Tour 6C 

Gallup Shiprock; 93 m., US 666. 

Bituminous-paved two-lane road throughout. 
Accommodations at Gallup and Shiprock. 

Most of this route is through the Navaho Indian Reservation with 
stretches of grass-grown desert and red soil and rocks eroded into forma- 
tions of great beauty. 

US 666 branches north from US 66 in GALLUP, m. (see Tour 
6b), passing the Santa Fe Railway shops. In the low-lying hills (R) 
are outcroppings of coal in the sandstone and shale composing this area. 
GAMERCO, 2.1 m. (6,750 alt., 465 pop.), was a large* modern 
coal camp, built by the Gallup American Coal Company since 1921. It 
included homes for mine officials and employees, which are now rented 
to Indian Service employees and people from Gallup. 

Sub-bituminous coal was mined here through shafts 400 feet deep. 
Underground are 30 miles of track, the longest haul being 2.5 miles. 
The mines and power house supplied electricity to near-by towns, in- 
cluding Gallup. Some small mines are still operating in the vicinity. 


Nationalities represented in Gamerco are Spanish, Mexican, Amer- 
ican, Italian, Greek, Negro, Indian, Japanese, Welsh, and English. 

Ruins of pueblo homes and kivas on the knolls around Gamerco are 
of recent discovery. In 1932 a miner on his way to work stepped on a 
skull a few feet from the mine tipple. On brushing aside the sand he 
uncovered the skeleton of a man in the position of a flexed burial, knees 
under chin. Less than half a mile north of town miners have unearthed 
nine rooms and the rounded walls of a kiva believed to be very old. 
Deposits of pottery and beads have also been discovered. 

From a ridge at 4.5 m. is a splendid panorama; close at hand and 
also far in the distance loom mountain ranges, mesas, peaks, and buttes. 
Near these points have occurred encounters between Indian tribes fight- 
ing among themselves, between Spanish conquist adores and aborigines, 
and still later between the United States Army and the Navaho. 

The road gradually ascends to the Tohatchi Flats, and at 10.5 m. 
the southern boundary of the NAVAHO INDIAN RESERVATION 
(22,010 pop. in New Mexico) is crossed. An Indian School is visible 
(L) at 15.7 m., and at 16 m. there is a bridge over the Navaho River. 

At 18.4 777. is the junction with a graveled road. 

Left on this road to MEXICAN SPRINGS, 3.6 m., called by the Navaho 
Nakai Bito (Mexican springs). The Department of Agriculture's Soil Con- 
servation Service has an Experimental Station here. Fenced 'areas on both 
sides of the road have abundant grass, grown to retard both wind and water 

On the Navaho's sacred CHUSKA PEAK (L), 23 ?n. (8,000 alt.), 
ceremonies to the Rain Makers are performed by medicine men. When 
rain is needed a medicine man goes to each family and collects beads 
or pieces of turquoise beads, offering them to the gods while he prays 
for rain. The turquoise is left on the peak where no Indian except the 
medicine man ever ventures. The name Chuska is a corruption of 
Shashgai (Navaho, white spruce). 

TOHATCHI (Navaho, scratch for water), 24.6 m. (6,425 alt., 
150 pop.), is an Indian village built around a United States Indian 
Service School. The school, established in 1895, has been steadily en- 
larged to accommodate 150 pupils. All the pupils are now boarded in 
the school. Formerly day students were transported by Government 
busses, which traveled 60 miles a day taking students to and fro. 

Tohatchi, so named because water is obtained simply by scratching 
below the top soil in the arroyos, was called Little Water by the first 
white settlers. After the Reverend L. P. Brink came here in 1900 as a 
missionary of the Christian Reformed Board of Missions, he succeeded 
in putting a part of the Navaho language into writing. Tohatchi has a 
Roman Catholic mission also, and across the line in Arizona the Fran- 
ciscan Fathers compiled a Navaho* grammar and dictionary in addition 
to translating hymns and psalms into Navaho. The trading post here 

TOUR 6 c 339 

has been operated by Albert Arnold since 1909. Navaho Chapter here 
is ojie of four which signed an agreement to co-operate with the Experi- 
mental Station of Soil Conservation Service at Mexican Springs in the 
reduction of stock grazing. The Navaho Chapter in this village is simi- 
lar to the "grange** in the East. 

A Navaho family living in Coyote Canyon near by tells of the days 
when their grandfather, a Mexican, had been captured aad enslaved by 
the Zuni. In a battle with this tribe, the Navaho captured the Mexican 
and took him to live with them. This incident is related to an even 
earlier era, when the capture and enslavement of Indians was introduced 
by the Spaniards, who used them for work in their haciendas. The In- 
dians retaliated by enslaving Spaniards and later Mexicans. For years 
this practice was continued on both sides. 

On the summit of Tohatchi Peak (L) is the Forest Ranger lookout. 
Bears still inhabit this region, which abounds in lakes and pine trees; 
and since the Navaho do not kill them because they are held sacred and 
hunting on the reservation is forbidden, the bears have greatly in- 
creased. At 25.6 m. is a wide panorama. 

The eastern flank of Chuska Mountains (L) as seen from the high- 
way is an imperfectly graded slope of 1 6 to 20 miles, rising from the 
valley at a rate of 200 to 300 feet per mile up to the 8,000 foot con- 
tour above which steep and frequently precipitous cliffs extend to the 
edge of the plateau-like summit. Stream channels gash the surface 
from one to three miles apart, in places cutting into bedrock. The 
streams, lakes, and numerous springs are frequently surrounded by small 
meadows near the base of the upper cliffs. Flowers remarkable for their 
abundance and variety grow at moderate altitudes. White spruce, 
pinon, juniper, alder, and aspen cover the slopes. Oaks and a few mag- 
nificent 3'ellow pines grow along the higher benches above 7,000 feet. 
In these mountains are remains of breastworks marking a fi^ht that 
occurred before 1850, according to Navaho legend, between their war- 
riors and Mexican troops. 

DROLET'S, 42.9 m. (5,850 alt., 40 pop.), is a trading post and 
Government Day School whose Navaho name is Naschitty (badger) ; 
J. M. Drolet once owned the trading post, oldest on US 666. Both a 
Christian Reformed mission and a Roman Catholic chapel are here. 
At 49 m. is the junction with a graded dirt road. 

Left on this road, 14.2 m. t to WASHINGTON PASS, named in honor of 
Lieutenant Colonel John M. Washington, civil and military governor of New 
Mexico, 1848-49, and commander of the expedition against the Navaho in 1848. 
Locally this is called Cottonwood Pass, though the Navaho name is Breath-kil- 
chee-beffez (stream running from two peaks). The pass leads left over 
Chuska Mountains to CRYSTAL, 18 m., a trading post, and across the Arizona 
State Line to the upper end of Canyon de Chelly where Kit Carson rounded 
up the Navaho (see Tour 8a). On the summit of the mountains near Washing- 
ton Pass are numerous mountain meadows with rain-filled ponds where 
Navaho often camp during the summer months to plant fields of corn and 
"Quash and to graze their flocks. 


From 47 m. are views of Arnold's Rock, Bennett's Rock, and Mitten 
Rock, straight ahead and left (north and northeast). Along the road 
is a pipe line running from the Rattlesnake Oil Fields to Gallup with 
booster stations at intervals and storage tanks. 

NEWCOMB'S, 58.8 m. (5,440 alt., 25 pop.), is a Navaho trad- 
ing post, day school, and community center. The trading post estab- 
lished years ago was called Nava till the post was purchased in 1914 
by its present owner, Arthur J. Newcomb. Mrs. Arthur J. ^New- 
comb (Franc J.) is the recorder and co-author with Gladys A. Reichard 
of Sand Paintings of the Navajo Shooting Chant (i937); a valuable 
record of the sacred sand picture of this Navaho ceremonial, recorded 
under the supervision of Klah, an outstanding medicine man, who died 

in 1937- 

During the early years of the present century, when this post con- 
sisted of one small building and a dugout in the hillside, two young 
freighters, Roy and Clinton Burnham, cousins, drove up with a dead 
man. They had left Farmington for Gallup the day before with freight 
and one passenger, an old prospector named Saunderson. The party 
camped by the roadside that night. The two younger men, up at dawn, 
called to Saunderson, but there was no answer. Laying a hand on the 
older man's shoulder, they found him cold and unresponsive. After 
recovering from their shock, the cousins debated what disposition to 
make of the body. The law required that the deceased remain un- 
touched until arrival of an officer. As this obviously was impossible, 
they decided to move the body to the trading post and from there dis- 
patch an Indian runner back to the justice of the peace in Farmington. 
Wrapping the corpse in canvas, they strapped it to the wagon top, 
throwing a wagon sheet over it in deliberately careless fashion. On ar- 
riving at the post, the white men told their story to the trader. His 
business would have been ruined if the Navaho had learned of the 
corpse, for they immediately leave the vicinity of a dead body. However, 
the trader allowed the body to be locked in a dugout after dark. The 
runner was started back, and the cousins went on without arousing 
the Indians' suspicions. On their return with a load of Christmas tur- 
keys for Farmington, they stopped again at the post, only to learn that 
the justice had instructed them "to bury the body there!" After dark 
they chopped a hole in the frozen ground with axes, then Saunderson 
was laid on his own pillow and bedding, and the earth was slowly and 
reverently shoveled in and leveled. The cousins immediately departed. 
Neither cross nor handboard marked the newly-made grave, but the 
story lives on in reminiscences of early traders. 

The Indian Day School, with three residences for employees, was 
established with the addition of a community house, blacksmith shop, 
and bathhouse. 

For many years the Navaho have raised fields of corn along the 
banks of Tunsta Wash which runs through Newcomb's; a retention 
dam, recently built at the head of the wash by the Soil Conservation 
Service, has greatly increased the water supply for irrigation. 

TOUR 6C 341 

Numerous pre-Columbian ruins near Newcomb's have yielded beauti- 
ful Pueblo pottery specimens corrugated, white-and-black, and red- 
and-black of a pre-Mesa Verde type. In near-by clay cliffs bordering 
the Chaco Wash east of Newcomb's, fossil remains have been discov- 
ered, including bones of extinct mammals, and forms of invertebrate and 
plant life. This whole northwest corner of New Mexico is rich in 
fossil remains. 

The CHUSKA MOUNTAINS (L) are of porous, friable gray 
Chuska sandstone (see Geology) with some few patches of volcanic lava 
of the Tertiary age. Although the range is essentially uniform in geo- 
logic structure and topography, the Navaho call the northern section 
LUKACHUKA1 (beautiful mountain), the central part TUNITCHA 
(Tgo Teo, large or much water), and the southern section, CHUSKA. 

Forming junctions with US 666 are numerous dirt roads, graded 
and graveled, leading to small trading posts, Indian settlements, and 

In the wide amphitheater south of Beautiful Mountain (8,340 alt.) 
short streams with permanent or intermittent flows emerge from the 
network of deep canyons that gash the east face of distant Tunitcha 
Mountain, farther south (R). Closer to the highway Bennett Peak 
(L) and Ford Peak (R), igneous necks, rise abruptly from the floor of 
the valley. Both peaks have long served as landmarks in exploring 
and mapping the surrounding terrain. Along this road are many can- 
vas-covered, horse-drawn wagons transporting entire Navaho families 
to trading posts or ceremonials; also horsemen riding to the post to- 
trade blankets for groceries or to pawn their "hard goods" (silver, 
shell, and turquoise necklaces and bracelets). On the hills are occa- 
sional hogans, doors facing east, the homes of the Navaho whose flocks 
of sheep and goats, tended by their children and followed by sheep 
dogs, graze in the valley. 

From 56 m. SHIPROCK (L), a volcanic neck which resembles a 
giant ship, full sail on a calm sea. The Navaho call it tae-bidahi (the 
winged rock). 

This rock that towers 1,400 feet above the surrounding country 
has served both Indian and white man as a landmark. There are* many 
legends connected with it, and the Navaho explain its origin thus: 
Long ago when they were besieged by Utes, and almost overcome by 
them, the medicine men held a ceremony, making medicine all day and 
night. As the second night came on, and all the besieged people were 
praying and chanting, the rocky ground on which they stood rose in 
the air, its crags formed wings, and it sailed away, Laving the enemy 
behind. All night it sailed and until sundown of the next day, when 
it settled in the mid'st of this great open plain, where it has since re- 
mained, a sentinel and a sacred mountain. 

The valley floor along which US 666 winds is marked by a laby- 
rinth of broken mesas, flat-topped ridges, and low hogbacks eroded into 
fantastic knobs and pinnacles. The red sandstone mesas are of various 


sizes and forms and in the slanting light of sunset or dawn are in- 
describably beautiful. 

In SHIPROCK, 93 m. (4,903 alt., 500 pop.), is a junction with 
US 550 (see Tour 9). 


Tour 7 

(Alamosa, Colorado) Chama Tierra Amarilla Abiquiu 
Espanola Santa Fe Vaughn Roswell Carlsbad (Pecos, 
Texas) ; NM 17, US 84, US 285. 
Colorado Line to Texas Line, 421 m. 

Graded gravel between Colorado Line and Chama. Cumbres Pass at Colorado 
Line impassable in severe winter weather. Balance of road bituminous-paved. 
Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad roughly parallels route between Colo- 
rado Line and Chama; Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway parallels route 
between Roswell and the Texas Line. 
Accomodations in the larger towns. 

This route winds through mountainous country and high plateaus, 
through quiet farming villages and places important in New Mexico 
history. Part of the way is through two national forests and near fish- 
ing, hunting, and recreational areas. Excellent fishing in Chama-Brazos 
area on Chama and Brazos Rivers; 8 fishing lodges. South of Santa 
Fe, the route lies through grazing lands and farm areas, having a much 
wanner climate; the altitude of the highway varies from 10,000 feet 
in the north to 3,000 feet in the south. 

Section a. COLORADO LINE to SANTA FE, 117 m. 

Through Cumbres Pass (10,003 alt.) NM 17 starts at COLO- 
RADO LINE, m. f at a point 70 miles southwest of Alamosa, Colo- 

In 1848 Cumbres Pass was the scene of an attack by United States 
troops on a large band of Utes and Apaches. The hero of the battle, 
Old Bill Williams, was praised by the commanding officer for gallantry 
but condemned by his admirers for ingratitude. 

William Sherley Williams (1787-1849) was one of the most eccen- 
tric characters in New Mexico. He was born in North Carolina but 
raised in Missouri. For a time he was an itinerant preacher, then made 
his home with the Osage Indian Nation in Missouri. Preacher Bill's 
attempts to convert the Indians ended in his accepting their belief and 
being adopted by the tribe; he married an Indian and became the 

TOUR 7 343 

father of two girls. After his wife died, he left the Osage to become 
a trapper, hunter, and guide. 

Old Bill Williams, as he now was called, preferred to trap alone 
and would start on a trip with six traps on his back, each weighing five 
pounds, also a blanket, a rifle, and a knife always whetted to a razor- 
like edge. He would return after a few weeks bent nearly double 
under a burden of pelts. These sold, and cash in pocket, he would 
carouse in Taos until his money was gone then start forth again. Once 
he traded a stack of pelts for a barrel of whisky at Fort Bent, knocked 
the top off the barrel, invited all hands to join him and did not leave 
the spot until the barrel was empty. 

Williams, six-feet-one in height, was thin and bony but tougher 
than most plainsmen; when he walked he always zig-zagged from side 
to side ; when he rode it was with a short stirrup-leather that made him 
crouch in the saddle till he resembled a hunchback. His voice was high- 
pitched and his words had a peculiar emphasis that suggested the various 
Indian tongues with which he was familiar. His blue eyes had the 
furtive expression of one always on the alert; he wore buckskin shirt 
and trousers, which he never changed until they were worn out. In 
such clothing and with his tawny hair reaching his shoulders he visited 
his daughter Mary, who was living near St. Louis. By this time Mary 
had a daughter, who screamed when she saw her grandfather and hid 
under the bed. 

Soon after this visit Williams decided to settle down and opened a 
store in Taos. But haggling with Mexican women over prices got on 
his nerves and he quit business by moving his stock into the street, 
throwing bolt after bolt of printed calico as far as he could, and yelling, 
"Take the damn stuff since I can't sell it to you." For a time he en- 
joyed the scramble for calico which was priced a dollar a yard, then he 
started out with his traps again and apparently gave no further thought 
to his store. 

Old Bill shot with a double wabble but was reputed one of the best 
shots of his time and was always eager to wager a hundred dollars on 
his marksmanship ; he tagged his pelts "Bill Williams, Master Trapper.'* 

He lived with Indians more often than with persons of his own 
race, was adopted by the Ute as well as by the Osage, and accepted their 
belief in transmigration. He prophesied his reincarnation would take 
form as a buck elk, and it is related that several plainsmen refrained 
from killing buck elks for several years following Old Bill's death. 

His friendship with Indians served him a good turn and made him 
useful as an interpreter. But the old scout's fondness for liquor finally 
caused him to break a life-long record for square dealing. Early in 
1848 the Ute entrusted him with a quantity of furs to be sold in Taos. 
The deal concluded, Old Bill hied himself to a saloon where he con- 
tinued a spree until all the Indians' money was gone. Afterward he 
couldn't return to them and a few months later was hired as a guide 
by Major W. W. Reynolds who was about to lead a DunitiVe expedi- 


tion against a band of Apaches. The troops followed the Apaches into 
these mountains where they were joined by some Utes and together 
made a stand at Cumbres Pass. Thirty-six Indians and two white sol- 
diers were killed during the engagement that followed. In his report 
to the War Department Major Reynolds wrote, "Williams, a cele- 
brated mountaineer, who behaved himself gallantly, was wounded 

A shattered arm kept Old Bill at Fort Bent for several weeks. He 
probably was glad for the respite. Not only had he defrauded his 
friends the Utes but he had led soldiers against them and he knew that 
for some time the life of a trapper would not be safe for him. Such 
was his condition when he was asked to join Fremont's fourth expedi- 
tion, financed by private capital, and organized to survey a cross coun- 
try railroad route. 

John C. Fremont, who within five years had risen from lieutenant 
to lieutenant colonel in the topographical division of the army, had been 
appointed governor of California by Stockton and court-martialed for 
refusing to take orders from Kearny, left Fort Bent at the head of a 
well-equipped force late in 1848. Asked why he undertook the journey 
at such a season Fremont said that he wished to experience the most 
unfavorable conditions that a railroad would encounter. In that he 
was successful. 

Dick Wootton started out as Fremont's guide but soon said, "There 
is too much snow ahead for me." Efforts to engage Kit Carson, who 
was at Taos, proved unsuccessful and Fremont finally selected Old Bill 
Williams to lead this, his most important enterprise. The truth of 
what happened in the Sawatch Mountains and the Sangre de Cristo did 
not become known for several years, not until reports made by several 
survivors had been published and analyzed. Meanwhile Old Bill 
Williams was charged with having lost his way, was held responsible 
for the death by freezing of eleven men, and was even accused of can- 

Facts subsequently brought to light proved that Williams advised 
that what now is known as La Veta Pass be used to cross the Sangre de 
Cristo, but Fremont insisted upon using Cochetopa Pass over the 
Sawatch and sent Old Bill to the rear, selecting another guide. In 
January squads from the ill-fated expedition commenced arriving at 
Taos. It took three men ten days to make forty miles; feet and 
hands frozen they "crawled on ice or through snow." Old Bill Wil- 
liams was saved from starvation by the capture of a deer. His first act 
was to cut out the liver and eat it raw. Then he "took the meat in 
his bony hands and began tearing off great mouthfuls of raw flesh like 
a savage animal." 

^ Two months later Williams and another scout set out for the moun- 
tains to recover the goods and money cached by Fremont. It happened 
that a fortnight prior to this a junior lieutenant of dragoons, sent 
against a party of Utes, had obeyed orders too literally and had killed 
a score who had been ambushed. The Utes, seeking revenge, came 

TOUR 7 345 

upon Williams and his companion who were smoking as they sat beside 
a campfire. Both were fatally shot by the Indians. It is said that 
notwithstanding Old Bill Williams' misuse of money and his part in 
the battle at Cumbres Pass, the Utes mourned the death of their adopted 
son and gave him a chief's burial. 

CHAMA, 8.6 m. (7,850 alt., 1,204 pop.), is a lumbering and trad- 
ing center on the Chama River. Lumber yards, a saw mill, general 
stores, and small industries engage the townspeople. It is a shipping 
point for the new oil fields opened up in 1937 in Chromo Valley, just 
over the Colorado Line. At a REGISTRATION STATION (all trucks 
must stop) on the south edge of town, trucks must pay a road fee and 
out-of-state cars not properly licensed buy additional tags. Route con- 
tinues on US 84. 

The route crosses the Rio Brazos, 20.3 m. t and runs through an 
open valley. 

At 21.9 77z., at El Vado or Tierra Amarilla, is junction with NM 
112, a paved road. 

Right on this road to EL VADO DAM AND RESERVOIR (trout fishing; 
hotels, tourist camps, campgrounds) 14.9 m. f a storage reservoir on the Chama 
River. El Vado (ford) Dam is part of the Middle Rio Grande Conservancy 
Project for flood control and irrigation. 

TIERRA AMARILLA, 24 m. (6,800 alt., 1,097 pop.), named 
for the yellow earth in this vicinity, is the seat of Rio Arriba County, 
one of the old Mexican districts settled by Spaniards and Mexicans, 
and also one of the original counties set up in 1852 under the United 
States. Tierra Amarilla was the ration headquarters for the Ute and 
Jicarilla Apache in 1871-72, before the Ute were moved to a reserva- 
tion in San Juan County and the Apache to the western part of this 

CANJIL6N, (L) 43.2 m. (7,800 alt., 644 pop.), a trading point 
for fanners and sheep ranchers, is reputedly the town where lived the 
descendants of De Vargas, conquistador. 

US 84 now follows the CHAMA RIVER. 

ABIQUIU, 68 772. (5,930 alt., 621 pop.), in the center of a farm- 
ing and stock raising area, is on the site of pueblo ruins. In the middle 
of the eighteenth century it became a settlement of Genizaros (see 
Tour Ib) and in 1778 was one of the stops on the Spanish Trail 
to the new village of Los Angeles, California. 

HERNANDEZ, 84 m. f fast growing community. 

CHAMITA, with a store, church, chapel, and a few houses, is 
the trading center for San Juan Pueblo and is across the Chama River 
on US 285. 

As US 84 traverses the Chama Valley the Rio Grande is in the 
distance (L). 

ESPANOLA, 91 772. (5,600 alt., 1,976 pop.), a shipping point for 
fruit, stock, and other farm products, is on the west bank of the Rio 
Grande. On east bank is junction with US 285-64, with which this 
route is united to SANTA FE, 117 m. (see Tour 8a). 


Section b. SANTA FE to TEXAS LINE, 804 m. 

Between SANTA FE, m., and a junction at 9.8 m., US 285 which 
the tour follows is united with US 84, then branches R. over hilly pas- 
ture land with vistas of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains (L) and the 
Cerrillos Hills, Manzano, Sandia, and Jemez Mountains (R). The 
road curves frequently as it descends into a ravine of Apache Creek 

LAMY, 17 m. (6,457 alt., 186 pop.) (L) 1 m., junction on the 
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway for passengers to Santa Fe, was 
named for Archbishop Lamy (see Religion). 

South of the junction with NM 41, US 285 is flanked by Pankey's 
Pasture (R), named for Benjamin Pankey who early in the twentieth 
century accumulated more than half a million acres of grass land in 
New Mexico stocked with thousands of cattle; but he failed, and his 
property passed into other hands. The route is through miles of grassy 
plains with hills on both sides and cattle or sheep grazing: near the road. 
A filling station, store, and cafe called CLINES CORNERS, 52 m., 
mark the junction with US 66 (see Tour 6a). Southward, the high- 
way traverses more plains and rolling country peopled only by scattered 

In ENCINO, 79 772. (408 pop.), is a junction with US 60 (see 
Tour 8a) with which this route is united to VAUGHN, 97 m. (see 
Tour 8a). 

South of Vaughn, US 285, paved, proceeds over a graded and 
paved roadbed across a high rolling prairie. For nearly 100 miles 
plains country is suitable for grazing and stock raising, and there are 
few settlements. 

Underlying this area is the ARTESIAN BASIN, where hundreds 
of artesian wells bring cold, pure water from the limestone depths 
(see Geology). Water from heavy rains and melting snows of the 
mountains, together with the drainage from the basins of streams tribu- 
tary to the Pecos, is caught in the honeycomb channels of porous lime- 
stone strata that underlie the top soil and "valley fill." This porous 
deposit outcrops on the east flank of the Sacramento Mountains (see 
Tour 13) and extends underground to the bluffs east of the Pecos 
River, serving as a natural channel to convey the water downward to 
the valley floor. The natural hydrostatic pressure is sufficient to force 
water from the basin surface when tapped and in many cases is suffi- 
cient to "push out" the springs, many of which are in this area. Water 
from these wells, which have been drilled to depths of 700 feet though 
the average depth is 250 feet, transforms 60,000 acres of arid lands 
into good farm lands. 

Irrigation farming has been practiced in the Basin since 1880, the 
water at first being obtained from the large springs near Roswell or di- 
verted from tributaries of the Pecos. It was not until 1905 that irri- 
gation from artesian wells began to assume importance. 

At 186 m. is the junction with US 70 (see Tour 10). 

TOUR 7 347 

ROSWELL, 191 m. (3,600 alt., 39,593 pop.)> in less than sev- 
enty years has grown from a barren plains trading post to one of the 
most modern and attractive cities in the State with miles of wide, paved 
streets shaded by fine old trees, attractive homes, gardens, and public 
buildings. Its industries include cotton gins, creameries, oil explora- 
tion and development. It has an airport, railroad, bus lines, three 
radio stations, the fully accredited New Mexico Military Institute (see 
below), tennis courts, and a golf course, (fees 25$ and 50^ ). Its 
population, which is 90 per cent Anglo-American, 9 per cent Spanish 
and Mexican stock, and i per cent foreig